Terrorism in the Lake Chad Basin Region. Reasons and Solution Attempts

Table of Contents

I. Introduction

II. Framework of the study

III. Development of Boko Haram and State’s Response

IV. Lake Chad Basin as a Fertile ground for Boko-Haram Terrorists

V. The 2015 Election of Muhammadu Buhari and the Fight against Boko Haram

VI. Conclusion

References

I. Introduction

Since about the last 10 years the Nigerian media has continuously been awash with various reports on terrorist activities ranging from suicide bombings, targeted attacks on security agencies, public organizations, sacred places such as churches and mosques as well as public facilities, including schools. From 2009, insecurity linked to the insurgency of Boko Haram group and its repercussion spreads from the heart of Borno state to the entire north-east of Nigeria and then to the border areas of neighboring countries: Cameroon, Niger and Chad. Since 2013, the Boko Haram terrorist group has frequently attacked cities, towns and villages, security outposts and schools, and has also kidnapped male and female civilians, foreign tourists and missionaries (Scott, 2014:2). The crisis has progressively affected the entire region of Lake Chad which is one of the great cross-border areas of the Sahelian Africa at the crossroads of Africa savannahs and desert of West Africa and Central Africa (Magrin & Monteclos, 2018). Recently, there have been an increasing number of attacks in the Lake Chad Basin region along Nigeria’s borders with the republic of Chad and Cameroon and also in the northern provinces of Cameroon (A.U.Report,2017:8). In early January 2015, Boko Haram overran a military base in northeastern Nigeria which was the headquarters of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) located in Baga, Borno State. The group then forced thousands of people out of the region, burnt and destroyed homes and businesses, and committed mass killings. Again, in November 2018, Boko Haram attacked a military garrison in Borno killing at least 80 Nigerian soldiers (Pulse Nigeria, 2018:1).

Originating in the north-east, Boko Haram insurgency has been ongoing for the past ten years as shown above, gradually spreading to other parts of the country as well as to a large portion of the Lake Chad Basin. In response to the scourge which threatens not only Nigeria’s territorial integrity and regional stability, the concerned countries: Cameroon, Niger and Chad stepped up their military responses. These international initiatives become the joint efforts that led to the establishment of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) under the auspices of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC). Its establishment under its current structure was determine by the LCBC heads of state and government during the Extraordinary Summit of the LCBC member states and Benin in Niamey, Niger on 7th October 2014 (ISS, 2016:2). The mandate of the MNJTF as outlined in the AU communiqué of the 567th PSC meeting, is to

…create a safe and secure environment in the areas affected by the activities of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups…facilitate the implementation of overall stabilization programmes by the LCBC member States and Benin Republic in the affected areas, including the full restoration of state authority and the return of IDPs (Internally Displaced People) and Refugee; and facilitate, within the limit of its capabilities, humanitarian operations and the delivery of assistance to the affected populations (African Union: 2016:2).

With regard to the military component, the operational headquarters of the MNJTF are based in N’Djamena (Chad) and consist of military and security personnel from the various forces of the contributing countries. They exercise command and control of the force and coordinate the military actions of the troop’s of the contributing countries. Consequent upon series of attacks across the countries of Lake Chad Basin, Muhammadu Buhari, the Nigeria’s president who chaired the special Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) in December, 2018, emphasized the need and determination of MNJTF forces to win the war against terrorism in the Lake Chad Basin. Prior to the 2018 Summit, there was the A.U Commission on Regional and International efforts to combat terrorism. At its Summit meeting on terrorism and violent extremism held in Nairobi on the 2nd September 2014, the issue of Boko Haram was discussed extensively (AU, 2015:2). More specifically, the Council urged the countries of the region to take the necessary steps towards operationalizing the mechanisms agreed upon to address more effectively the threat posed by Boko Haram. Consequently, the countries of the region pledged to contribute a battalion each to the MNJTF, while the partners committed to facilitate the early operationalization of the Regional Intelligence Fusion Unit (RIFU) and offered training to the Nigerian and regional forces engaged in the fight against Boko Haram and other terrorist groups (A.U. Report, 2018:2).

According to United Nations report, millions of people in Africa’s Lake Chad region (north-east Nigeria and parts of Niger, Chad and Cameroon) are facing a profound and protracted crisis driven by extreme poverty, climate change and violent conflict. The crisis has led to the internal displacement of about 2.4 million people, the destruction of livelihoods, human rights abuses, and the disruption of health, education and other basic services. More than 10 million vulnerable people need life-saving assistance and protection today. Women and children are particularly hard hit. Nigeria’s president Muhammadu Buhari, who recently chaired the Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), was reported to have said in his address to the MNJTF troops that defeating Boko Haram is "a must-win war,". The meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the LCBC which took place in N’Djamena, Chad, on December, 2018 was meant to review the progress so far made in the fight against Boko-Haram terrorist in the Chad basin.

