2008

`Social capital′ in deprived neighborhoods:

A critical review of social capital concepts in the
context of neighborhood renewal policies in Germany

Christoph Kraschl
Master′s: Social Policy and Social Work in Urban Areas
Universiteit van Amsterdam
31/10/2008

CONTENTS

Introduction 3
Three approaches to social capital 3
Putnam 3
Bourdieu 4
Granovetter 6
Neighborhood renewal policies in Germany: The "Socially Integrative City"-Initiative 7
Which policies of the SIC-initiative can be related to `social capital′? 7
Which concepts of social capital are implemented in the SIC-guidelines? 9
Critiques on social capital theories 10
Conclusions 12
List of references 15

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Introduction

In this paper concepts of social capital in the context of social policies will be discussed which focus on neighborhood renewal. First, theories of social capital will be illuminated by comparing the concepts of Putnam, Bourdieu and Granovetter. Second, by the example of the German program "Socially Integrative City" (SIC), a recent nationwide strategy (aimed at revitalizing deprived neighborhoods) will be analyzed. In this context the main research question will be as to which of the aforementioned concepts of social capital or concept-elements are (intentionally or not) implemented in the SIC-initiative. For answering this question key documents that outline the aforementioned policies will be reviewed. It is aimed to identify policies and objectives of the SIC-initiative which can be related to the three depicted approaches to social capital. In the framework of this analysis there will be particular consideration of the `sub-concepts′ of social capital: bonding, bridging and linking. With this it is intended to find out which kinds of social relationships between people and different population-groups are planned to be established. In this context the depicted function of social capital is of particular interest. Finally, after the discussion of recent critiques on social capital theories, these will be evaluated with regard to their usefulness for social policies in deprived urban areas.

Three approaches to social capital

Robert Putnam, an American political scientist, is the most popular figure associated with the concept of `social capital′. He defined social capital as "features of social organization, such as trust, norms and networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions" (Putnam 1993: 167). These three components, networks, norms, and trust, "enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives (Putnam 1996: 56)". According to Putnam (2000: 18-19) "the core idea of social capital theory is that social networks have value [...] social contacts affect the productivity of individuals and groups." Consequently, for Putnam social capital is a key aspect of a well functioning economy. Social networks as well as (positively) shared values and trust are derived from relationships between people or as Putnam put it: Social capital refers "to connections among individuals ­ social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them" (Putnam 2000: 19). He stressed that social capital is the basis for the active participation of individuals in a democratic society. He claimed that there is a strong causal relationship between social capital and political engagement of citizens.

Given this theoretical framework, the following `Putnamian′ formula can be derived: the more social capital, the more democratic and prosperous a society. Conversely, a decline of social capital negatively affects the economy and disentangles people from political engagement. Thus, a decrease of social capital illustrates both a threat for the well being of people and a danger for a democratic society. In consideration of these deliberations, Putnam has caught a lot of public attention with his empirical studies which pointed to a dominant trend towards a dramatic decline of social capital in the United States since the 1940s. As main `predators′ of social capital he identifies particularly television, but also cars, less free time and the post-war generation (Field 2003: 5).

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All in all, Putnam depicted a highly stretched concept of social capital. It encompasses three components: social networks (such as voluntary associations), moral obligations as well as shared values (in particular trust). Putnam laid a strong focus on bonding social capital, and on empowering the poor to be able to bridge with wealthier people. Thus, Putnam takes in a `bottom-up′-perspective by putting a strong focus on the self-potential of communities, on active participation of citizens and grass-roots organizations, and he pays little attention to the role of politics and the government (Szreter 2002: 579). He portrayed a highly positive image of communities as source of reciprocal exchange and trust. To increase social capital, he proposed especially locally based programs, such as "community service" in schools, entertainment in the community (instead of watching television at home), and a greater role of religious institutions in communities (Putnam 2007: 484). He also suggested family-friendly policies and to build houses closer to each other (Szreter 2002: 590, 591).

To understand the further depicted theories, it is of relevance to mention the definition of different types of social capital. After Putnam had differentiated between bonding and bridging social capital, Michael Woolcock (in Field 2003: 42) introduced a third category which he named linking social capital. Bonding social capital refers to (highly) homogenous ties, such as among family members, neighbors, and close friends. Bridging social capital refers to heterogeneous ties between individuals, and therefore encompasses connections between people across different social groups. Linking social capital refers to ties between communities that cut across status and similarity. With reference to deprived neighborhoods these social links encompass connections of residents with power-holders and service providers as well as to people outside their regular circles (e.g. in another `wealthier′ neighborhood).

Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) was a French sociologist whose theoretical and empirical work emphasized the role of power relations with respect to social inequalities in society. His theory of social capital can only be understood in relation to the key concepts `habitus′, `capitals′ and `fields′: According to Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992: 16-18) the social world is differentiated into overlapping fields. Depending on the field, different capitals, such as cultural, economic and social capital determine power relations, whereas the accumulation of different capitals establishes the hierarchy between fields, and individuals embedded in these fields. The embodied form of cultural capital is termed as habitus: Through experience individuals gradually internalize external structures (fields and its rules). This provides individuals with a sense of how to act in everyday life.

Bourdieu′s theory has been applied for the research of e.g. socially `deviant′ behavior of youth in Western urban ghettoes (e.g. Paulle 2006): Accordingly, deprived neighborhood can be regarded as `fields′ with their own rules. Unstable living conditions (keywords: unemployment, poverty, crime) illustrate a trigger for social problems, as detrimental circumstances in the ghetto are internalized in particular by

children and young people. This social inscription of structural aspects manifests inter alia in negative attitudes towards education and work. In reverse, Bourdieu′s conception indicates that the access to life-worlds, which help disadvantaged people to shape a more `adequate′ habitus, can constitute them with those dispositions which they need to act `civilized′ and finally to improve their educational and job-related situation.

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