This paper aims to analyze whether there are any significant national differences between the French and German right-populist parties Rassemblement National and the Alternative für Deutschland and the new-left parties La République en Marche and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen in their approving or disapproving positionings regarding immigration and multicultural identity, two of the most prominent cultural issues nowadays. The so-called social individualization shaped sociological discourse, especially in Germany, until the 1980s, challenging the previous conception of a rather static social structure, predetermined by class and status.
Recently, in view of the increasing social inequalities in western societies, concepts like class and cleavage seem to reappear in the debate. The reincarnation of class in post-modern societies makes room for diametral opposite living environments and lifestyles hard to reconcile with each other. Moving to the political dimension, the concept of cleavage1 links individual political values and beliefs with macro-institutional aspects of political systems, enriching thus the debate on how political parties mobilize particular social groups. Given that this development concerns several western societies, a row of terms has emerged to illustrate this phenomenon in different national contexts.
Western European political systems have responded to the increasing relevance of the cultural dimension and have reconfigured themselves, giving birth to and consolidating right-populist parties since the 2010s. Globalization has further accentuated this cultural conflict line, making room for fully antagonistic views on cultural issues, such as immigration. Hence, political parties have turned into agents of the political-cultural ressentiment resulting from globalization, or have moved towards more progressive political agendas, appealing to those generally profiting from a changing world.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Theoretical framework
The transformation of the social structure: the winners vs. the losers of globalization
The cultural conflict line and the rearrangement of the political party landscape
Right-populist parties vs. new-left parties
Globalization and the intensification of the cultural line of conflict
3. Research design
Selected parties
Selected issues
Research hypotheses and variables
Research method
4. Empirical analysis
General intra-party observations and trends
The right-radical party family and the losers of mobilization
The new-left party family and the winners of mobilization
Evaluation of the party positionings
5. Summary of the empirical findings
6. Conclusion
Research Objectives and Core Themes
This paper aims to analyze whether there are significant national differences in the positionings regarding immigration and multicultural identity between French and German right-populist parties (Rassemblement National and Alternative für Deutschland) and new-left parties (La République en Marche and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen). It examines if these parties articulate the preferences of the "winners" and "losers" of globalization according to the theoretical framework of the integration-demarcation cleavage.
- Transformation of social structures and the "winners vs. losers of globalization" dichotomy.
- The rise of the cultural conflict line in Western European political landscapes.
- Comparative analysis of electoral programs regarding immigration and multiculturalism.
- Intra-party family convergence and the divergence of political agendas.
- Evaluation of how right-populist and new-left parties frame globalization.
Excerpt from the Book
The cultural conflict line and the rearrangement of the political party landscape
Having touched upon the emergence of both classes, the following section will focus on the political dimension of this transformation. In line with the ideas exposed previously, this cultural conflict line has led to the two-folded categorization exposed above: winners vs. losers of globalization. Having somewhat profited from the post-industrialization, the educational expansion and the shift and liberalization of values, the winners of globalization are tendentially oriented towards progress, which reflects in their political orientation (cf. Reckwitz 2012: 95). Thus, they support social opening, viewing economic globalization as well as a pluralization of the identities – through immigration for instance – as enrichment. In the same vein, this political orientation brings forward a sort of “new liberalism” that fusions left-liberal elements, such as education and professional competitiveness; economic globalization and free trade; social and gender equality and ecology (cf. Reckwitz 2012: 95). Hence, the latter have a positive attitude towards globalization internationalization, cultural hybridity and the spatial-social mobility resulting thereof.
In contrast, the losers of globalization attach importance to maintaining order and social roots. (Home)town turns therefore into a fundamental element of identity for them (cf. Reckwitz 2012: 99). Concerning their political preferences, they favor conservative economic and social policies, the protection of the national culture and have rather sceptical views towards globalization (cf. Reckwitz 2012: 99f). In a nutshell, the social transformation from which the winners of globalization have often profited is rather interpreted as a threat to the cultural influence and social status on the part of the losers of globalization. In this context, right-populist parties have become a sort of agent of this political-cultural ressentiment, being able to connect with this group by revealing critical postures towards elites, globalization and the urban-rural gap, among others (cf. Reckwitz 2012: 102).
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: Presents the sociological and political context of the post-modern cleavage, introducing the concepts of "winners" and "losers" of globalization and the research aim.
2. Theoretical framework: Explores the transformation of social structures, the integration-demarcation cleavage, and how party landscapes have reconfigured along new cultural conflict lines.
3. Research design: Outlines the selection of parties and issues, defines the research hypotheses, and details the manual content analysis methodology used to code electoral programs.
4. Empirical analysis: Examines the specific positioning of right-populist and new-left parties across France and Germany, identifying patterns of convergence and thematic salience.
5. Summary of the empirical findings: Reaffirms that party families converge strongly on cultural issues, with right-populist and new-left parties targeting their respective socio-economic cohorts.
6. Conclusion: Synthesizes the results, confirming the persistence of the cultural cleavage and suggesting future research directions regarding other party families.
Keywords
Globalization, Winners of globalization, Losers of globalization, Integration-demarcation cleavage, Right-populist parties, New-left parties, Immigration, Multicultural identity, Political conflict, Electoral programs, France, Germany, Social structure, Political landscape, Cultural conflict.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the fundamental focus of this research paper?
The paper examines how right-populist and new-left parties in France and Germany frame globalization, specifically focusing on their positionings regarding immigration and multicultural identity.
What are the central themes discussed in the study?
The core themes include the transformation of the social structure into "winners" and "losers" of globalization, the emergence of cultural cleavages, and the resulting polarization in political party agendas.
What is the primary research goal?
The goal is to determine if significant national differences exist between French and German party families or if they consistently mirror the preferences of their respective electorates.
Which scientific methodology does the author employ?
The author uses a standardized, qualitative, and manual content analysis of electoral programs, supported by deductive logic and descriptive coding in MAXQDA.
What does the main body of the paper cover?
The main body details the theoretical framework, explains the research design, presents the empirical analysis of party positionings, and evaluates the convergence within party families.
Which keywords best characterize this work?
Key terms include globalization, integration-demarcation cleavage, right-populism, new-left, immigration, multicultural identity, and political party repositioning.
What makes the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) specifically distinct in its rhetoric?
The study notes that the AfD often introduces a higher variety of arguments regarding the "loss of sovereignty" and utilizes a more aggressive discourse concerning the incompatibility of certain religious backgrounds with the democratic order compared to its French counterpart.
How do Bündnis 90/Die Grünen and La République en Marche differ in their approach to integration?
While both represent the "winners of globalization," the study highlights that the German Green party places a stronger emphasis on international cooperation, humanitarian action, and constitutional protections, whereas Macron’s party focuses more on the economic and scientific opportunities associated with integration.
- Citar trabajo
- Daniela Forero Nuñez (Autor), 2022, Differences between the French and German right-populist parties and the new-left parties. La République en Marche, Rassemblement National, Die Grünen and Alternative für Deutschland, Múnich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1256852
