American Influence on Filipino Food Culture - A Case Study

TABLE OF CONTENTS

  List of Tables  ii

1  Theory and Method  1

2  American Influence in East Asia  14

3  The Philippine Example  23

3  Traditional Fast Food in the Philippines  23

3  s Enters the Philippines  30

3  s Today  33

3  s System  36

3  Fast Food Marketing and Filipino Values  40

3  s  and the Philippine

3  Standardization and Adjustment  77

3  and Filipino Politics  81

3  Wheat  89

4  Findings and Conclusion  97

  Books and Academic Articles  101

Newspaper  and Periodical Articles  106

  Philippine Cookbooks  113

LIST OF TABLES

1  McDonald  s and Jollibee Birthday Parties

2  Table 2  Evaluation of Hamburger Meals

1. Introduction: Theory and Method

“Everyone is into fusion now.

Two central concepts are relevant to define for the topic of this thesis. Firstly, the connection of food and culture needs to be clarified. How significant is

characteristics can be examined through the study of food? Secondly, the notion of cultural influence needs to be resolved. What determines cultural influence? What effects does the process of cultural influence

Food, Culture, and Identity

Food is a day-to-day activity that involves every human being. Daily nutrition intake is essential to keep the vital body functions intact and is therefore a biological necessity. But food is more than that. Unlike animals, human beings transcended the stage in which instincts of survival determine the action of satisfying hunger. Food is bought, prepared, and consumed in every society around the globe. Food is not only basic principle of every economy, the activities around food have created a tremendous spectrum of different ways and meanings amongst all the peoples of the world. This makes food a particularly interesting topic for cultural anthropologists, as Carole Counihan

and Penny Van Esterik conclude, “food is life, and life can be studied and understood through food.” 1 Indeed, food as subject is of such interest that Alan Davidson recently published the extensive reference work “Oxford Companion to Food.” 2 According to anthropologist Ulrich Tolksdorf, the ways and meanings created by humans in-between hunger and its satisfaction are connected in a rather complex manner. 3 Following Talcott Parsons’ system theory, he understands food as open cultural system. This system is constituted of two main parts, the culinary system around the kitchen, and the system of human action in which individuals and groups communicate and interact with each other. In Tolksdorf’s opinion, the importance of this cultural system becomes clear by looking at the enculturation process. A human being is influenced by skills, norms, values, and tastes. Table manners, food practices, and spices educate and form children already during a very early stage of life. According to Tolksdorf, the impact of the cultural system of food is actually more significant than influences of other cultural systems:

Das Ernährungssystem [ist] viel stärker während des Enkulturationsprozesses in der kulturalen Persönlichkeit verankert … als andere kulturelle Systeme (wie z.B. Sprache, Kleidung, Brauchformen usw.). 4

University Press, 1999).

3 Tolksdorf, Ulrich, “Strukturalistische Nahrungsforschung,” Ethnoligia Europaea 9 (1976):64-85.

4 Tolksdorf, Ulrich, “Nahrungsforschung,” in Grundriß der

237. For a detailed psychological study on the enculturation process of food see Capaldi, Elizabeth D., ed, Why We Eat What We

The deeply rooted connection of food and culture is also observed in another peculiar characteristic.

Although the cultural system of food is a subsystem of the general social system of a society, the mechanisms of food as a social system are neither functionally connected to, nor do they reflect the general social system. As Tolksdorf found out, the cultural system of food is characterized by a “cultural drift,” and thus follows rules determined within the

industrialization and urbanization, for example, do not directly affect food and food behavior of the people. 5 In contrast, other aspects of material culture such as clothing, housing or means of transportation, have been certainly more affected by industrialization and

Tolksdorf argues further, a strong affinity to learned food ways and acquired tastes is formed which is often referred to as “taste conservatism.” This concepts is encountered all over the world and explains, for instance, why German tourists end up craving for their bread and beer during vacations in Italy, and Filipino overseas workers often try to smuggle some bottles of their native shrimp paste bagoong through American and Middle Eastern customs. The adherence to familiar nourishments can also be observed in the process of immigration, as Harvey Levenstein and Stephen Mennell

(Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972). This example is used by Tolksdorf (1976).

