Research Paper (postgraduate), 2015
Introduction: Landscape of Women's Associations in Germany until 1933
I. The NS Women's League Abroad
1. Foundation and Management
2. Tasks and Activities
3. Membership Regulation
4. Leadership Training Courses
5. Conclusion Part I: Vision and Mission of NS Women Abroad
II. The German Women's League Abroad in Palestine
1. Germans in Palestine
2. Establishment of local NS Women's Groups in Palestine
3. Further Development
4. Program, Activities and Projects
5. For the Good of the Racial Community
6. Conclusion Part II: Even thousands of kilometers away from the Reich
In Shanghai, Rio de Janeiro, Jerusalem and many other cities outside Germany, local branches of the National Socialist Women's League Abroad (Auslandsdeutsche Frauenschaft) came into being after August 1933. Its headquarters were first established in Hamburg and later, in 1935, in Berlin/Germany.1 Researchers and readers who are interested in the worldwide propagation of German National Socialism can easily find shorter or longer articles about the activity of the Auslandsdeutsche Frauenschaft, as for example in Astrid Freyeisen's book Shanghai und die Politik des Dritten Reiches (Würzburg, 2000: 160-170) and Volker Koops' publication Die fünfte Kolonie. Die Auslands-Organisation der NSDAP (Berlin, 2009: 25-26). However, what is still lacking is an introductory, general summary of the organization. When was this Nazi women's organization founded? What were its objectives? In which countries were overseas branches set up? What conception of women did they propagate?
To fill this academic void, facts and data from the Jahrbuch der Auslands-Organisation der NSDAP2 as well as information and regulations from the Mitteilungsblätter der Leitung der Auslands-Organisation3 and the Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft4 have been included in the present book. The first part of the study offers an overview of the founding and development of the organization as well as details of its activities, administrative regulations and conceptualization. The second part seeks to clearly and colorfully depict the establishment, activities and events of the German Women's League Abroad in the British Mandate of Palestine, based on documents and photos from the Israel State Archives, Yad Vashem (Jerusalem) and the Temple Society in Germany.
Around the middle of the 19th century, the landscape of German Women's associations began to change, featuring a greater variety of women's groups and activities. A wide range of women's organizations developed with different objectives and political orientations. From the bourgeois women's movement, which was divided into a moderate and a radical wing, from the Social Democratic women's movement to the imperialist and nationalist women's organizations, the woman who wanted to be engaged in charity, social work or (women's) politics could freely choose according to her religious and political preference. Many of the existing women's associations and federations strove for the right of women to extend their 'motherly' nature and capabilities beyond the purely private family sphere to encompass public life too. As the guardians of German culture, feminist-oriented women wanted to serve the Fatherland and actively work for the welfare of the people.5 The beginning of World War I strengthened the extant patriotic and nationalistic attitudes within the German women's movement and led to the formation of the Nationaler Frauendienst (National Women's Service) in 1914, where women of all political shades promoted and supported the fight on the home front.6
After the end of World War I, the German defeat, revolution of 1918/19, and Treaty of Versailles came as a great shock to the German population. The hopes of a strong and powerful nation were destroyed. Those experiences and the introduction of women's suffrage in 1918 led to an increasing politicization, radicalization and fragmentation of the women's movement in the newly-established Weimar Republic (1918-1933). New women's umbrella organizations were founded in competition with the Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine (Federation of German Women's Associations), the union of the bourgeois women's associations formed in 1894. The new women's alliances mainly attracted members of nationalist, imperialist and antisemitic women's groups. The establishment of far-right women's organizations - such as the National Women's Ring (1920) and the Federation Queen Louise (1923) - expanded the number and range of women's groups, but demonstrated increasingly radical right-wing tendencies. 7
