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Untertitel: Humanitarian intervention and international law
Fachbuch, 2008, 70 Seiten
Autor: Rechtsanwalt Stefan Kirchner
Fach: Jura - Europa- und VölkerR, IPR
Details
Jahr: 2008
Seiten: 70
Literaturverzeichnis: ~ 70 Einträge
Sprache: Englisch
ISBN (E-Book): 978-3-640-19296-0
ISBN (Buch): 978-3-640-19304-2
Dateigröße: 322 KB
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Zusammenfassung / Abstract
With the advent of Human Rights in international law, several core ideas of the traditional system of international law have been challenged, such as the principle of non-interference and state sovereignty, as well as the prohibition of the use of force, especially with the decision that massive human rights violations can form a threat to international peace and security to which the UN Security Council can respond with measures according to Chapter VII of the UN Charter. While at first sight a change of paradigm in international law, or in any legal system, is not negative per se, the rules which collide with a truly effective and universal protection of HR through international law are the very rules which form the foundation for international peace and security, the primary reason for the existence of international law. While international peace and security require the stability provided by the Westphalian system, they can at the same time be endangered by massive violations of human rights. On the other hand can Human Rights only be enjoyed in times of peace while the Westphalian system can limit the effective and universal enforcement of Human Rights in cases in which the UN Security Council has failed to take action under Chapter VII. This short book is an attempt at reconciling these needs which are at times direct against each other, at times interlinked ones with a special focus on massive violations of human rights which are not being addressed effectively by the UN Security Council. To this end, we will look at the Human Rights dimensions of international peace and security outlined above before we come to the core issue of the paper, the legality of the use of force for the protection of Human Rights in cases in which the UN Security Council fails to act, or, in other words, the question of in how far the need for universal respect for human rights can overrun the need for peace, given the links between both factors indicated above.
Textauszug (computergeneriert)
Stefan Kirchner
Human Rights and International Security Humanitarian
Intervention and International Law
, 1st edition, GRIN Verlag, München / Ravensburg
(2008).
Dedicated to the memory of
Dom Christian de Chergé
Frère Luc Dochier
Frère Paul Favre-Miville
Frère Michel Fleury
Père Christophe Lebreton
Père Bruno Lemarchand
Père Célestin Ringeard
of the Trappist Abbey of
Our Lady of the Atlas
Notre Dame de l′Atlas,
Tibhirine, Algeria,
martyrs for Christ, 1996.
2
Preface
With the advent of Human Rights in international law, several core ideas of the
traditional system of international law have been challenged, such as the principle of
non-interference and state sovereignty, as well as the prohibition of the use of force,
especially with the decision that massive human rights violations can form a threat to
international peace and security to which the UN Security Council can respond with
measures according to Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
While at first sight a change of paradigm in international law, or in any legal system, is
not negative per se, the rules which collide with a truly effective and universal
protection of HR through international law are the very rules which form the foundation
for international peace and security, the primary reason for the existence of international
law. While international peace and security require the stability provided by the
Westphalian system, they can at the same time be endangered by massive violations of
human rights. On the other hand can Human Rights only be enjoyed in times of peace
while the Westphalian system can limit the effective and universal enforcement of
Human Rights in cases in which the UN Security Council has failed to take action under
Chapter VII.
This short book is an attempt at reconciling these needs which are at times direct against
each other, at times interlinked ones with a special focus on massive violations of
human rights which are not being addressed effectively by the UN Security Council.
To this end, we will look at the Human Rights dimensions of international peace and
security outlined above before we come to the core issue of the paper, the legality of the
use of force for the protection of Human Rights in cases in which the UN Security
Council fails to act, or, in other words, the question of in how far the need for universal
respect for human rights can overrun the need for peace, given the links between both
factors indicated above.
