There are several definitions about what language variations are and numerous labels
have been given to them. A. D. Edwards, Senior Lecturer in Education at the
University of Manchester, for example distinguished four different kinds of dialects that
can be found in almost every language.1 According to Edwards the Standard Dialect is
that variety, which is most commonly used in everyday life, in media, government,
religion – and on every other occasion “when speech most closely resembles the
written form”.2 Geographical Dialects evolve out of isolation of groups of speakers of
one language. The more time passes, the less theses speakers will sound the same
and differences in pronunciation, grammar and lexis will occur, creating regional
divergences of the source language. The same can happen in microcosmic relation,
for example in urban life, where sharp differences in speech between speakers not
only reflect but also reinforce social distances. Variations here are called Social Class
Dialects. Last not least, Edwards determines the Ethnic Dialect as a variation that
“often contains reminders of the ‘native’ language, the intrusion of ‘foreign’ sound,
words and structures, and it often reflects the residential and perhaps occupational
segregation.”3
And this is what the whole issue of Ebonics, of Black English, of African
American Vernacular English (AAVE) in America deals with. It raises questions: What
is Black English and what characterizes it? Is it a dialect, a language? How does
segregation show in the use of a language, and what is the public opinion towards
black slang? What do the blacks think about their own way of communication? This
paper will take a close look at these questions and will show aspects of controversies
in America’s current public discussions. It will show that the concept of Ebonics is
mores than just a plain way of speaking and how a language – at the same time – can
be a symbol of status as well as a social curse to a whole culture.
1 Edwards, J. A., Language in Culture and Class.
2 Edwards, J. A., 1976, p. 46.
3 Edwards, J. A., 1976, p. 48.
Table of Contents
1. Curse or blessing: about the black language variation in America.
2. About standards and variations in American English – scientific approaches.
3. Characteristic features of AAVE
3.1. Phonologic features of AAVE
3.2. Morphological and syntactical features of AAVE
3.3. Differences in Lexis
4. Black English, AAVE, Ebonics: a recognized & independent language by law.
5. Voices of America: attitudes towards the concept of Black English.
6. Being an African American in statistics.
7. About the new black intelligentsia and black ghetto kids.
8. The role of Ebonics and why black skin doesn’t make you black automatically.
9. Then why are there bad attitudes coming from the black society within?
10. What is there left to say?
Objectives and Themes
This paper examines the linguistic status, public perception, and societal implications of African American Vernacular English (AAVE), commonly referred to as Ebonics. It explores the controversy surrounding its recognition as an independent language and investigates how language usage intersects with identity, social status, and racial politics within the United States.
- Linguistic characteristics and classification of AAVE
- Legal and educational recognition of Ebonics
- Public and community attitudes toward Black English
- The role of language in African American identity and social mobility
- Economic and social statistical context of the African American population
Excerpt from the Book
3. Characteristic features of AAVE
William Labov, professor of Linguistics at the University of Philadelphia, found out several phonological characteristics of AAVE - among them the phenomenon of r- and l-lessness: When articulating, most AAVE-speakers tend to drop the r-consonant, especially when situated after vowels or at the end of a word. In communication the deletion of r becomes noticeable in words like ever or after, where they are pronounced with a schwa instead of er. By performing a phonological minimal pair analysis with mother tongue speakers, Labov also discovered that l “is often replaced by a back undergrounded glide and disappears entirely, especially after back rounded vowels.” When vocalizing pairs like toll and toe or tool and too or help and hep, no significant difference was able to be heard, so all pairs are homonyms in AAVE.
Another characteristic is the use of the alveolar d for voiced StE th. The loss of interdentally fricatives comes apparent in word like the, there, that or those that a AAVE-speaker pronounces as de, dere, dad and dose. This use of language can also be heard in other varieties of StE though it is mostly black speakers who use the d at the beginning of a word.
There is a considerable list of other phonological features in AAVE, such as the final consonant weakening (last consonants are pronounced weakly or not at all, e.g.: pas’ for past), absence of a distinction between i and e before nasals (e.g.: tin / ten) as well as consonant cluster simplification.
Summary of Chapters
1. Curse or blessing: about the black language variation in America.: This chapter introduces the theoretical concept of language variation and sets the stage for the discussion of Ebonics as a complex cultural and social issue.
2. About standards and variations in American English – scientific approaches.: It addresses the difficulty in defining a single "Standard English" and examines the diverging scientific perspectives on the classification of AAVE.
3. Characteristic features of AAVE: This section details the specific phonological, morphological, and syntactical rules that distinguish AAVE from Standard English.
4. Black English, AAVE, Ebonics: a recognized & independent language by law.: It covers the historical legal milestones, specifically the school board decisions in Ann Arbor and Oakland, that formally addressed Ebonics.
5. Voices of America: attitudes towards the concept of Black English.: This chapter analyzes the mixed public and community reactions, ranging from sharp criticism to support for Ebonics as a valid cultural identifier.
6. Being an African American in statistics.: It provides a statistical overview of the socio-economic disparities facing African Americans in terms of education, employment, and justice.
7. About the new black intelligentsia and black ghetto kids.: This chapter discusses the emergence of a black middle and upper class and the resulting tensions regarding identity and authenticity within the black community.
8. The role of Ebonics and why black skin doesn’t make you black automatically: It explores how language usage functions as a gatekeeper for identity and community belonging, contrasting "whitey" or "boojy" labels with the cultural weight of Ebonics.
9. Then why are there bad attitudes coming from the black society within?: This chapter categorizes the internal dissent within the black community regarding Ebonics, linking it to fears of segregation and competing ideologies.
10. What is there left to say?: The concluding chapter summarizes the central conflict, framing the issue of Ebonics as a symptom of America's ongoing struggle with racial inequality and integration.
Keywords
AAVE, Ebonics, Black English, Language Variation, Sociolinguistics, African American Identity, Racial Segregation, Standard English, Linguistic Identity, Educational Policy, Social Mobility, Cultural Heritage, Ann Arbor Trial, Oakland Decision, Dialectology
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the central focus of this work?
The paper explores African American Vernacular English (AAVE) as a legitimate linguistic variety and examines the controversies surrounding its social and academic status in America.
What are the primary themes discussed?
Key themes include the linguistic structure of AAVE, its legal recognition in educational contexts, the diversity of public opinion on the topic, and the connection between language and racial identity.
What is the author's main research inquiry?
The author investigates why the concept of Ebonics triggers such intense public debate and how it functions as both a symbol of cultural pride and a perceived social barrier.
Which methodology is used in the study?
The study utilizes a qualitative approach, analyzing existing scientific literature, legal documents, survey results, and media statements to synthesize the various perspectives on Black English.
What topics are covered in the main body?
The body covers linguistic technicalities, the history of legal battles (Ann Arbor and Oakland), statistical data on African American socio-economic status, and the internal debate within the black community regarding identity.
Which keywords best characterize this work?
Key terms include AAVE, Ebonics, sociolinguistics, racial identity, language variation, and social segregation.
How did the 1996 Oakland court decision influence the Ebonics debate?
The Oakland decision escalated the public debate by formally identifying Ebonics as a separate, rule-governed language, which ignited both scientific support and significant political and community backlash.
What role does the "black intelligentsia" play in the discourse on Ebonics?
The black intelligentsia, as presented in the text, often views Ebonics with skepticism, fearing that it reinforces negative stereotypes or hinders the educational and professional advancement of African Americans in the "white world."
- Quote paper
- Andre Vatter (Author), 2003, You ain't no never say that! - Ebonics as a linguistic variety and attitudes towards it., Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/12036