In the immediate environment of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (hereafter NSDAP or Nazi Party), founded in 1920, new women's clubs emerged as well. They cooperated closely with the local groups of the Nazi Party. One of them, the Deutsche Frauenorden (German Women's Order), was established in 1923.8 In order to bring the party-affiliated women's organizations into line with the Nazi Party and take them "closer to the curb of the male leaders of the party", the NS-Frauenschaft (NS Women's League) was founded in October 1931. This newly-formed women's league strove to attract more women to the Nazi movement. From 1933 onwards the league was actively committed to the 'Gleichschaltung' (forcible-coordination) of all non-Nazi women's groups and associations under the umbrella of the Deutsches Frauenwerk (German Women's Enterprise). The ambitious Reich Women's Leader, Gertrud Scholtz-Klink (1902-1999), headed the NS Women's League from February 1934 and worked tenaciously for the implementation of the women's 'Gleichschaltung'. By the end of August 1934, the desired goal, the ethnic community of all women, seemed to have been fulfilled when Mrs. Scholtz-Klink proudly announced that all existing women's associations would now work together under one leadership, namely hers.9 In that period of ideological coordination and power struggle "between the National Socialist Women's organizations, which also faced fierce internal battles among themselves and the traditional women's organizations," the Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Deutschen Frau im Ausland (Working Group for the German Woman Abroad) was established in August 1933.10 In 1939 the group was renamed the Auslandsfrauenschaft (German Women's League Abroad, hereafter: GWLA) to emphasize its affiliation with the National Socialist women's community in Germany in general and with the NS-Frauenschaft in particular.11
Earlier, in 1931, the Nazi Party had set up the Overseas Organization of the NSDAP in order to strengthen its support for and influence over Germans abroad. Its headquarters were first located in Hamburg and later, from March 1935, in Berlin.12 The objective of the Overseas Organization was the support of Nazi efforts abroad by encouraging the formation of NS groups worldwide. Its propaganda, training program, and political agitation were aimed at increasing the number of overseas NSDAP members, expanding Germany’s influence in foreign countries and uniting all Germans into a strong, worldwide 'Volksgemeinschaft' (ethnic/racial community).13 Thus the NS Women's League Abroad fitted in very well with the concept of the global establishment of the German 'Volksgemeinschaft' since the German woman as mother and educator was an important and irreplaceable element in the implementation of the National Socialist ideal and in the future of a 'pure Aryan' generation.14
In July 1932 Hans Zeberer, spokesman of the Overseas Organization of the NSDAP, wrote that "women's work, of course, means serving the German people and therefore it is totally clear that all German women in the colonies will be united without any exception in the spirit of the true 'Volksgemeinschaft'."15 In his letter he addressed leaders of all NS country groups and NS local groups abroad to instruct a woman party member to discuss very soon the establishment of a branch of the German Women's League Abroad (GWLA) with several women from the ranks of the German colony.16 Thus, July 1932 could be seen as the actual birth of the GWLA. However, the official foundation took place on August 1, 1933 at the behest of the head of the Overseas Organization, Ernst W. Bohle.17
The GWLA and its overseas branches were subordinate to the Overseas Organization of the NSDAP in Germany.18 Its goal was to support all German women abroad who were willing to fulfill the tasks and ideals of National Socialism outside the borders of the German Reich. Furthermore, it aimed to organize those women into national and local groups abroad, training them according to the National Socialist ideal and mobilizing them for the collective good of the German ethnic community in the fields of culture, nursing and charity. Simply and concisely summarized in 1935, the organization's aim reads as follows: "'Volksgemeinschaft' and women's commitment to the National Socialist ideal."19
The members of the GWLA were expected to actively contribute to German culture, social work and the domestic economy.20 In practice, GWLA members fostered traditions of German folk dance, folk songs, traditional festivals and national holidays. Their social duties involved supporting the poor and needy as well as families with many children. They also had to collect donations for needy people in Germany. Furthermore, they were expected to recruit girls and young women to teach and to prepare them to run a German household.21
Similar to the structure of the Overseas Organization of the NSDAP, the GWLA was divided into country, regional and local groups (see following page).22 The structure of the NSDAP consisted of numerous regional districts, called Gau.23 The Overseas Organization was put in charge of the Gau Ausland (District Overseas) and was, as mentioned above, responsible for all German citizens living abroad.