While the UN Security Council has gained in credibility substantially after the end of
the Cold War, a large number of Human Rights violations remain unaddressed due to
3
the involvement of the five permanent members, therefore such failure, as occurred e.g.
in Kosovo and Rwanda and continues in the cases of Chechnya and Tibet needs to be
addressed.
At the end of the book will be a suggestion for a step-by-step approach regarding the
effective enforcement of Human Rights aimed at preserving international peace and
security as much as possible while at the same time taking into account national and
regional systems for the protection of Human Rights.
Because the International Court of Justice had to conclude that it lacked jurisdiction in
the Kosovo cases brought by the Yugoslavia (later Serbia and Montenegro) against
certain NATO member states, the question of Humanitarian Intervention is still open for
debate., although the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the subsequent War against Terror led to
a shift in attention by both the armed forces and international lawyers. It is the hope of
the author to provide guidelines for the future resolution of conflicts, in particular in the
wake of the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, which made the need for clear rules more
evident than ever. It is particularly pleasing that the finalization of this book coincides
with the announcement that the 2008 Nobel Prize for Peace will be awarded to Martti
Ahtisaari.
The initial idea for this project dates back to a seminar at Justus-Liebig-University in
Gießen, Germany, in 2003. Thanks are due to the organizers and participants of the
seminar, my parents and my friends.
Frankfurt am Main, 10 October 2008 S.K.
4
Table of Contents
Preface 3
Table of Contents 5
A second Foreword: Everyday Human Rights Violations 7
Literature 16
Table of Cases 24
Other documents 25
Chapter 1 Introduction:
Human Rights in Foreign Policy and International Relations 27
I.
Human Rights as a concern in international relations 27
II. Obstacles on the Road to enduring International Peace and Security and
Universal Respect for Human Rights 27
III. Sovereignty and Human Rights 29
Chapter 2 The First Dimension:
Peace as a prerequisite for the complete enjoyment of all Human Rights 32
Chapter 3 The Second Dimension:
Massive Violations of Human Rights as a threat to international peace and security 34
Chapter 4 - The Third Dimension:
The use of force against other states for the protection of Human Rights 36
I. Introduction: The General Prohibition of the Use of Armed Force 36
II. Current possibilities for responses to atrocities 36
1.
UN Security Council: Chapter VII 36
2.
UN General Assembly: Uniting for Peace 37
III. The emerging concept of Humanitarian Intervention outside the UN
framework - Legal, Moral and Political Considerations 38
1.
Introduction 39
a) What is Humanitarian Intervention ? 39
b) Humanitarian Intervention in the past and today 39
c) Political and Legal Considerations on Humanitarian
Intervention de lege lata and de lege ferenda 43
2.
Political and moral aspects of Humanitarian Intervention 44
5
3.
The legality of Humanitarian Intervention under current
International Law 46
a)
State sovereignty and Art. 2 (4) UN Charter 46
b)
Justification under already existing rules of international
law ? 48
aa) Justification under the UN Charter ? 48
bb) The position of the International Court of Justice 50
cc) The concept of reprisals as legal ground for a justification
of Humanitarian Interventions under international law 51
dd) A "state of necessity" as the justification for Humanitarian
Intervention 52
ee) Customary Law: Humanitarian Intervention in state
practice after 1945 53
ff) Conclusion: The need for legal reform 57
4.
The emerging concept of Humanitarian Intervention: criteria for
the legality of Humanitarian Intervention 58
a)
The need for criteria and the possibility to find them 58
b)
Massive and systematic Human Rights violations 60
aa) Genocide 61
bb) Crimes against humanity 61
cc) War crimes 61
dd) Feasibility of a wide acceptance of the "Article 5 -
solution" 61
ee) Effectiveness of the Article 5 - solution 62
ff) Conclusion 63
c)
Failure of peaceful means of Human Rights enforcement 63
d)
Failure of the UN Security Council 63
e)
Failure of the UN General Assembly to act 64
f)
Multilateralism and state interests 64
g)
Respect for Human Rights and International
Humanitarian Law 65
5.