show for the example of European immigrants to the United States (US). 6 Besides the importance of food in the socialization process of the individual, food is also significant in the formation of group identities. In “We Are What We Eat,” Donna R. Gabacci identifies food habits “as concrete symbols of human culture and identity” 7 and shows how certain foodstuffs and particularly food ways have constituted ethnic and regional identities as well as a national identity in the US. The significance of food and group identity was already mentioned by

collective eating, but also segregates them. 8 Food taboos, for example, are encountered in religious contexts, Hindus do not eat beef, Muslims and Jews do not eat pork. 9 Further, and for this study also of relevance, Pierre Bourdieu shows how taste correlates with social class and determines its affiliation. 10 The study of food in conjunction with group identity is particularly interesting for the topic of this thesis. Since an “American” influence on “Filipino” food culture is examined, the link of food and national identity is of importance. In the formation of a

6 Levenstein, Harvey, “The Food Habits of European Immigrants to America: Homogenization or Hegemonization?” in Essen und

Akademie, 1997), 465-472; Mennell, Stephen, “The Culinary Culture of Europe Overseas,” in Hans J. Teuteberg et al. (1997), 459-464. 7 Gabbaci, Donna R., We Are What We Eat (Cambridge: Harvard

University Press, 1998), 8.

8 Tokarev, S.A., “Von einigen Aufgaben der ethnographischen Erforschung der materiellen Kultur,” Ethnologia Europaea 6 (1972):

9 Harris, Marvin, “The Abominable Pig,” in Carole Counihan and Penny van Esterik, 67-79.

10 Bourdieu, Pierre, Die feinen Unterschiede: Kritik der

national food culture, the concept of “national dishes” has been of special interest. Eszter Kisbán, for example, found out for the case of Hungary that sauerkraut with meat has played an important role for the construction of a “Hungarian” national identity,

influence on Philippine “national dishes” is not

influences here.

Another very important concept in the study of food was introduced by anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss. According to Lévi-Strauss, food of the “endo-cuisine” is prepared within the domestic sphere and “destined to a small closed group,” 12 such as the family. On the other hand, food prepared in the “exo-cuisine” is meant for public consumption and is, for instance, offered to guests. In his attempt to determine norms that are generally applicable in the social world of cooking, Lévi-Strauss particularly focuses on cooking methods and associates boiling as a method closely connected with the “endo-cuisine,” whereas roasting is mostly used in the “exo-cuisine.” In Tolksdorf’s opinion, Lévi-Strauss’ structural differentiation emphasizes more on the analysis of universally valid conditions of the human mind rather than concrete effects of food in social relations. 13 Thus, Tolksdorf correlates Lévi-

11 Kisbán, Eszter, “Dishes as Samples and Symbols: National and Ethnic Markers in Hungary,” in Hans J. Teuteberg et al. (1997), 12 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, “The Culinary Triangle,” in Carole Counihan and Penny van Esterik, 30. The original publication is published as “Le triangle culinaire,” in L’Arc 26 (1965): 19-29. 13 Tolksdorf, “Strukturalistische Nahrungsforschung,” 73-74.

Strauss’ definition with the idea of Tokarev who equates the opposition of family and social environment with the distinction of home and outside of the home. 14 This approach narrows the broad idea of Lévi-Strauss’ concept down to the distinction of meals prepared for domestic day-to-day consumption and meals eaten at special occasions and in restaurants. For ethnologist Klaus Roth, this definition of “endo-cuisine” and “exo-

indigenization of foreign nourishments into local cuisines. According to Roth, new and exotic dishes are usually at first encountered in the “exo-cuisine” while adoptions in the “endo-cuisine” are strongly adjusted to the local palate and occur much slower. 15 Therefore, this study focuses especially on the “exo-cuisine,” food consumed outside home. Albeit influences on the “endo-cuisine” are signs for a deeper cultural impact, the “exo-cuisine” provides a field where a case of cultural influence might be more

Cultural Influence and American Culture

The intense discussion about the meaning and effects of globalization has resulted in an increasing interest for cultural influences. Within this context, the theory of cultural imperialism has received a lot of attention. Following Immanuel Wallerstein's categories

14 Tokarev, S.A., “Von einigen Aufgaben der ethnographischen Erforschung der materiellen Kultur,” 175.

15 Roth, Klaus, “Türkentrank, Gulyás, Joghurt, Döner:

Stereotypen in der europäischen Esskultur,” in Vom Schwarzwald bis

a.M.: Lang, 2001), 47.