It is therefore not out of place to say that following the decision made in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU) in March 2015 to authorize the deployment of the MNJTF and the approval of its Concept of Operations (CONOPS), one can say without mistaking that the MNJTF which led both by AU and LCBC at the strategic level and by a Force Commander at the operational level under its headquarters based in N’Djamena, Chad. Thus, the MNJFT enjoys the international legitimacy or the legal mandate required to eradicate the Boko Haram menace and any other forms of terrorism within the Lake Chad Basin area. However, what has not been properly addressed in most of the literature on the subject matter is the assessment of the MNJTF force in terms of its purpose and objectives. Especially taking into cognizance that Nigeria being the main victim of the insurgency had been the center piece upon which the regional security framework performs. The problem as addressed in this paper is how the countries of the region approached security challenges collectively. It appears that West African regional security order has not been designed effectively to handle activities of insurgent groups and other networks of criminals that cut across the region’s international borders. In the Lake Chad region, Boko Haram and its offshoot ISIS-West Africa (ISIS-WA) since 2015 increased asymmetric attacks against civilians, government, and security forces, which resulted in deaths, injuries, abductions, and destruction of property. Consequently, Nigeria along with its neighbors: Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, often through the Multinational Joint Task Force, worked to counter these threats. This paper therefore, analyses the modus operandi of the Nigerian state through regional cooperation to tackle terrorist activities in the Lake Chad Basin region of West Africa. To do this, the paper looks at the bases for security cooperation between Nigeria and her neighbors in line with the ECOWAS security framework, the paper also analyzes both the effectiveness and ineffectiveness of Nigeria’s engagement with the Joint Security Operations in the Chad Basin against Boko Haram and the socio-economic impact of such regional security operation on the affected communities. The analysis contains in the paper leads to a prospective reflection on the future of these neighboring countries, considering the fact that the crisis has shaken the regional relationships that made the Lake Chad Basin resilient. The conclusion shows the need to restructure certain strategies for the regional security framework to be effective in West Africa.

II. Framework of the study

To understand Nigeria’s place in regional security cooperation in West African sub-region one needs to look back at the country’s involvement in the global arena since 1960. Since independence when the country pursued its foreign policy under the “Africa as center piece”, Nigeria was at the forefront of anti colonial and liberation movements in the continent. Corollary to the pursuit of anti colonialism is the active participation in the arena of global security, specifically its effort in regional peacekeeping operation. Of recent in Nigeria and indeed the entire West Africa, trans-border security has become a serious challenge and a cause for concern amongst national governments in the sub-region and international organizations. The trend is multidimensional: from the complex security challenges, ranging from transnational organized crime, terrorism and proliferation of advanced and light weapons, to the simple and common security challenges featuring in the increase in kidnappings, armed robbery, drugs and human trafficking. More disturbing was the protracted and internationalized insurgent activities of Boko Haram elements of north-eastern areas of Nigeria. Over the course of less than two decades Boko Haram has morphed from a terrorists movement operating within Nigeria to a movement with a regional presence across multiple countries in West Africa and beyond (Zenn, 2018:1). Undoubtedly, these criminal and terror activities, especially in Nigeria have been aggravated by the porous nature of the border areas of the country. According to Zenn (2018) analysis, West Africa has progressively become a battleground for terrorist activities. More recently, Boko Haram has been striving to establish a Caliphate over a large part of Northeastern border region, killing thousands and forcing more than half a million civilians to flee their country (Walther & Lauprech, 2015:2).

Nigeria is very central in West Africa’s security framework and specifically in the fight against Boko Haram because of number of reasons. With a population of about 200 million people, almost two third of the sub-region and being endowed with immense natural and human resources, Nigeria is destined to play leadership roles in the affairs of not only West Africa but the continent at large. Although successive Nigerian government has consistently accorded special attention to the plight and condition of her brothers and sisters in Africa which has made the basic principles of Nigeria’s foreign policy “Afro centric”, West African sub-region remains the first line of implementation. The perception of Nigeria in the maintenance of regional security in West Africa is hinged upon the belief that the country is the only regional power and its geographic location, its vast territory, its immense human and natural resources all give the country an incomparable power over the rest of West African countries. This is not only to ensure regional security in Africa but also to avoid a situation where African countries would become staging posts for external powers in order to maintain their global interests. Nigeria has never lost sight of the responsibilities entrusted on her by geography and circumstances. Being fully conscious of this, Nigeria has been careful to pursue any goal or objective that will be counterproductive to Africa’s regional security. Thus,’ the fundamental objectives of Nigeria’s foreign policy clearly delineated her concerns for African regional security and development. These among others include: a) the creation of relevant political conditions in Africa and the rest of the world to facilitate the preservation of the territorial integrity and security of all African countries, while at the same time fostering national self-reliance and rapid economic development in Africa; b) promotion of equality and self-reliance in Africa and the rest of the developing world; c) Promotion and defence of justice and respect for human dignity, especially the dignity of the black man; and d) the defence and promotion of world peace.