Conclusions 66
IV.
Conclusion:
A proposal for a general procedure for the enforcement of Human Rights 67
Chapter 5 Conclusions 69
6
A second Foreword: Everyday Human Rights Violations
United States
In October 1994, the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service launched
Operation Gatekeeper in an effort to move people away from the migration routes in the
San Diego Area. This operation has called for the United States Government to
dramatically increase the number of Border Patrol Agents in the San Diego sector and
has given military assistance and resources to them. A wall has been constructed which
begins in the Pacific Ocean and stretches for 14 miles. The entire northern border of
Tijuana is a wall. This strategy of militarization has moved people away from the
popular suburban migration routes in the San Diego area and forced people into harsh
and desolate areas. People who migrate to California must now attempt their crossing
through the Imperial Desert or over the Mountains that are north of Tecate. Despite the
hazards of extreme temperatures in the desert and mountains, people have not been
deterred from trying to enter the United States to find work. Due to the increased
militarization which has pushed these crossing routes into dangerous areas, the number
of migrant deaths have increased, however, people are still crossing the border at the
same rate. The death rate of the people who are migrating has risen over 600% since
1994. The rate of those who are apprehended by the INS has decreased less than 1%
during the same period. Between 1994 and 1999, over 1,500 people have died along the
entire U.S./Mexico border, with nearly a third of these deaths occurring on the
California/Baja California border.1 The situation is worsened by the fact that U.S.
border guards, as well as civilian U.S. landowners along the border have taken up the
GDR-style shooting of persons entering the U.S. from Mexico illegally.
1 Global Exchange (Human Rights NGO),
Operation Gatekeeper
,
http://www.globalexchange.org/education/ california/DayOfTheDead/gatekeeper.html (last
visited 18 April 2003).
7
Rwanda
On 6 April 1994 Rwandan president Habyarimana and several high ranking government
officials were killed when their plane was attacked nearby Kigali Airport. Within ours
the Hutu government systematically attacked the Tutsi leadership and intelligentsia.
Within three months, 1 million Tutsis were shot, burned, starved, tortured, stabbed or
hacked to death.2 The international community did nothing to stop the Rwandan
genocide3 which only ended after the military victory of the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic
Front.4
Chechnya
In January 2003, the European Court of Human Rights declared admissible six
applications from victims of the war in Chechnya against the Russian Federation - the
first such admissibility decision on applications concerning the Chechnya war. The six
applicants allege that Russian forces violated their and their relatives′ right to life in
several incidents such as bombing raids and summary executions during 1999 and
2000.5
Northern Ireland
On 12 February 1989 the solicitor Pat Finucane has been shot dead at his home in north
Belfast. The killers burst in as he was eating his Sunday dinner with his wife and three
children. Two gunmen showered him with 14 bullets and shot his wife in her legs. The
hijacked taxi the gunmen escaped in has later been found in the Protestant Shankhill
Road area. In the immediate aftermath of the killing Social Democratic and Labour
Party (SDLP) politicians have blamed junior Home Office minister Douglas Hogg for
his remarks last month about some lawyers in northern Ireland being "unduly
sympathetic" to the IRA. Pat Finucane had been involved in the defence cases for 23
2 Boutros Boutros Ghali,
Introduction, The United Nations and Rwanda 1993 1996
, 1st ed., Department
of Public Information, United Nations, New York, 1996, p. 4.
3 Nicholas J. Wheeler,
Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society
, 1st ed.,
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000, pp. 219 et seq.; J. L. Holzgrefe,
The Humanitarian
Intervention Debate
, in: J. L. Holzgrefe / Robert O. Keohane (eds.),
Humanitarian Intervention
Ethical, Legal and Political Dilemmas
, 1st ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003,
pp. 15 - 52 , at p. 17.
