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Subtitle: Case Analysis of American Federal Court Decisions
Research Paper, 2008, 46 Pages
Author: PhD, Criminal Justice Claire Angelique Nolasco
Subject: Law - Public Law / Constitutional Law / Basic Rights
Details
Institution/College: Sam Houston State University, College of Criminal Justice (Institute of Legal Studies)
Tags: Judicial, Scrutiny, Discrimination, Employment, Practices, Criminal, Justice, Agencies, Special, Topics, Criminal, Justice
Year: 2008
Pages: 46
Grade: A
Bibliography: ~ 31 Entries
Language: English
ISBN (E-book): 978-3-638-06892-5
ISBN (Book): 978-3-638-95420-4
File size: 191 KB
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Abstract
Social science research is replete with studies examining the impact of gender in the workplace. Some analysts focus on the extent to which capital resources and other extraneous factors influence gender-based hiring and promotion practices (Petersen, Saporta & Seidel, 2000; Kay & Hagan, 1998; Kalleberg & Reskin, 1995). Others focus on the organizational structures that perpetuate and reinforce stereotypes in job allocation (Gorman, 2005; Ridgeway, 1997). On the other hand, other studies refute the notion that sex has any significant impact in the hiring process and hiring decisions of management, particularly, in call centers and retail banks (Petersen, Saporta, & Siedel, 2005; Fernandez, Castillo, & Moore, 2000; Fernandez & Weinberg, 1997). There is lack of research, however, on the legal interpretation accorded by courts to the term sex discrimination and the circumstances under which sex discrimination in the workplace may be deemed to exist. Also, there is scant analysis of the legal procedures needed to establish the existence or non-existence of sex discrimination in the criminal justice system. The focus of most social science research has been on the development of theories of why sex discrimination exists.
Excerpt (computer-generated)
Judicial Scrutiny of Sex Discrimination in the Employment Practices
of Criminal Justice Agencies
Gender Theory, Stereotyping, and Legal Liability
Social science research is replete with studies examining the
impact of gender in the workplace. Some analysts focus on the
extent to which capital resources and other extraneous factors
influence gender-based hiring and promotion practices (Petersen,
Saporta & Seidel, 2000; Kay & Hagan, 1998; Kalleberg & Reskin,
1995). Others focus on the organizational structures that
perpetuate and reinforce stereotypes in job allocation (Gorman,
2005; Ridgeway, 1997). On the other hand, other studies refute the
notion that sex has any significant impact in the hiring process and
hiring decisions of management, particularly, in call centers and
retail banks (Petersen, Saporta, & Siedel, 2005; Fernandez,
Castillo, & Moore, 2000; Fernandez & Weinberg, 1997). There is
lack of research, however, on the legal interpretation accorded by
courts to the term sex discrimination and the circumstances under
which sex discrimination in the workplace may be deemed to exist.
Also, there is scant analysis of the legal procedures needed to
establish the existence or non-existence of sex discrimination in
the criminal justice system. The focus of most social science
research has been on the development of theories of why sex
discrimination exists.
Theorists explain that gender stereotypes are triggered by
cultural schemas (Marler & Moen, 2005; Fiske, 1998; Bem, 1993) or
how a particular society and individual members of that society
categorize certain roles (Perry, Davis-Blake, & Kulik, 1994;
Heilman, 1983). In the workplace, stereotypes of what constitutes
male as well as female roles tend to reinforce the employment
practices of a specific organization, particularly, in the areas of
hiring (Petersen, Saporta, & Seidel, 2005), assignment of job
responsibilities, promotion, discipline and termination (Eliasoph &
Lichterman, 2003; Zuckerman, 1999; Di Maggrio & Powell, 1991).
Although traditional gender stereotypes were particularly
prevalent in the criminal justice system (Brown & Pechman, 1987),
some studies suggest that with the passage of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964 (Stivers, 1993), the onset of community policing with its
emphasis on community service and relations (Skogan, 2004; Greene,
2000) and changes in environmental factors (Zhao, He, & Lovrich,
2006) such as city population (Felkenes, Peretz, & Schroedel, 1993;
Warner, Steel, & Lovrich, 1989) and liberalization of local politics
(Salzstein, 1986), females have gained more acceptance and have
constituted a larger part of the criminal justice workforce. There
are studies contradicting the notion, however, that the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 has had any favorable influence on the employment
policies, practices and customs of criminal justice agencies wherein
stereotypical and gender-biased beliefs and practices of the male-
dominated personnel and management are prevalent (Eschholz & Vaughn,
2001). A typical example of such female stereotyping is reported by
Pogrebin and Poole (1997) who observed that " male officers
frequently referred to female deputy sheriffs as `honey′, " babe′,
and `dear′ and subjected these officers to physical abuse that
included unwelcomed kissing, unwanted groping of breasts, and
unsolicited pinching of buttocks" (Eschholz & Vaughn, 2001, p.
396).