Wera Behr, appointed director of the GWLA, was assigned the rank of Gau-Frauenschaftsleiterin (head of NS women abroad). She was born on November 30, 1898 in Zurich, Switzerland and moved to Hamburg, Germany either before or in 1933, the year of the GWLA's foundation. When the headquarters of the Overseas Organization, to which Wera Behr and her work were subordinate, relocated to Berlin, she left Hamburg and rented an apartment in Berlin-Wilmersdorf in 1935. She was a member of the NSDAP; the Federal Archive Berlin holds her membership record, number 370559.24 As the leader of the NS women abroad, Wera Behr was responsible for the organization and coordination of GWLA branches abroad.25 As a member of the Main Office of the NS Women's League in Germany and head of the GWLA, she was the vital link between both women's organizations and was deeply involved in establishing, maintaining and strengthening the connection and solidarity between German women abroad with and the National Socialist women in the homeland.26
Long before Hitler's rise to power in January 1933, many German women abroad who believed in the Führer's National Socialist ideology felt – according to Wera Behr –a strong bond with the German Fatherland.29 The introduction of the GWLA and its various groups worldwide was aimed at embodying that ideological affinity and furnishing it with a visible, organizational form.30 Like the NS Women's League which operated exclusively in Germany, the German Women's League Abroad was also a grouping of the NSDAP without legal personality and without its own assets.31 Analogously modeled on the NS Women's League, the new GWLA was divided into nine departments:
Dept. I: Finances, membership, register of members
Dept. II: Office management
Dept. III: Organization, personnel issues, statistics
Dept. IV: Press, public relation, radio, film, exhibitions
Dept. V: Culture, education, schooling, training courses
Dept. VI: Mothers' Service, mothers' schools
Dept. VII: National and domestic economics
Dept. VIII: Overseas contacts
Dept. IX: Emergency services.32
A strict hierarchical organization was created to establish and manage the new NS women's groups abroad. Wera Behr introduced its guidelines to the readers of the NS-Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft as follows:
1. The woman leader of a GWLA branch abroad shall be appointed by the local representative of the NSDAP and dismissed in the same way. Her appointment shall be reported to the Overseas Organization in Berlin for confirmation.
2. She receives instructions and orders from the head of the Overseas Organization in Berlin, and regularly reports thereto on the activities and development of the work of her women's group.
3. She shall appoint her staff members (Deputy, Secretary, Treasurer, Cultural Affair Officer, Propaganda Officer and Consultants for various activities) whose names have to be transmitted to the Overseas Organization after appointment. The head and her staff, as mentioned above, are assigned the rank of Amtsleiterinnen (office leaders).33
Overseas groups of the GWLA existed in many European and non-European countries, such as Guatemala, Chile, Brazil, Italy, Sweden, Belgium, Poland, Japan, China, Hungary, the British Mandate of Palestine, Spain, Bulgaria, and many more.34 In a report of 1941, Wera Behr informed her readers that the GWLA consisted at that time of more than 300 local group leaders and nearly 3,000 Amtsleiterinnen and had organized more than 35,000 meetings and gatherings as well as 3,650 mandatory meetings.35
In accordance with the ideology of the Nazi regime, the leadership of the GWLA propagated the image of woman "... as the guardian of the spiritual strength and the keeper of the German culture."36
"She [the wife and mother] has to replace the distant homeland for her husband and children, to fill the foreign house in the foreign country with warmth and love that makes even a log cabin in the jungle a cozy home; she has to provide her German sisters in need … with help and advice. In the face of foreign traditions she has to maintain the nature and dignity of the German woman and counteract misconceptions or the deliberate slander of German womanhood." 37
The diverse activities of the GWLA members had their origins in the image of woman as the upholder of German culture and as the guardian of the 'Aryan race'. The GWLA's program reflected the ideological principles of that ideal38, as the numerous tasks of the overseas NS women members demonstrate:
1. Implementing mothers' training courses
2. Counseling mother and child
3. Organizing children's play groups
4. Establishing youth groups for girls (18-30 years)
5. Promoting German schools abroad
6. Cooperating with the Nazi People's Welfare (NS-Volkswohlfahrt)
