For many years the study of Pidgin and Creole languages was widely regarded as marginal or frivolous, but recently, there has been growing interest in the study of these languages all over the world. They have not merely been studied for their own sake, but for the relevance to such concerns as language contact and change, historical linguistics, language learning, first and second language acquisition or language universals (cf. Smith 2002: 3). With this, the area of the Pacific and Indian Ocean has become increasingly significant for linguists. There are many reasons why the position of Tok Pisin, one of the two national languages of the independent nation of Papua New Guinea (with Hiri Motu as the other and alongside English as the official language), stands in the continued focus of scholarly attention. In a variety of ways, the position of Tok Pisin is like that of many other pidgin and creole languages elsewhere and it has a number of advantages as a source of data, as it is one of the best documented contact languages, however, “Tok Pisin is somewhat unusual among the Pidgins of the world in its gradual development over several generations as a second language before any extensive creolization took place.” (Smith 2002: 6). In spite of the work already carried out, there are still a few gaps in the current knowledge of some aspects of Tok Pisin and much of the literature is concerned only with the historical development of the language and the description of its linguistic properties, but it is not always clear how representative the features described are (cf. Smith 2002: 22).
The purpose of this paper is to closer examine the language concerning its history, linguistic features and current situation. We will start with some general background information about Tok Pisin and the region where it is spoken, the development of Tok Pisin into a creole language, the current situation and the external history. Then continue with the linguistic features of Tok Pisin with regard to the specific phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon, and illustrate them on a text sample. And finally we will take a closer look at the educational system of Papua New Guinea, as well as its media, concerning the use of Tok Pisin. In particular, the relationship between Tok Pisin and its main lexifier language English is of primary importance and is explored in further detail in almost every section.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. General Background Information
2.1 Name and Area
2.2 Development of Tok Pisin
2.3 Current Situation
3. External History of Tok Pisin
4. Linguistic Features of Tok Pisin
4.1 Phonology
4.2 Morphology
4.3 Syntax
4.4 The Lexicon of Tok Pisin
5. Analysis of a Sample Text
6. Education
7. Media
7.1 Papua New Guinea’s Press
7.2 Electronic Media
7.3 Radio and Television
8. Conclusion
Research Objectives and Focus Areas
This paper examines the linguistic evolution, structural features, and contemporary socio-political status of Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea. The primary objective is to analyze how this contact language has transitioned into a creole and how it functions within the educational and media sectors of a highly multilingual nation.
- Historical development from pidgin to creole status.
- Detailed analysis of phonological, morphological, and syntactical properties.
- The sociolinguistic influence of English as a lexifier language.
- Institutional roles of Tok Pisin in schooling and the public media landscape.
Excerpt from the Book
4.2 Morphology
Tok Pisin, like many other pidgin and creole languages, does not possess a highly productive inflectional morphology. One of the most characteristic features is the transitivising marker –im, which derived from the English object pronoun ‘him’ (cf. Smith 2002: 59). About 90 verbs show distinct transitive and intransitive meanings depending on the presence or absence of –im, for example dring ‘to be drinking’ and dringim ‘to drink (something)’. However, a few verbs can be used transitively without taking the –im suffix, for example the common verb gat ‘to have’ in some contexts, like em i gat ol naispla nambis ‘it has nice beaches’. Additionally, the suffix may be used in other ways to make semantic distinctions, for example the transitive verb kaikai ‘to eat’ is unmarked by –im, while kaikaim is glossed as ‘bite’ (cf. Kortmann 2004: 720/721). The most notable change in modern Tok Pisin is the frequency with which the final consonant –m is elided, leaving transitive verbs marked by –i. This loss is particularly noticeable before other consonants, glides or when the following word begins with a vowel (cf. Smith 2002: 60/61). Apart from that, when a verb stem ends in –i, for example redim ‘to prepare’, loss of –m can also negate the transitive/intransitive distinction (cf. Kortmann 2004: 721).
Chapter Summary
1. Introduction: Outlines the significance of Tok Pisin as a documented contact language and establishes the paper's focus on its history, features, and usage.
2. General Background Information: Provides geographical context and defines the developmental transition from a pidgin to a stable creole.
3. External History of Tok Pisin: Details the colonial origins, plantation contacts, and the language's resilience throughout historical shifts.
4. Linguistic Features of Tok Pisin: Conducts a technical breakdown of phonological rules, morphological processes, syntactical structures, and lexical composition.
5. Analysis of a Sample Text: Applies the theoretical findings to a real-world conversation to illustrate morphological and syntactic usage in context.
6. Education: Investigates the historical and contemporary role of Tok Pisin within the schooling system of Papua New Guinea.
7. Media: Explores the integration of Tok Pisin across press, radio, and digital platforms in a linguistically diverse country.
8. Conclusion: Summarizes the language's growth into a national symbol and addresses the future challenges regarding English influence.
Keywords
Tok Pisin, Pidgin, Creole, Papua New Guinea, Morphology, Syntax, Phonology, Linguistic contact, Sociolinguistics, Education, Media, Colonization, Language Planning, Lexifier, Multilingualism
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the fundamental focus of this paper?
This paper provides a comprehensive academic overview of Tok Pisin, analyzing its linguistic evolution from an English-based contact language to its current status as an official national language of Papua New Guinea.
What are the central thematic fields covered?
The research covers historical development, core linguistic properties (phonology, morphology, syntax, lexicon), and the practical application of the language in education and media.
What is the primary objective or research question?
The goal is to examine how Tok Pisin has matured into a creole and how its structural and social characteristics have evolved in response to its environment and the influence of English.
Which scientific methodology is employed?
The paper utilizes descriptive linguistic analysis combined with the study of existing literature and the application of theoretical models to a representative empirical sample text.
What specific aspects are treated in the main body?
The main body offers a technical breakdown of grammar and sound systems, followed by empirical analysis of how these features appear in everyday speech among native speakers.
Which keywords define this work?
Key terms include Pidgin, Creole, Tok Pisin, language contact, sociolinguistics, morphosyntax, and the cultural landscape of Papua New Guinea.
How does the morphological marker "-im" function in Tok Pisin?
The "-im" suffix serves as a transitivising marker derived from the English "him," allowing speakers to distinguish between transitive and intransitive verb forms.
Why is the "i" particle considered a complex syntactic feature?
The "i" particle acts as a predicate marker. While traditionally obligatory, modern usage shows high variability, leading linguists to study whether it is currently undergoing a process of decay or reanalysis.
How has the role of Tok Pisin in education changed?
While once excluded in favor of English, recent educational reforms have empowered schools to incorporate Tok Pisin during the first three years of schooling to better support early learning.
- Quote paper
- Nina Schulte-Schmale (Author), Maike Naujoks (Author), 2008, The Language "Tok Pisin" in Papua New Guinea. English in the Pacific and the Indian Ocean, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/118109