of “core” and “periphery,” 16 economically dominating industrial countries influence developing countries with “First World” messages via the mass media. Due to the media power of the US and its multitude of globally known icons such as Walt Disney’s Mickey Mouse, Hollywood movies, and the NBA, the role of American popular culture has been of particular interest in this process. 17 With the advent of such popular notions as

discussion about cultural imperialism also enters the realm of material culture. Although apprehensions of increasing standardizations of local food cultures — resulting in a “world cuisine” 18 — have become popular, anthropologist David Howes supports the thesis of “creolization” or “localization” of material culture. In Howes opinion, standardized and globally marketed products from the “First World” are creatively adapted by “Third World” consumers:

Although Third World people may seem to be manipulated into buying consumer goods which are to, and destructive of, their cultures, in fact, they are actively employing consumer goods to express and forge their own unique cultural identities. 19

These adaptations and adjustments are very common in the world of food. As Berndt Ostendorf shows for the case of New Orleans, the “creolization” of cuisines

Academic Press, 1974).

17 See Schiller, Herbert I., Communication and Cultural

18 Goody, Jack, “Industrial Food: Towards the Development of a World Cuisine,” in Carol Counihan and Penny Van Esterik, 339-356. 19 Howes, David, ed., Cross-Cultural Consumption: Global

also takes place in small regional contexts and always depend on geographical situations and historical developments. 20

influences, anthropologist James L. Watson provides a useful definition of culture:

Culture … is not something that people inherit as an undifferentiated bloc of knowledge from their ancestors. Culture is a set of ideas, reactions, and expectations that is constantly changing as people and groups themselves change. 21

“creolization” are both significant for the analysis of an American influence on Philippine food culture. Has American food culture taken over local food culture? Are American influences visible in the “exo-cuisine” of the Philippines? Have American dishes even found their way in the local “endo-cuisine”? Or is American culture localized and adjusted to a Filipino national food culture? What aspects of American food culture have been adapted? What aspects have been rejected? On which case can an American influence be illustrated?

Method and Sources

In order to answer these questions, the method of cultural interpretation was applied. According to Clifford Geertz, the analysis of culture “is not an

interpretative one in search of meaning.” However, there are plenty of cultural meanings in a cultural

20 Ostendorf, Berndt, “’Jambalaya, Crawfish Pie, File Gumbo’: The Creolizing Cuisines of New Orleans,” in Eating Culture: The

(Heidelberg: Winter, 2003), 33-51.

21 Watson, James L., ed., Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in

system. Thus, Geertz emphasizes the importance of the systematical analysis of meaning. In Geertz’ opinion, a solid interpretation of culture implies “guessing at

explanatory conclusions from the better guesses.” 22 Ethnographer James P. Spradley also emphasizes the

methodology for their investigation. According to Spradley the researcher must learn how people think and “get inside their heads.” Since everybody learns their own culture “by making inferences,” the researcher has to observe “cultural behavior,” “cultural artifacts,” and has to listen to “speech messages” in order to apply the “same process of inference.” In doing fieldwork, these cultural inferences form the basis for hypotheses which are constantly developed “until the ethnographer becomes relatively certain that people share a particular system of cultural meanings.” 23 For this cultural analysis various qualitative research methods were employed. Fieldwork was conducted in Metro Manila, the Philippines, from August 25 th , 2003 until December 17 th , 2003 and from January 25 th , 2004 until March 7 th , 2004. During this time, data was gathered from various sources: Academic literature about Filipino food culture; open, semi-standardized,

participant observations, including formal and informal interviews, and surveys; articles from the Philippine press; and Philippine cookbooks. Starting point for the research was Filipino food expert Doreen G. Fernandez

Basic Books, 1973), 20.

23 Spradley, James P., Participant Observation (New York: Holt,

Rinehart and Winston, 1980), 10.

who wrote that an American influence on Filipino national food culture is above all visible in “hygienic and scientific foodways” and in popular culture,

newspapers.” 24 These aspects were followed in semi-standardized group discussions and interviews with members of the Manila upper class. In order to determine the social affiliation, most respondents of individual interviews were asked about their socio-economic class. If not asked, the researcher categorized the respondents according to occupation and material wealth. This was done for all group discussions. Affiliation to social class was determined by socio-economic status. Since this study deals with consumers, a categorization used for market research is helpful. The most widely used method is the socio-economic distinction of AB, C, D, E. 25 While AB are “rich” household, class C is the middle class. D, and E are the “poor” households which comprise about 91 per cent of the population. For this study, the upper class consists of AB, upper C. A second aspect was also considered in this study, the demographic factor age. The focus on the upper class was set since the researcher encountered difficulties otherwise. Firstly, a language barrier was noticed which made formal interviews in English with members of

24 Fernandez, Doreen G., “Colonizing the Cuisine: The Politics of Philippine Foodways,” in Tikim: Essays on Philippine Food and

25 Arroyo, Dennis M., “The Usefulness of the ABCDE Market Research System: A Means to Check Social Welfare and Class Attributes,” Social Weather Bulletin 90, no. 11/12 (June 1990): 1-

researcher seemed too obtrusive and thus caused unnatural interview situations.