Despite the perception of criminal justice agencies as male-
dominated and gender-biased, there are studies suggesting that Title
VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 has had a favorable impact for
females in the workforce composition of criminal justice agencies
(Zhao, He, & Lovrich, 2006). To the extent that it contributed to
the advent of females in the labor market, Title VII plays a
significant role in gender rights movement. The legislative history
of Title VII shows that it was enacted by the 88th Congress due to
2
the perceived need to " make persons whole for injuries suffered on
account of unlawful employment discrimination, its primary
objective, like that of any statute meant to influence primary
conduct, is not to provide redress but to avoid harm " (
Faragher v.
City of Boca Raton,
1998, p. 806). As originally drafted by
Congress, Title VII applied only to discriminations based on race,
color, religion or national origin (
Washington v. Gunther
, 1963)
while the Equal Pay Act, enacted earlier, applied to sex-based
discrimination. However, the final version signed by the President
included discriminations based on sex. Title VII was further
amended in 1972 to make it applicable to states and other
governmental employers (
Dothard v. Rawlinson
, 1977) and in 1991 to
incorporate Supreme Court decisions interpreting the Civil Rights
Act of 1866 and 1964 (
Landgraf v. USI Film Products
, 1994).
Extant research shows the need to analyze the role of the
federal courts in promoting diversity in the workplace upon the
passage of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Decisions of
the federal courts validating or invalidating specific employment
practices in the criminal justice system is necessarily important
due to their impact on actual decision-making policies of law-
enforcement and corrections management. The legality of employment
practices can be assured only through compliance with specific
rulings of the federal courts.
Judicial Standard for Gender Based Discrimination
The United States Supreme Court (" S upreme Court " ) , in a line
of decisions has held that under the Equal Protection Clause of the
Federal Constitution, gender or sex-based classifications initiated
by government are subject to intermediate scrutiny or a heightened
standard of review. In cases where the plaintiff brings suit
against the government, the government defendant must show that:
" t he challenged classification serves important governmental
objectives, and (2) discriminatory means employed are substantially
3
related to achievement of those objectives " (
Tuan Anh Nguyen v.
INS,
2001, p. 2060;
United States v. Virginia,
1996, p. 532;
Mississippi Univ. for Women v. Hogan,
1982, p.724;
Wengler v.
Druggists Mut. Ins. Co.,
1980, p. 150;
Weinberger v. Weisenfeld
,
1975, p.636). This intermediate or quasi-suspect standard of review
is in contrast to both the strict scrutiny test and the rational
basis test employed by the Supreme Court in other cases of disparate
treatment initiated by government.
Under the rational basis test, government-initiated or
government-sponsored classifications based on age, property or other
non-suspect or non-fundamental rights are presumed valid under the
U.S. Constitution′s Equal Protection Clause unless the plaintiff
proves that such classifications are not rationally related to a
legitimate government interest (Bhagwat, 1997;
Romer v. Evans,
1996). On the other hand, under the strict scrutiny test, government
classifications violating fundamental rights such as the right to
interstate travel, First Amendment freedom of speech and religious
rights, right to privacy, and the right to vote are presumed invalid
unless the government defendant proves that such action is necessary
for a compelling government interest (
Adarand Constructors v. Pena
,
1995;
Pacific Gas & Electric Co. v. Public Utilities Com.
, 1986).
In contrast, actions based on Title VII of the 1964 Civil
Rights Act impose on the plaintiff the burden of proving, by a
preponderance of evidence, intentional discrimination by the private
employer. The courts have used two theories for proving sex
discrimination claims: " d isparate treatment " and " disparate
impact " (Schlei & Grossman, 1983, at 1286-90).
In disparate treatment cases, the procedure for bringing a sex
discrimination claim under Title VII may be summarized as follows
(See Figure 1):
First,
the plaintiff must establish a presumption or
prima facie
case of intentional discrimination by showing the
following:
4
(1) she is a member of a protected class; (2) she was qualified
for the position she sought; (3) she suffered an adverse
employment action; and, (4) others similarly situated but
outside the protected class were treated more favorably.
(
Alvarado v. Texas Rangers,
2007, p. 611;
Willis v. Coca Cola
Enters., Inc.,
2006, p. 420;
Ptasnik v. City of Peoria,
2004,
p. 907;
Urbano v. Cont′l. Airlines, Inc.
1998, p. 206;
Bouman
v. Sherman Block,
1991, p. 1223)
Second,
the employer then has the burden of proving a " legitimate,
non-discriminatory reason" for the action (
Reeves v. Sanderson
Plumbing Prods., Inc.,
2000, p. 142;
Arway v. Norwalk Department of
Police Service,
1997, p. 5;
Bouman v. Sherman Block,
1991, p. 1223;
Texas Dept. of Community Affairs v. Burdine,
1981, pp. 254-256).
Third,
if the employer is able to satisfy his/her burden, the
plaintiff′s
prima facie
case is rebutted, and the plaintiff must
show to prevail that either: " (1) the employer′s proffered reason
is not true but is instead a pretext for discrimination; or (2) that
the employer′s reason, while true, is not the only reason for its
conduct, and another `motivating factor′ is the plaintiff′s
protected characteristic " (
Rachid v. Jack in the Box, Inc.
