African American Vernacular English or AAVE, which is also variously labelled ‘African American English’, ‘Black English’, ‘Black Vernacular English’ or ‘Ebonics’, is the non-standard variety of English spoken by many African Americans, at least to some extent and in some contexts. The now very popular term Ebonics is a portmanteau of the words ‚ebony’ and ‚phonics’, created in 1973 by a group of black scholars, who disliked the term 'Nonstandard Negro English', which was in use at that time. The circumstances of the creation of the term, (which has gained considerable popularity during a huge debate in 1996, which will be discussed later), already highlights one of the main features associated with AAVE: the controversies which centre upon it, “even” – according to McCrum et al. –
“within the Black community. For some, it is an authentic means of self-expression for Black English speakers throughout America and the world. For others, who prefer the norms of Standard English, Black English represents the disadvantaged past, an obstacle to advancement, something better unlearned, denied or forgotten.”
The first thorough sociolinguistic study of AAVE was carried out by William Labov in 1968. It was funded by the US Office of Education, which was interested in “the relation between social dialects and the teaching of English.” The problems many Black American children had to acquire thorough reading skills was, in fact, what first brought attention to AAVE. Still scholars can’t seem to agree on what exactly AAVE is and where it comes from. Scholars on one end of the scale of opinions hold it to be very different from Standard English, even a distinct language, those on the other end claim it to be a mere product of regional and socio-economical differences between Blacks and Whites.
These two aspects will be the main points of interest in this paper. After a rough linguistic description of the dialect I’m going to turn to its possible history, before finally concluding with a short outline of the main sociolinguistic aspects surrounding AAVE, including the educational problems it presents, which have, after all, been the catalyst for linguistic interest in the dialect.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Linguistic Features
2.1 Shared non-standard features
2.2 Unique non-standard features
3. History
4. Sociolinguistic aspects
4.1 Prestige
4.2 Educational issues
5. Literature
Research Objectives and Themes
This paper explores the multifaceted nature of African American Vernacular English (AAVE), examining its linguistic characteristics, historical origins, and the sociolinguistic debates surrounding its prestige and educational implications.
- Analysis of specific grammatical and phonological linguistic features of AAVE.
- Investigation of the "Creole hypothesis" regarding the historical development of the dialect.
- Evaluation of the social prestige and perception of AAVE within and outside the Black community.
- Examination of the educational controversies and policy debates triggered by AAVE in American schools.
Excerpt from the Book
2.2 Unique non-standard features
Non-standard features Fasold labels as unique are much fewer than those shared by other features, just a few of which are listed above. One of them is the use of been in order to indicate a temporarily remote aspect. Fasold claims that there are striking differences not only of the use, but also of the comprehension of sentences such as She been married as an answer to Is she married? This way to apply been seems to occur only in AAVE and before verbs that are uninflected or in a past tense form.
Another grammatical feature is the absence of the possessive suffix ‘s as well as the absence of the verbal suffix –s (in third person singular forms of the present tense) and the plural suffix –s of nouns. In a survey Fasold cites a group of “lower-class black children” had no possessive suffixes in 52, 2 percent of the possessive constructions they uttered. I mention this number in order to stress again the fact that the features listed here are definitely not obligatory and can always be substituted by standard realisations. Also, I’d like to stress again that of a similar group of “upper-middle-class black children” just one child used the zero realisation of the possessive suffix, and only once, showing that by no means all African Americans speak AAVE. A further characteristic is frequent omission of present tense forms of to be, normally before gonna or progressive forms, adjectives or nouns. An example for that characteristic would be She beautiful. While are is according to Fasold frequently omitted as well by white Southerners, is normally appears in the speech of white. The infinitive form of to be, on the other hand, is used in a sense unknown to other varieties of English: to indicate that something happens regularly, as in Sometime he be comin here.
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: This chapter introduces African American Vernacular English (AAVE), detailing its various labels and the controversies surrounding its definition and usage.
2. Linguistic Features: This section categorizes the specific grammatical and phonological traits of AAVE, distinguishing between shared non-standard features and those considered unique to the dialect.
2.1 Shared non-standard features: This chapter highlights common linguistic markers in AAVE, such as the varied use of the verb "to be" and specific phonological characteristics like vowel mergers.
2.2 Unique non-standard features: This chapter examines grammatical structures categorized as unique, including the "remote aspect" usage of "been" and the omission of possessive and verbal suffixes.
3. History: This chapter explores the historical origins of AAVE, primarily focusing on the "Creole hypothesis" and the theory of decreolization.
4. Sociolinguistic aspects: This chapter provides an overview of the broader social debates regarding AAVE, emphasizing how the dialect is perceived in public discourse.
4.1 Prestige: This chapter discusses the fluctuating social status of AAVE, addressing its controversial perception as either a valid means of expression or an indicator of social disadvantage.
4.2 Educational issues: This chapter examines the historical challenges and political debates regarding the inclusion of AAVE in school curricula and educational policy.
5. Literature: This chapter provides the references and academic sources used throughout the paper.
Keywords
African American Vernacular English, AAVE, Ebonics, linguistics, creole, decreolization, sociolinguistics, prestige, Black community, education, dialect, syntax, phonology, language policy, standard English
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the primary subject of this work?
The paper provides a sociolinguistic analysis of African American Vernacular English (AAVE), covering its linguistic structure, historical development, and the social controversies associated with it.
What are the key thematic areas covered?
The key themes include the linguistic classification of AAVE, the Creole hypothesis of its origin, the sociolinguistic struggle for prestige, and the political/educational debates surrounding its use in schools.
What is the main goal of the research?
The research aims to describe the linguistic nature of AAVE and explain the sociolinguistic factors that have fueled intense debates about its status in American society and education.
Which scientific methodology is used?
The author uses a literature-based analytical approach, synthesising findings from foundational sociolinguistic studies (notably by Ralph Fasold and William Labov) to examine the dialect's features and history.
What is discussed in the main body?
The main body details the specific grammatical and phonological features of AAVE, the historical argument for a "Plantation Creole" origin, and an investigation into how AAVE's social prestige has changed over time.
What defines the core terminology of the paper?
The terminology centers on sociolinguistic concepts like "decreolization," "distributive be," "non-standard features," and the broader concept of "language rights" in an educational context.
How does the author explain the difference between shared and unique AAVE features?
The author distinguishes them based on whether the feature is also found in other non-standard English varieties (shared) or if it is a structural phenomenon seemingly exclusive to AAVE (unique), as identified by linguist Ralph Fasold.
What role does the "Creole hypothesis" play in the author's argument?
The hypothesis serves as a historical explanation for the "deviant" structural traces in AAVE, suggesting it is a result of decreolization from a previous creole language spoken by enslaved ancestors.
Why are educational issues considered a catalyst for interest in AAVE?
Educational issues brought AAVE into the political spotlight, as court cases and school board resolutions (such as in Detroit and Oakland) forced a public debate over whether to recognize AAVE in academic settings.
- Quote paper
- Desirée Kuthe (Author), 2007, African American Vernacular English, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/77753