5 group discussions and 14 interviews were conducted

with a total of 39 respondents (1 group discussion and

recording). 26 Amongst the interviewees were males, females, mothers, fathers, students, businesspeople, artists, employees, teachers, and chefs — a randomly selected profile of the Manila upper class. 2 respondents were from a province outside of Manila, and another 2 respondents were not Filipino citizens. These semi-standardized group discussions and interviews serve as source for qualitative statements in the search for cultural meanings. They provide information about attitudes, values as well as food habits and preferences of the Manila upper class; particularly group discussions are a useful tool to find out more

prejudices. 27 Six topics were recurrently addressed: (1) Filipino food and foreign influences in the Manila restaurant scene, (2) food preferences at home and outside, (3) nutritional value of Filipino food, (4) food advertising in the Philippines, (5) language, and (6) food and cultural identity.

In the beginning of the fieldwork, eating-out places of all kinds were frequented during participant observation. After a while, the observation was focused at outlets of McDonald’s and the Filipino fast food chain Jollibee. Although the business concept of McDonald’s is copied by local imitators in various

26 The original recordings are included on a CD-ROM in the appendix along with the edited transcripts.

27 Mayring, Philipp, Einführung in die qualitative

countries, the Philippine company Jollibee seems to be particularly interesting for this study. Jollibee not only sells hamburgers, the enterprise is actually undisputed market leader and one of the biggest companies in the Philippines. Therefore, a comparison of these two restaurants chains was conducted in order to illustrate an American influence on Filipino food

During field observation, two McDonald’s and two Jollibee outlets in Metro Manila were intensively frequented. 28

McDonald’s and Jollibee customers were taken into account. Besides observations, four McDonald’s and four Jollibee store managers were questioned about store sales and policies. 29 Moreover, information about current developments were inquired during telephone interviews with public relations officers. Although there is no web-site of McDonald’s Philippines, the McDonald’s international web-site was also helpful to

information about Jollibee, the company’s web-site proved as a detailed source. Information about the marketing and advertising strategies of both companies were given by marketing expert Majo Tomas who worked for both accounts. Interviews with McDonald’s and

conducted. The possible respondents mentioned not to be familiar enough with the history of McDonald’s and

28 McDonald’s at Katipunan Road and Matalino Street; Jollibee at Katipunan Road and East Avenue.

29 In addition to the store managers of the four already mentioned stores, store managers of two McDonald’s outlets, Tomas Morato Avenue and Aurora Boulevard, and of two Jollibee outlets, Kamias Street and Aurora Boulevard, agreed to unrecorded

Jollibee. Therefore, magazine and periodical articles provide additional information about the history of these two companies in the Philippines.

Furthermore, articles from newspapers, magazines, and periodicals were used as sources. They provide

Philippine public. Several consumer studies published

participant observation. Finally, Philippine cookbooks were examined to support observations.

Ethnographic research is a field in which the generation of empirical data is highly dependent on the individual perception of the researcher. As James Clifford writes about the aspects of subjectivity and objectivity: “In cultural studies at least, we can no longer know the whole truth, or even claim to approach it.” 30 This research was conducted in the English language and is limited to consumers around Metro Manila. The Filipino language is not spoken by the

cultural meaning was difficult to access.

This study is divided into two main parts. Chapter 2 provides a discussion about the symbolic meaning of McDonald’s, the companies influence in other East Asian countries, and historical aspects about the United States and the Philippines. Chapter 3 deals with traditional Filipino fast food, the comparison of McDonald’s and Jollibee, the localization process of McDonald’s in the Philippines, and food preferences of the Manila upper class.

Clifford and George E. Marcus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 25.

2. American Influence in East Asia

“McDonald’s culture slowly wiping

out indigenous knowledge.” (Headline in Today. 04 December 2002)

“McDonald’s is also introducing food

that has rice combination. They were able to realize that if you want to make money in the country, you have to put rice on it.” (A Filipino Businessman. 01 December 2003)

The Symbolic Power of McDonald’s

The two citations at the beginning of this chapter indicate what symbolic role the American fast food restaurant chain McDonald’s has today. In short, McDonald’s has become a globally recognized icon, a symbol for “Americana.” The symbolic meaning of its prefix Mc is so powerful that it is, for instance, used to describe other businesses such as McPaper for the newspaper USA Today. 31 In Germany, the prefix has even found its way into labor market terminology: McJob stands for low-skilled employment in the service sector. Since McDonald’s has become a symbol for American popular culture, the transnational enterprise

McDonald’s has been frequent target for protesting peasants. 32 For globalization critics, McDonald’s is

Oaks, London: Pine Forge Press, 1993), 4.