7. Collecting for the Winter Relief of the German People
8. Organizing Stew Sundays (Eintopfsonntage) 39
9. Clothing mothers and children in need
10. Arranging mother-child-health retreats
11. Assisting at festivals and celebrations of German national holidays
12. Arranging annual Christmas markets. 40
The majority of the tasks and obligations listed above focused on social welfare, counseling and training of mothers and young unmarried women. Poor families within the German settlements were provided with food and equipped with beds, linen, clothing and baby equipment. Children from socially deprived families were sent to summer camps, sick children received free medication. The sick and people in need of care were visited by and cared for by GWLA members. This assistance was usually carried out in close cooperation with the NS People's Welfare. 41
Furthermore, many GWLA groups abroad organized courses in sewing, cooking, and crafts as well as in baby-care and nursing.42 Some groups established a ships' service (Schiffsdienst) whose members hosted German sailors from incoming vessels in their private homes. Thus they sought to make them feel at home when they were in fact far away from home.43 Stew Sundays (Eintopfsonntage), which Germans in several 'host countries' celebrated as communal parties involving the entire German colony, were prepared by the GWLA members. Stew Sundays were meant to be an expression or symbol of solidarity with the entire German 'Volksgemeinschaft' to which Germans living abroad were also expected to contribute.44
The GWLA members were also supposed to help, support and promote German schools abroad. NSDAP officials considered German schools their preferred target of Nazi propaganda work where they could easily influence German youth abroad with National Socialist ideology. For this purpose the curriculum of German schools abroad were changed to a National Socialist course program. New teachers, predominantly members of the NS Teachers' League, were appointed. And NSDAP members were often insinuated into the school board of directors.45
The organization of festivals, Christmas markets and German national holidays rested totally or partially in the hands of the GWLA members. It was believed that joint celebrations "... reflected German tradition and German character most clearly and made Germans abroad feel very close to their Fatherland."46 According to NS ideology, it was the woman's task to awaken a love of the German homeland in their families.47 In order to maintain the bond between Germans abroad and Germans in the Third Reich – one of the GWLA's objectives – it was important that women contribute to the preparation of German national holidays abroad in cooperation with the local NSDAP representatives. For "everything that strengthens the emotional connection to the homeland, triggers joy and enthusiasm, especially the impressive major national holidays: Day of National Revival [Jan. 30, 1933], Führer's birthday, May 1, Thanksgiving Day, and Mother's Day.48 Nazi representatives considered the joint celebrations of German holidays important, particularly for those National Socialists who lived so scattered from each other in their 'host country' that it often took them several days to get to those gatherings.49 On such occasions it was common that a woman member of the GWLA – despite the officially declared non-political work of the women's organization – deliver a political speech about the new Nazi ideals. 50
Furthermore, it lay in the hands of women to organize their regularly scheduled meetings. Social meetings were held for the women members including lectures on NS ideology, racial science and history. Additional topics were art, literature and education. The women also came together to listen to broadcasts from the German Reich with speeches by Hitler or his deputy Hess. Sometimes these speeches were simply read to the assembled group. German folk songs, gymnastics classes, needlework and sewing were also on the group program.51 In addition, training evenings took place aimed at informing German women abroad about the development of the new National Socialist worldview and providing them "… with the tools to respond to and explain all the hateful lies about Germany's political measures and events with which they were showered by the Jewish press of some countries."52 The training documents and information material for those evenings were sent monthly from Germany to the respective GWLA groups. 53 Further objects of the GWLA included the formation of youth groups for girls and young women from 18-30, as well as the creation of groups for 6-10 year old children. The young women were initiated into their motherly and housewifely duties.54 The children's groups were set up to instill in them from a very early age comradely helpfulness and to initiate them in the "spirit of their country of origin" through German songs, games, stories and legends.55