The justification for the above discussion is due to the fact that the internal security of the individual states is central to the political stability, economic development, and good governance of the entire region. Bola Ate (2010) argues that there cannot be any meaningful economic development in an insecure environment. It therefore follows that, if security constitutes a catalytic agent of economic development, then the management of security, be it internal or external, can be interpreted to mean the management of the conditions for economic development (Ate, 2010:85). The management of security in a country or region depends to a large extent, on the nature of the relationship between countries that are contagious to one another. Nigeria, as the largest and economically most powerful country in the West African sub region, has to reconsider its bilateral and multilateral foreign policies and diplomacy for managing the current security threats. Since 2011 Nigeria has been suffering from terrorists activities and the country could be said to be more vulnerable to threats than any other country in Africa. Having the largest population and market in West Africa, people of different background could enter the country for socio-economic purposes from all over the world. Almost all the migration and security stakeholders seemed to agree that Nigeria’s borders are porous and poorly monitored. The geo-strategic location of Nigeria in Africa, and the ethno-cultural linkages of Nigeria’s border communities with neighboring countries not only lead to transnational trade, but also allow free flow of aliens into the country. Even more pertinent is the case of Nigeria’s porous border which allows illegal drugs, encourages human trafficking, arms and ammunition and illegal oil bunkering (Garuba, 2010). Almost on the daily basis would one read or hear of migration-related offences and cross-border activities committed by Nigerians and non-Nigerians within and outside its borders.

Nigeria’s commitment to the promotion of regional peace gave it a measure of autonomy in the pursuit of African genuine position in global politics. In fact, from 1960 to date, Nigeria had been involved in more than forty peacekeeping missions worldwide in both military and police roles which has been captured under the following remark:

The commitment to global peace has continued to define Nigeria’s foreign policy since her independence in 1960. And nowhere is it more evident than in Africa which has remained the cornerstone of her foreign policy. Today, Nigeria is the leading peacekeeping nation in Africa and has shown tremendous leadership in all regional and continental efforts in conflict management. (Agwai, 2010:2).

Just like Agwai postulates, the involvement of Nigeria in regional peacekeeping has to do with the commitment of its leaders since independence and for the determination to keep other nations from exercising strong influence on what it considers its sphere of influence (Okolie, 2010:99). Nigeria’s peacekeeping record on the continent clearly define Nigeria’s image as a major contributor to global security and indeed mark its contributions in that regard. In spite of these notable contributions there has been growing criticism especially at the domestic level on the rationale for such extraordinary human and material investment, particularly when the benefits accruable do not seem commensurate with the investment. Other issue of concern is on policy matters. Many are even querying the national or strategic interest served by pursuing such active regional peacekeeping role. Similarly, the strategy used by Nigeria in combating insurgency and terrorist activities in the region has been seriously challenged in the context of fast technological changes. Martha (2009), has shown in her work that since 19/11, the issue of terrorism has become a major international security threat as a result there is shifting emphasis towards evolving new security and strategic frameworks that recognize the imperativeness of incorporating non-traditional elements of security in addressing these types of challenges. Thus, scholars increasingly formulate theoretical and conceptual frameworks that recognize the importance of other elements of security to a secured society. Notable among these is the recognition of the importance of regional integration, interdependence and alliances among nations as a form of security complex. In Africa, ECOWAS and its military wing, ECOMOG, provided an interesting example of how states build and operate a regional security structure that places regional security at par with their national security. This structure works very well, and has in many occasions in the past, served as quite useful in tackling regional security problems. Using this perspective, the paper will interrogate the following questions; What is the nature of Nigeria’s cooperation with her neighbors in tackling terrorism especially in the Chad Basin area? What were the mechanisms put in place in the fight against terrorists activities that failed to end insurgency in the area? Why is it that there are increases in terrorists’ attacks in spite of the presence of numerous regional and sub-regional joint task forces in the area?

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