32 Fantasia, Rick, “Drei Sterne für McDonald’s: Amerika in unseren Köpfen,” Le Monde Diplomatique (dt. Ausgabe), 12 May 2000.

also a symbol for American dominated global capitalism which threatens cultural diversity by spreading a form of “standardized culture.” Hence, the McDonald’s phenomenon is increasingly noticed in the academic world. 33 Many works focus on the impact of the McDonald’s system on society. In his elaborated study, sociologist George Ritzer analyzes the system of McDonald’s along Max Weber’s theory of rationalization. In Ritzer’s opinion, McDonald’s is deeply intertwined in American means of production like Fordist assembly-line mass production and Taylorist

“McDonaldization” very critical and concludes: “I hope that we are able to resist ‘McDonaldization’ and can create instead a more reasonable, more human world.” 34 This outlook of homogenization has become particularly interesting with the entry of McDonald’s into other countries and shifted the attention from analyzing the company to studying its consumers.

discussion about the effects of “McDonaldization” on cultural diversity. Whereas Gordon Mathews argues that the McDonald’s system of standardization contributes to the development of a “global culture,” 35 his colleague

34 Ritzer, The McDonaldization of Society, 187.

35 Mathews, Gordon, Global Culture/Individual Identity:

Routledge, 2000); for a detailed discussion of global culture see

James L. Watson identifies the transnational company as “multilocal corporation” which acts in various “local cultures.” 36

International holds around 50 per cent stake in its East Asian businesses. Further, the local enterprises

particular interest, though, is the localization process of McDonald’s amongst East Asian consumers. Instead of forming a “global culture,” Watson argues that McDonald’s encounters “local cultures” which adjust the meaning of McDonald’s. Watson defines a “local culture” as “the experience of everyday life as lived by ordinary people in specific localities.” 37 This definition implies that by exporting McDonald’s, the philosophy of its system as well as the hamburgers and French fries meet people shaped by different attitudes, values, and tastes. Since Watson’s concept of local culture particularly involves historically shaped conditions, it is also very useful for this

Hence, McDonald’s is interesting in two ways for this work. Firstly, the brand “McDonald’s” has evolved from a business concept to a unique symbol of American

production. Secondly, McDonald’s is still a restaurant that sells food and has therefore meaning for material culture. Thus, this study looks at the production side of McDonald’s in the Philippines as well as the consumer side.

37 Ibid, 9.

McDonald’s in East Asian Local Cultures With the end of the Second World War, the United States of American emerged as a superpower on the global political arena. Ever since, American culture, namely American popular culture, has been increasingly exported to other countries.

One important contribution to the export of American

McDonald’s in East Asia. In Watson’s “Golden Arches East” five anthropological case studies, conducted in Beijing, Hong Kong, Taipei, Seoul, and Japan, describe the reception of McDonald’s by local consumers.

One basic finding of Watson and his colleagues is that “societies in East Asia are changing as fast as cuisines — there is nothing immutable or primordial about cultural systems.” 38 New trends are adopted quickly, on the other hand, people get bored just as fast. In these contexts, commodities of popular culture, like Mickey Mouse, Ronald McDonald, or Asian martial arts movies become “deterritorialized”, the place of origin becomes insignificant, the distinction of what is “local” and what is “foreign” becomes

The key factor for the popularity of McDonald’s in this region is the change of family values assumed by Watson. Through rising incomes, children have become increasingly important as consumers. Financial matters are treated within a smaller family, the conjugal unit, where children receives more attention and thus more purchasing power. McDonald’s in East Asia is, as in many other countries, very popular amongst the youth. In Tokyo, Taipei, and Hong Kong McDonald’s is the most

favorite place to meet and be with friends and family for the majority of young people.

Fast food restaurants present themselves to the consumer in a distinct manner. There is a high degree

production process which means that the selection of food is standardized, the service becomes fast. Watson specifies the producer/consumer relationship of a fast food restaurant as a contract.

inexpensive service if the consumer agrees to pay in advance, eat quickly, and leave without delay, thereby making room for others. 39

Consumers in society unfamiliar with this contract might behave differently.

