Middle Eastern Technical University
Faculty of Economic and Administrative Science
Department of International Relations
Course: IR 407 - Middle East in World Affairs
Fall 2005, Date: January 20th 2006

Iran′s Foreign Policy since the Islamic Revolution -
Consistent and Invariable?

by: Frederic Merck

Table of Contents

1. Introduction 3

2. Khomeini’s Iran: Islamic Foreign Policy 4

2.1. The Transition Period 4
2.2. Isolation and “Export of the Revolution” 6
2.3. Relations with the West 8

3. The Rafsanjani era: Period of Pragmatism 12

3.1. Iran’s foreign policy under Rafsanjani 12
3.2. Relations with the West 14

4. The Khatami era: Period of Reform 16

4.1. Iran’s foreign policy under Khatami 16
4.2. Relations with the West 20

5. Iran under Ahmadinejad: Return to Conservatism and Confrontation 25

6. Conclusion 26

1. Introduction

The recent events around the newly elected president of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, concerning Iran’s efforts of nuclear enrichment, against international regulations and agreements as well as his statements about Israel in which he, among other things, denied the Holocaust, have brought to mind again, how much effect Iranian foreign policy has on the international political arena. Iran is a key player in Middle Eastern politics, especially in the Gulf area, and has been a nemesis of the United States for decades.

The Islamic Revolution in 1979 has created a new Iran that, in its roots, accounts for fundamentalist Islamic laws and doctrines, the export of its revolutionary ideology and rejection of western culture or values. But has Iranian foreign policy always been a constant in the country’s history after the Islamic Revolution and immune to change? Has it always been an instrument for the expression of Islamic revolutionary ideas and animosity toward the west? Or did it change significantly during the different political periods? If yes, what were the reasons for those changes? These are the questions and issues this work intends to give answers and explanations to.

In this context Iran’s foreign policy agenda in the different periods of Iranian politics will be examined. Also the country’s relations with the Western world, that is the United States and mainly the Western European countries, respectively the European Union, will be emphasized in order to identify the implementations of its foreign policy in practice. Chapter 2 will deal with Iran’s foreign policy under the influence of Ayatollah Khomeini. The period of transition (Chapter 2.1.) and the time of Islamic consolidation and manifestation of the isolation policy (Chapter 2.2.) will be regarded separately. Chapter 3 will analyse the foreign policy of Iran during the presidency of A. H. Rafsanjani and identify a first shift in the policy paradigm. In order to serve this work’s thesis a major part of this work will be dedicated to Chapter 4 which examines the aspects of Iranian foreign policy under Mohammad Khatami, due to their significance in this regard. In each of the mentioned chapters a subchapter will take a closer look at Iran’s relations with the West (Chapters 2.3., 3.2., 4.2.). Despite the fact that scientific research material about the recent election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as the new president of Iran and the abovementioned events does not yet exist, chapter 5 will give a comment on this issue out of the composer’s perspective. Eventual Chapter 6 will draw a conclusion and formally give an answer to the work’s main question.

2. Khomeini’s Iran: Islamic foreign policy

After large ongoing street protests in Tehran and throughout Iran against the Shah regime, in which an independent Islamic government was demanded, the Shah went into exile in the United States at the beginning of 1979. A few days later, Ayatollah Khomeini, the spiritual and clerical leader of the anti-shah-movement, returned to Iran from France and was instated as the new ruler. The monarchy in Iran was officially ended and the country stood at a crossroad. During the initial time of the Islamic Revolution a major dispute for power erupted among the different revolutionary groupings such as the radical Islamists, secularists, leftist nationalists, communists and others. Through a national referendum the radical Islamist clerics around Khomeini gained the most influence and power and eventually founded the Islamic Republic of Iran.

2.1. The Transition Period

After the formal creation of the Islamic Republic, Imam Ayatollah Khomeini gave the permission for the establishment of a new government. Mehdi Bazargan became the new Prime Minister on a provisional basis. With regard to former interactions of foreign powers in the domestic affairs of Iran during the decades prior to the Revolution, the Bazargan government pushed ahead a non-alignment policy as to be the new foreign policy paradigm.¹ Other than the obligation for the defence of Iran’s territorial integrity it included the aspect of non-alignment with former colonial powers in Iran, the fight for Islamic unity in the world and support for liberation movements worldwide.² As its first action after the announcement of the new policy Iran abandoned the Central Treaty Organization in March 1979 and all other international deals and accords which had been sealed by the Shah’s government.³ Already at an early stage in the new government’s rule it had to face a serious foreign policy crisis, namely the hostage-taking of over 50 US-diplomats and Embassy-workers inside the US-Embassy in Teheran by Islamic, fundamentalist students. The action was said to be backed by the clerical forces in the government (and Khomeini himself). The students saw themselves as the true force of the revolution and defenders of the Islamic cause.

Although Bazargan was an actual participant in the Islamic Revolution he could not agree with Ayatollah Khomeini on basic political issues, such as the actual role of his government in the relations between the religious movement of Khomeini and the more secular factions. However, he was forced to share power with the Islamic Revolutionary Council (IRC). During the hostage crisis the conflict between the two worsened and eventually Bazargan had to resign in November 1979 and Abdul-Hassan Bani-Sadr was elected as the new president. Though a nationalist politician Bani-Sadr came from a clerical background and had therefore strong ties with fundamentalist forces in the leadership. He continued the non-alignment policy of his predecessor but added a more aggressive and militant note to it in favour of the Islamic cause (according to his speeches).

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1 Ramazani, Ruhollah K. 1983: p. 12

2 Siavoshi, Sussan 1995: p. 210 f.

3 Hunter, Shireen T. 1992: p. 109 f.