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Essay, 2009, 14 Pages
Author: Philipp Schweers
Subject: Politics - International Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict Studies, Security
Details
Institution/College: University of Amsterdam
Year: 2009
Pages: 14
Grade: 8,5
Language: English
ISBN (E-book): 978-3-640-36092-5
Text mit Zitaten, jedoch ohne Literaturverzeichnis (Anm. der Red.)
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Abstract
At the turn of the 21st century, the world – meaning policymakers, scholars, and activists – seems to be divided between an increasingly influential group of normative activists which tries to eliminate the evil of the world by implementing global norms and another group which abuses the current debate concerning norms and the global meaning of human rights as a cover for good old power politics and their own strategic concerns. Especially the latest achievement in the normative debate, the ‘Responsibility to Protect’-concept, is dubious and opens the door for abuse by ‘false friends’. After an impressing and fast-paving development/increase in meaning since its first introduction in 2001, this concept is widely seen as legitimate framework for current and future humanitarian engagement and as a replacement for the former method of humanitarian intervention. But, despite the good intentions behind that concept, many critical voices underscore conceptual weaknesses or even inherent conceptual dangers of R2P. Currently, as José E. Alvarez points out, R2P is at the turning point from political rhetoric to legal norm. This paper aims on the examination of the value of R2P as recent object of normative debate and argues for more political realism among normative actors.
Excerpt (computer-generated)
Philipp Schweers
LL.M. Law & Politics of International Security
Free University Amsterdam
Assignment Human Security & Foreign Intervention
The `Responsibility to Protect′ (R2P) Time to put things back into perspective
"Changing the language to R2P from humanitarian intervention has not changed the
underlying political dynamics. Military overstretch and the prioritization of strategic
concerns to the virtual exclusion of humanitarian ones is the sad reality of a post-9/11
world."1
The above citation of the distinguished scholar Thomas G. Weiss, who authored
numerous articles and books on issues concerning Human rights, humanitarian
intervention and recently also on the concept of a `Responsibility to Protect (R2P)′,
shows that there remains at least a minimum sense for reality within current normative
discussions among the `good samaritans′ of the world. At the turn of the 21st century, the
world meaning policymakers, scholars, and activists seems to be divided between an
increasingly influential group of normative activists who try to eleminate the evil of the
world by implementing global norms and another group which abuses the current debate
concerning norms and the global meaning of human rights as a cover for good old power
politics and their own strategic concerns. Next to the former, many others misused the
newly created normative terms and concepts substantially. Best examples for such a
misuse are for example the United States′ official′s `humanitarian intervention + R2P′
rhetoric with regards to the U.S. intervention in Iraq or the the Russian claim that their
military operations and temporarily occupation in Georgia last year were part of a
`Responsibility to Protect′.2 Within this paper, I will argue that one generally should be
very careful with these fastly emerging normative concepts. They often do have,
1 Thomas G. Weiss,
R2P after 9/11 and the World Summit
, 24 Wisconsin International Law Journal 3, at
758, para 3.
2 See e. g. Mient Jan Faber,
R2P, Humanitarian Intervention and Independence The Proof of the Pudding
is in the Eating
, 1
Amsterdam Law Forum
2 (2009).
inherently, an overstretched agenda without clear-cut definitional boundaries which, as a
result, paves the ground for conceptual misuse. Especially the latest achievement in the
normative debate, the `Responsibility to Protect′-concept, is dubious and opens the door
for abuse by `false friends′. After an impressing and fast-paving development/increase in
meaning since its first introduction in 2001, this concept is widely seen as legitimate
framework for current and future humanitarian engagement and as a replacement for the
former concept of humanitarian intervention.3 But, despite the good intentions behind
that concept, many critical voices underscore conceptual weaknesses4 or even inherent
conceptual dangers of R2P.5 Currently, as José E. Alvarez points out, R2P is at the
turning point from political rhetoric to legal norm.6 This paper aims on the examination
of the value of R2P as recent object of normative debate and argues for more political
realism among normative actors.
This paper proceeds as follows. First, I introduce the major features of the emerging
normative agenda and their development during the 1990s. Second, I examine the
conceptual basics and theoretical roots of the `Responsibility to protect′concept. Third, I
explore the conceptual weaknesses and shortcomings of R2P. Fourth, I consider to what
extend this concept might be, despite its limitations, useful for the political reality.
3 See e. g. Gareth Evans,
The Responsibility to Protect
, Washington D.C.: Brookings Institiution Press
2008.
4 See e. g. Ciaran J. Burke,
Replacing the Responsibility to Protect: The euitable theory of humanitarian
intervention
, 1
Amsterdam Law Forum
2. Within his first Chapter under the headline `The Responsibility to
Protect: A Frank Legal Assessment′, Burke offers an excellent analysis of the conceptual weaknesses of
R2P.
5 Concerning the dangers, see especially: José E. Alvarez,
The Schizophrenias of R2P
, Panel Presentation at
the 2007 Hague Joint Conference on Contemporary Issues of International Law, The Hague/Netherlands,
June 2007
6 Ibid., p. 1
Normative developments towards R2P
"Normative developments and political reality are rarely in synch, however. Sometimes
norm entrepreneurs scramble to keep up with events, and sometimes they are ahead of
them."7
With the end of the Cold War, a new mentality or even approach concerning global
politics and humanitarian concerns has been formed. During the early 1990s, some
scholars identified the `end of history′, meaning the end of political competition and new
era of peace and democracy.8 Others underscored, in context to violent disintegrations
and mass atrocities at that time, the moral need and even the duty to prevend/end large-
scale human rights violations around the world through the international community.
New concepts and political approaches emerged. The traditional notion of security,
focused on military issues on a state-level, has been perceived as to narrow and outdated:
"The concept of security has for too long been interpreted narrowly: as security of
territory from external aggression, or as protection of national interests in foreign policy
or as global security from the threat of nuclear holocaust...Forgotten were the legitimate
concerns of ordinary people who sought security in their daily lives."9
Therefore, actors and activists of/for a Global Civil Society and multilateralism attempted
to replace this narrow notion by introducing a much broader definition of security as
such. A milestone toward such an approach, the so-called `Human Security′ concept, was
coined within UNDP′s 1994 definition of human security:
"Human security can be said to have two main aspects. It means, first, safety from such
chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression. And second, it means protection from
sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life whether in homes, in jobs or
in communities."10
7 Thomas G. Weiss,
R2P after 9/11 and the World Summit
,
supra
note 1, at 742, para 3. See generally on
this topic, Martha Finnemore/Kathryn Sikkink,
International Norm Dynamics and Political Change
, 52
Int′l Org
887 (1998)
8 See Francis Fukuyama,
The End of History and the Last Man
, Free Press (1992)
9 United Nations Development Program,
Human Development Report
, 1994 (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1994), p. 22.
10 Ibid., p. 23.
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