4 Holzgrefe, ibid.
5 Human Rights Watch,
European Court to hear Chechen suits against Russian Army
,
8
men involved with the murder of two British soldiers during an IRA funeral in the
summer of 1988. His most famous client was republican hunger striker Bobby Sands.6
On 17 April 2003 the Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir John Stevens released a
report, the third since 1989, which was delivered to Northern Ireland Chief Constable
Hugh Orde into collusion between the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries. The
report acknowledges that military intelligence in Northern Ireland helped to prolong the
Civil War in Ireland, euphemistically referred to by the U.K. as the "Troubles" and that
informants and agents "were allowed to operate without effective control and to
participate in terrorist crimes". The latest report, called Stevens Three, found that
members of the RUC and Army colluded with the largest loyalist paramilitary group,
the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), to murder Catholics, including Pat Finucane and
student Brian Lambert two years earlier as well as that three official inquiries willfully
obstructed and misled and vital evidence was concealed and destroyed. In the past there
have been attempts to kill Sir John Stevens and in 1990 his offices were destroyed by
arson. Some of the police officers questioned in the Stevens investigation are still on
duty, although Mr. Orde immediately he was determined that there would be no
collusion under his command. Nevertheless are leading figures in the case still on her
majesty′s payroll: During the course of the latest Stevens inquiry, the activities of the
Army Intelligence Force Research Unit (FRU) were investigated. It recruited Brian
Nelson, who died only days before the report was released, as its agent at the top of the
UDA. His role was to gather information on murder targets. The head of the FRU at the
time was Gordon Kerr, who is now an army brigadier serving in Iraq. Last February,
prosecution papers were prepared relating to Brigadier Kerr and are one of 20 files that
have been sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions. The Finucane family has always
believed the security forces were involved in his murder and have dismissed the report,
demanding a full judicial inquiry. So far the investigation has only focused on the
question how far up the chain of command the collusion might have gone.7
http://www.hrw.org/update/2003/01.html#9 (last visited 14 April 2003).
6 http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/12/newsid_2540000/2540849.stm - 17 April
2003.
7 http://news.bbc.co.uk - 17 April 2003.
9
Ivory Coast
On 15 April 2003, the UN Security Council held a meeting on the situation in Ivory
Coast, where both government and rebel forces in western Côte d′Ivoire are responsible
for massacres of civilians, rape, reprisal killings and systematic looting. Liberian
combatants fighting on both sides are committing many of the abuses directed against
the civilian population, similar to the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone which have
shown the same pattern of targeting civilians. The war in western Côte d′Ivoire now
threatens a similar degree of civilian suffering.8
Pakistan
Women in Pakistan who have been raped and want the state to prosecute the case must
have four Muslim men testify that they witnessed the assault. Absent these male
witnesses, effectively the rape victim has no case. Equally alarming, if she cannot prove
the rape allegation, she runs a very high risk of being charged with fornication or
adultery, the criminal penalty for which is either a long prison sentence, including
public whipping, or, though rarely, death by stoning.9
Saudi Arabia
In Saudi Arabia in March 2002, at least 14 girls may have died unnecessarily in a school
fire because of extreme interpretations of the Islamic dress code. Members of the
Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice interfered with
rescue efforts because the fleeing students were not wearing the obligatory public attire
(long black cloaks and head coverings) for Saudi girls and women.10
Indonesia
Indonesian police and company security forces are responsible for persistent human
rights abuses against indigenous communities involved in the massive pulp and paper
8 Human Rights Watch,
Côte d′Ivoire: Liberian Fighters Attack Civilians - U.N. Security Council Should
Take Action
, http://www.hrw.org/press/2003/04/cisc041403.htm (last visited 20 April 2003).
9 LaShawn R. Jefferson,
The War on Women
, The Wall Street Journal, 22 August 2002, available online
at http://hrw.org/editorials/2002/women0822.htm (last visited 13 April 2003).
10 ibid.
10
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