The beginning of World War II brought additional work for the GWLA members both in and outside Europe. While the GWLA headquarters in Germany increasingly started to work towards the reintegration of returning Germans, the women's groups abroad supported the war through charity work.56 They sewed, knitted and darned for German soldiers. They sent packages of clothes, socks, bedding, and other charitable gifts from abroad to the War Winter Relief Organization (Kriegswinterhilfswerk) in Germany.57 They cared for the wounded, visited them in military hospitals and provided refreshments, clothing and warm blankets to returning Germans at train stations and seaports.58 To illustrate the women's work of the GWLA in wartime, an excerpt from a progress report of a GWLA branch in Luxembourg in 1941 follows, which includes cooperation with the German Army, the Wehrmacht:
"On the evening of May 10th, the first refugees with German citizenship arrived from the border districts ... at our place looking for help and assistance. Thence, we had to provide them with accommodation and food. [...] On May 20th, the NSV [NS People's Welfare] put two male assistants at the disposal of our League, since we were already preparing lunch for 850 persons daily. Official leaders and members of the GWLA all cooperated with each other. We got into contact with the offices of the Wehrmacht and physicians of military hospitals; we also established an employment agency for women helpers … in the German House. We received donations for wounded persons and supplied nurses and other auxiliaries to military hospitals."59
The terms of GWLA membership can be read among other sources in the Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft of November 15, 1935. Compared with other Nazi organizations, it is notable that both Nazi Party members and non-Nazi Party members were allowed to join the GWLA branches abroad. However, whether a woman was a Nazi Party member or not determined if she was obliged to pay or exempt from paying a monthly membership. It is also important to mention that women who were of German descent or had acquired German citizenship by marriage could also apply for membership of the GWLA. That regulation makes the Nazi women's organization look fairly open and tolerant. But a restriction in the subsequent subordinate clause follows that guideline, "… if they are of 'Aryan' origin."60 Thus, the Aryan paragraph (proof of 'Aryan' descent) found its expression in the statutes of the GWLA as in other NS organizations and restricted certain women from seeking membership status. Furthermore, Wera Behr explained in her article as if it were self-evident and without giving further reasons, "Excluded from membership are German women who are married to men who do not have the blood of our race like Jews, Negroes, etc."61 She also added that women of German origin who were members of a secret society or lodge could not be admitted to the Women's League Abroad. The same went for women who displayed a hostile attitude towards National Socialism; they were unwanted in the GWLA as well.62
In October 1936, the Gau-Frauenschaftsleiterin Wera Behr informed German women abroad that they could join the home NS-Frauenschaft (NS Women's League) after their return to Germany only if they had been members of the GWLA in their host country. The reason for this regulation was probably a general ban on the acceptance of new members to the NS-Frauenschaft in Germany, imposed in 1936. In 1932, one year after its establishment, the NS-Frauenschaft had reached 100,000 members, a number that steadily grew to 2 million. The management feared the organization could lose its elitist character. Therefore, it was decided in 1936 to accept only women who had given outstanding service to National Socialism and proven themselves good and trustworthy NS activists.63 However, no membership ban had ever been imposed on the GWLA.64
Leaders of the GWLA country, regional and local groups, as well as their staff members, were allowed to wear the badges of the chief officers of the NS-Frauenschaft in Germany. This only referred to women of 'Aryan' origin. A woman suspected of Jewish origin had to hand in a proof of 'Aryan' descent.65
As already mentioned, the GWLA members were obliged to pay a monthly membership fee to the organization; its minimum was 0.50 RM per month.66 Women who were members of the Nazi Party were exempt from payment but could voluntarily contribute a certain amount.67 Poor members could get an exemption, but only if the applicant concerned was classified by the local women's group leader as "valuable" for the GWLA.68