, 2004,
p. 308;
Gu and Santoro v. Boston Police Department,
2002, p. 11;
Richmond v. Johnson,
1997, p. 4;
Bouman v. Sherman Block,
1991, p.
1223).
ADVERSE
EMPLOYMENT
ACTION
SUBSTANTIAL
DISTINCTIONS
TOTALITY OF
CIRCUMSTANCES
Figure 1- Disparate Treatment Sex Discrimination
5
Variations within the U.S. Courts of Appeals on Gender-Based
Discrimination
According to both the Sixth and Seventh Circuit Court of
Appeals, a plaintiff can show that the employer′s reason is mere
pretext by showing any of the following:
the proffered reason (1) has no basis in fact, (2) did not
actually motivate the defendant′s challenged conduct, or (3)
was insufficient to warrant the challenged conduct If a
plaintiff can show that the defendant′s proffered, non-
discriminatory reason is pretextual, the trier of fact may
infer discrimination Nevertheless, the ultimate burden of
proof to show discrimination remains on the plaintiff at all
times. (
Tysinger v. Police Department of the City of
Zanesville,
2006, p. 576;
James v. Sheanan,
1998, p. 1007)
In the Fifth Circuit and the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals,
the discriminatory motive must be a " significant factor " for the
employment decision (
Walsdorf v. Board of Commissioners for the East
Jefferson Levee District,
1988, p. 1052, footnote 1). On the other
hand, in the First, Third, Sixth, and Seventh Circuits, the
plaintiff must show that " h e or she would have received the job
absent the discriminatory motive " (
Walsdorf v. Board of
Commissioners for the East Jefferson Levee District,
1988, p. 1052,
footnote 1), but in the Eight Circuit, the employer may be made
liable upon mere proof that " an unlawful motive played some part in
the employment decision " (
Bibbs v. Block,
1985, p.1323).
On the other hand, disparate impact cases require a different
judicial analysis (See Figure 2):
First,
the plaintiff must show a
" s ubstantial adverse impact on a protected class" (
Kent County
Sheriff′s Association v. County of Kent,
1987, p. 1492).
Second,
the employer must prove a business necessity for the employment
decision or practice, such as job-relatedness.
Third,
the plaintiff
must then prove that there are other feasible alternatives with less
adverse impact.
6
The Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals explained the difference
between disparate treatment and disparate impact cases as follows:
When proceeding under a disparate treatment theory, the case
usually focuses on an individual, `and the focus of the contest
is on the employer′s motivation for the different action
taken, with the plaintiff attempting to prove intentional bias
and employer contending that its actions were based on a
legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason′ (citations omitted). In
adverse impact (or disparate impact) cases, there is `an attack
on a specific [facially neutral] employment practice, such as a
written scored test, or a specific objective requirement, such
as a high school diploma requirement or a height and weight
requirement′. (
Kent County Sheriff′s Association v. County of
Kent,
1987, p. 1492)
Although private employers may rebut a prima facie case of
discrimination under Title VII through proof of a legitimate, non-
discriminatory reason, public employers may in fact be subjected to
more stringent requirements. In order to rebut the presumption of
discrimination, public employers, such as the state and federal
criminal justice agencies may be required to show that such
classifications are substantially related to an important government
interest. Analysis of several decided cases show that some U.S.
Circuit Courts of Appeals have applied the standards used under the
Equal Protection Clause to Title VII actions. Rather than
automatically applying the Supreme Court′s intermediate or quasi-
suspect standard of review, however, District and Circuit Court
decisions on the rebuttal proof required from public employers have
varied across jurisdictions, some applying the rational basis test
while others applying the strict scrutiny test.
7
NO
NO
Figure 2- Disparate Impact Sex Discrimination
This article analyzes federal court decisions at the Supreme
Court, Circuit, and District Court levels to ascertain what
interests and rights are deemed adequate to rebut the employee′s
prima facie case of discrimination. It also analyzes the standard
of review used by federal courts when examining gender-based
classifications within criminal justice agencies. Employment
practices in the criminal justice system are classified depending on
the stage of the employment process: hiring decisions, terms and
conditions of actual employment (such as pay and benefits, job
assignments, promotions and transfer) and termination of employment.
The article concludes by identifying the circumstances under which
the courts have held that a given employment policy or employee
treatment is or is not deemed sex discrimination.
Sex Discrimination Due to Disparate Impact
Under the disparate impact theory of sex discrimination,
various federal courts have used Title VII to examine the legality
of employment practices by criminal justice agencies. The legal
analysis centers on whether the burden shifting procedures have been
met in cases involving job exclusion and job limitation policies,
minimum height and weight requirements, strength and physical
fitness tests, oral interviews, written examinations, educational
requirements, and grooming policies. Thus, the plaintiffs in these
cases were first required to prove disparate impact through
8
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