An important aspect of consumer discipline is the queue on the counter. In East Asia, this social

customers. In fact, standing in front of the counter actually provides a sense of equality. In Taipei, Hong Kong, and Beijing this “egalitarian model of fast food service” is favored, because it sets an informal

Friendliness has become a commodity of American fast food chains. According to Watson, this is not necessarily expected and appreciated by customers in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Korea. In contrast, cleanliness and hygiene are more significant for McDonald’s clientele in East Asia. In urban areas, McDonald’s is highly acclaimed for its sanitation standards. This puts high pressure on traditional eating places in Taipei, Beijing, Seoul, and Hong Kong. Local street

foods have been increasingly refused by the upper and rising middle class due to sanitation concerns.

In all five cases, Watson concludes, McDonald’s was perceived at its introduction to the market as “exotic import.” After some time, consumers were adjusting to the foreign food and distinct experience McDonald’s offers. Main features of the fast food system, like the queue, self-service, and self-seating are adapted by fast food consumers in East Asia. Rejected, on the other hand, is fast consumption. Space is treated differently. Children and teenagers appreciate the fun and familiarity McDonald’s offers and use it as “leisure centers.” Parents value predictability and

philosophy is interpreted differently in each setting. Watson’s contributor Yunxiang Yan sees McDonald’s in Beijing as a “classical case of the ‘localization’ of transnational systems.” 40 In the beginning, McDonald’s advantage is the reception of Chinese consumers as something new and exotic. Although the McDonald’s policies in sanitation and cleanliness are welcomed, the company has to adjust to the local taste.

According to Watson, McDonald’s in Hong Kong displays how the transnational can be local. However, transnational culture is not only consumed, but increasingly produced. Hence, Hong Kong’s lifestyle “can be best described as postmodern, postnationalist, and flamboyantly transnational.” 41 In Taiwan, as David Y.H. Wu concludes, McDonald’s has not threatened indigenous food ways. With the entry of McDonald’s the local restaurant scene has changed,

41 Ibid., 108.

particularly the standards in hygiene and sanitation. Although hamburgers and French fries are already “local” to Taiwanese youth, “the two modes of consumption — hyperlocal versus transnational” 42 —

In Sangmee Bak’s opinion, the consumption of McDonald’s hamburgers in South Korea is “related to a general ambivalence toward achieving a globalized lifestyle and in the process losing one’s identity as a Korean.” 43 Yet, Korean consumers transformed McDonald’s outlets into “local” institutions.

According to Emiko Ohnunki-Tierney, McDonald’s has hardly had an impact on Japanese food preferences. Although eating at McDonald’s certainly was a fashion amongst the Japanese youth, it has become “a routine of everyday, working life.” 44

A Shared History: The United States in the Philippines The historical connection of the US and the Philippines is quite long and rather deep. In 1899, the US annexed the Philippines as colony after the Spanish- American War of 1898. In 1935, the Philippines were granted a Commonwealth status and in 1946 the country gained full sovereignty and became independent. New institutions were established in Philippine society under American rule. Besides the political system, the educational system was re-modeled after the American example in the early 1900s. This form of colonial education showed early results, as the amount of students increased 500 per cent in one generation. By

43 Ibid., 159.

44 Ibid., 181.

the 1930s, 27 per cent of Filipinos already spoke English, the new formal language of instruction. 45 For

education has had a mutual effect on Filipino political culture. Although the American efforts to promote a national identity through the educational system resulted in intense “emotional ties to Americans” amongst Filipinos, increasing disappointment about American policies after the Second World War has led to anti-Americanism. Thus, Filipino nationalism evolved amongst middle-class intellectuals and political elites which spread to the masses in the early 1980s. 46 The most prominent and radical cultural critic is Renato Constantino who speaks of the “Miseducation of the Filipino” by the American colonial master. 47 In Constantino’s opinion, education became miseducation because it began to de- Filipinize the youth, taught them to regard American culture as superior to any other, and American society as the model par excellence for Philippine society. 48

According to Wurfel, the impact of nationalism on another important aspect of Filipino political culture is questionable. “Patterns of trust and obligation” are decisive in Filipino politics. These patterns are very strong in family and kinship relationships. Therefore, “nationalism has not created a sense of community strong enough to foster mutual trust between persons without dyadic ties” which means that the people in

(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), 8-11.

46 Ibid, 25.

47 Constantino, Renato, The Filipinos in the Philippines and