GWLA membership cards were printed in Germany and sent from there to the respective women's country groups abroad. The monthly contributions were listed in the membership card (a folding card) of each member or stamps were stuck in so as to keep track of the payments made.69
The management of the GWLA considered schooling members an important task "… to educate its women members as upholders of the National Socialist ideology, German character and German culture through training courses centered on womanhood and motherhood."70 The training program was mainly directed at members in leading positions within the GWLA to prepare them for their heavy voluntary work load, such as mothers' counseling and teaching, domestic economics courses for young women, and the organizing of youth and children's groups. First and foremost, however, the training program for the GWLA's leading members aimed at winning them over as propagators of the National Socialist worldview.71 Even if the non-political character of the organization was stressed in articles and speeches, the political training of the female NS officials was de facto pursued. This applied to both the home NS Women's League and the GWLA branches overseas.72
Several GWLA country groups owned local hostels for training sessions and weekend courses. The NS Women's League in Germany also opened its regional and national schools for GWLA member participation.73 The NS Women's League and the Deutsches Frauenwerk (German Women's Enterprise) operated a total of thirty-two Gauschulen (district schools) in the German Reich where political courses were organized for NS women's group leaders since such training was seen as strongly needed.74 The curriculum included ideological themes, genetic and racial topics, German history and culture, educational issues, national and domestic economics, mothers' service, and youth and children's groups.75 The training program continued during World War II in Berlin-Wannsee, Hammersbach, Coburg, and other places. In 1940, for example, two courses were held with seventy-four overseas women leaders in the national school in Berlin-Wannsee.76 A GWLA youth group leaders' course in Goisern (Austria) in 1941 reported: "The warm hospitality has inspired our youth group leaders and this experience of togetherness and camaraderie will strengthen them for their future work."77
Several thousand German women abroad who temporarily traveled to Germany had the opportunity to visit institutions of the NS-Frauenschaft, "... and thereby obtain vivid insight into the work and ministry of the National Socialist women in Germany."78 Those training courses strengthened the bond between the local GWLA leaders and the homeland as well as with the members of the NS-Frauenschaft. Even after the completion of such a program, the members of the NS Women's League stayed in touch with the course participants abroad and sent them books and Heimatmappen (illustrated books about the homeland) which helped keep the life of German women and the beauty of the German countryside alive.79
In November 1935, Wera Behr summarized the aim of the GWLA in the Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft as follows:
1 The organization was first called Arbeitsgemeinschaft der deutschen Frau im Ausland (Working Group of the German Woman Abroad). In 1939 it was renamed Auslandsdeutsche Frauenschaft.
2 Yearbook of the Overseas Organization of the NSDAP (hereafter: Jahrbuch AO).
3 Newsletters of the Management of the Overseas Organization.
4 News Service of the NS Women's League (Germany).
5 Fassmann 1996: 1968-170
6 Harvey 2004: 154; Planert 2007: 203; Süchting-Hänger 2002: 90-122, 124; Wawrzyn 1999: 98ff.
7 Streubel 2006: 106, 114, 118, 120; Streubel 2003: A Review, 104-105, 110, 135, 151-154; 165-166; Süchting-Hänger 2002:120-121; 393; Heinsohn 2003: 35-36, 39, 45, 50; Harvey 2004: 152-167; Wawrzyn 2011: 170-177.
8 Wagner 1996: 179, footnote 234; Klinksiek 1982: 115-117.
9 Wagner 1996: 179-185; Arendt et al. 1995: 47-50; Schaser 2006: 116ff; Goldhahn 2003: 76-79; Freyeisen 2000: 162; Michel 2007: 116; Klinksiek 1982: 115-117; http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/NS-Frauenschaft; http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deutsches_Frauenwerk; http://www.dhm.de/lemo/html/nazi/innenpolitik/frauen/index.html
10 Freyeisen 2000: 160.
11 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 225.
12 See Balke 2001: 32-34.
13 In 1938 it was officially agreed that the Overseas Organization was responsible for German citizens abroad and the Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland (National Association for the Germaneness Abroad) for Germans holding foreign citizenship. – McKale 1977: 4, 7-8; Koop 2009: 17-18; Balke 2001: 33; cf. Wawrzyn 2005: 81-83; Wawrzyn 2010: 98; Wawrzyn 2012: 3-4.
14 Cf. Klinksiek 1982: 135-136.
15 Quotation according to Koop 2009: 26.
16 Quotation according to Koop 2009: 26.
17 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 430.
18 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Jan. 1, 1935 and Nov. 15, 1935: 15; McKale Swastika, 1977: 50. For more information on the Overseas Organization/NSDAP, see Balke 2001: 32-34.
19 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 430.
20 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 430-432.
21 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 430-432.
22 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 226. Cf. McKale 1977: The Swastika Outside Germany, 203.
24 Bundesarchiv (hereafter: BArch)., PK, AO149, 1000032519-1000032722; NS 9/112.
25 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 225.
26 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Oct. 15, 1935: 379.
27 Cf. Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 226.
28 Donald McKale 1977: The Swastika Outside Germany, 203.
29 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 51.
30 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 51.
31 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 225. Enzyklopädie des Nationalsozialismus, 1998: 491.
32 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 225. Cf. Goldhahn 2003: 78.
33 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Munich, Nov. 15, 1935: 430 (article written by Wera Behr).
34 DZ - Deutsche Zeitung für Guatemala und das übrige Mittelamerika. Deutsches Auslandsinstitut, Stuttgart. Wochenzeitung, Guatemala 1932 –1941; Mitteilungsblatt der Leitung der AO der NSDAP, mid Nov. 1936; Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, March 1, 1935: 96-97; Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 92.
35 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 84.
36 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 224.
37 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 224.
38 Freyeisen 2000: 169.
39 From October 1, 1933 Stew Sundays were introduced by the NS government as an expression of solidarity with the German ethnic community: On certain Sundays from October to March only hot pots were to be eaten in all German households and restaurants. The difference in the cost of a regular Sunday meal and the stew had to be donated to the Winter Relief Organization. http://www.dhm.de/lemo/html/nazi/innenpolitik/eintopf/index.html; see also Evangelisches Gemeindeblatt für Palästina, Nov. 1934: 88.
40 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 51-53; Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 225-228.
41 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 51-52; Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 226.
42 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 228.
43 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 52-53; Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 81.
44 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 226; Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 82.
45 Cf. Balke 2001: 88-89; Löffler 2000: 208; Löffler 2008, 167-191.
46 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 227.
47 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 51.
48 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 52. See also Jahrbuch AO 1940: 226-227.
49 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 81-82.
50 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 82.
51 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 52; Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 227.
52 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 227-228.
53 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 227-228.
54 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 225-226.
55 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 226.
56 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 229-231.
57 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 230-231; Jahrbuch AO, 1941, 80-81.
58 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 86
59 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 87-89.
60 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 431.
61 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 431.
62 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 431.
63 Enzyklopädie des Nationalsozialismus, 1998: 617-618; Klinksiek 1982: 122.
64 Israel State Archives (ISTA) 823/2-פ, Wera Behr, Berlin, Aug. 25, 1938.
65 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 433; see also Wawrzyn, 2013, 58-59.
66 ISTA 823/2-פ, letters and circulars, 1938-1939; Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Nov. 15, 1935: 432.
67 ISTA 823/2-פ, Beate Wurst, circular 7/39, Sarona, May 18, 1939.
68 Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Munich, Nov. 15, 1935: 432.
69 ISTA 823/2-פ, letters, Beate Wurst to GWLA groups in Palestine, May 2 and May 3, 1939; Nachrichtendienst der NS-Frauenschaft, Munich, Nov. 15, 1935: 432.
70 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 223.
71 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 82-83.
72 Cf. Michel 2007: 136.
73 Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 51-52; Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 229.
74 Goldhahn 2003: 80.
75 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 83.
76 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 229.
77 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 83.
78 Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 228.
79 Jahrbuch AO, 1941: 82-83, Jahrbuch AO, 1940: 228; Jahrbuch AO, 1939: 52.
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