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Table of Contents
I. CONSTRUCTION OF STUDY OBJECT
A. BACKGROUND AND RATIONAL FOR THE TOPIC
B. CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATIONS
C. PRESENTATION OF TRADITIONAL DUAL AND BAMOUN POLITICAL POWERS
D. DELIMITATION OF THE SUBJECT OR DEMARCATION OF THE STUDY
E. CRITICAL LITERATURE REVIEW
F. ISSUES AND ASSUMPTIONS
G. RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY
II. METHODOLOGICAL AND OPERATIONAL CONSIDERATIONS
A. ANALYTICAL METHODS
B. DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUE
THE GERMAN COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION AND TRADITIONAL DUALA AND BAMOUN POLITICAL POWERS : AN ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF CAMEROON
From 1884 to 1916, the traditional political powers Bamoun and Douala were subjected to the influence of the German colonial administration. This has been demonstrated by the profound restructuring of their political, economic and socio-cultural organizations. In this perspective, we went further by demonstrating that the German colonial administration has also undergone significant changes due to their exchanges with Sultan NJOYA and the Duala chiefs. We also took an interest in this socio-political phenomenon under the theme : « The German colonial administration and the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun : Analysis of the political history of Cameroon ». The interest of our work demands that the degree of mutual influence between the German colonial administrators and the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun be shown gradually. This work proposes to analyze the dynamics and the logics of implantation and domination that the German colonial administration had on these two traditional political entities. Moreover, the German colonial administration had to adapt to the local realities of the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun. To illustrate this work, the use of a double methodological approach was imperative : the historical approach will allow us to trace the German colonial period in Cameroon, but also through diachrony and synchrony, to appreciate the influence that German colonization had on the traditional societies Duala and Bamoun. The comparative approach will aim to highlight how the German settlers came into contact with the traditional chiefdoms raised, and how the latter participated positively or negatively in the expansion of this conquest. Second, it will allow us to ask ourselves where is the relevance of such openness for the transformation and evolution of these traditional societies over time. Finally, whether all the actors of this colonial period could be highlighted and their exact roles. It is on this basis that our work was built in two parts.
The first part is titled : « The domination of the German colonial administration over the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun » and the second part is titled : “The relative influence of traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun on the German colonial administration.”
De 1884 à 1916, les pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Bamoun et Douala ont été soumis à l’influence de l’administration coloniale allemande. Cela s’est manifesté par la restructuration profonde de leurs organisations politiques, économiques et socioculturelles. Dans cette perspective, nous sommes allés plus loin en démontrant que l’administration coloniale allemande a également subi des mutations significatives du fait de leurs échanges avec le Sultan NJOYA et les chefs Duala. Aussi, nous nous sommes intéressés à ce phénomène sociopolitique sous le thème : « L’administration coloniale allemande et les pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Duala et Bamoun : Analyse de l’histoire politique du Cameroun ». L’intérêt de notre travail exige que l’on montre au fur et à mesure le degré d’influence mutuelle entre les administrateurs coloniaux allemands et les pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Duala et Bamoun. Ce travail propose d’analyser les dynamiques et les logiques d’implantation et de domination que l’administration coloniale allemande a eue sur ces deux entités politiques traditionnelles. Par ailleurs, l’administration coloniale allemande a dû s’adapter aux réalités locales des pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Duala et Bamoun. Pour illustrer ce travail, le recours à une double approche méthodologique a été impératif : l’approche historique nous permettra de retracer la période coloniale allemande au Cameroun, mais aussi à travers la diachronie et la synchronie, d’apprécier l’influence que la colonisation allemande a eue sur les sociétés traditionnelles Duala et Bamoun. L’approche comparative visera à mettre en évidence la manière dont les colons allemands sont entrés en contact avec les chefferies traditionnelles suscitées, et comment ces dernières ont participé positivement ou négativement à l’expansion de cette conquête. Ensuite, elle nous permettra de nous de se demander où se trouve la pertinence d’une telle ouverture pour la transformation et l’évolution de ces sociétés traditionnelles au fil du temps. Enfin, de savoir si tous les acteurs de cette période coloniale ont pu être mis en lumière ainsi que leurs rôles exacts. C’est sur cette base que notre travail a été construit en deux parties.
La première partie est titrée : « La domination de l’administration coloniale allemande sur les pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Duala et Bamoun » et la seconde partie quant à elle est intitulée : « L’influence relative des pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Duala et Bamoun sur l’administration coloniale allemande ».
Keywords : German colonial administration, Bamum and Duala traditional political powers, Political history.
Mots-clés : administration coloniale allemande, pouvoirs politiques traditionnels Bamoun et Douala, histoire politique.
Cameroon1, located at the bottom of the Gulf of Guinea, was first visited by the Portuguese in the 15 th century, then by the British and Germans who brought the first missionaries there around 1860. After becoming a German colony in 1884, he passed under the control of France the day after the First World War in 1919. A country of 475,650 km² and 25 millions inhabitants, Cameroon stretches from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean to the borders of the Sahel. In 1911, the French surrendered some of their territories in Equatorial Africa to the Germans, whom they immediately called « Neu Kamerun ». The territory of the « Kamerun » will thus be enlarged by a part of the Congo ceded by France, called the « duck’s beak », because it provided access to the Congo River.
For Ibrahim MOUICHE, Cameroon located geographically at the crossroads of West Africa, central as Sahelian and Western ensembles, culturally at the junction of the French and English worlds, both Christian and Muslim. In this sense, it is the crossroads of the three important cultural regions : the coast of Guinea with its Negritic peoples, Western Sudan with the Peul and Arab peoples, Congo with the Bantu-speaking peoples. The extreme ethnic complexity is like that of Africa2.
The most important traffic will take place around the Wouri estuary. The places of trade remained easily identifiable. There were mainly the villages along the coast around Victoria, then the Malimba villages of the Wouri estuary. Most of the traffic was in Douala and Bonabéri at the places called Kamerun and Hickory Town. On the coasts of Cameroon as everywhere in Africa, the trade was a real trade of barter. The exchanges were made using Asian shells as coins, cloth coins, iron bars, manufactured items and junk.
The counters in Cameroon were connected to the other counters in Senegal, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Nigeria. During the 16th century, traffic was mainly in Spanish hands. But from the 17th century, it became the business of the Dutch then the French and the English. The monopoly passed to the English in the 18th century. This is the time when triangular trade is organized.
The coastal chiefs have played a particularly important role. Reverend Pastor MVENG writes : « According to the custom of the time, slaves were gathered at the passage of ships. Where the chiefs served as intermediaries, the trade was opened with a meticulous ceremony : announcement of the arrival of the ship, invitation of the chief on board, reception in the village and presentation of gifts, finally, proclamation of the opening of the trade »3. The coastal chiefs were very fond of the gifts brought by European merchants. On the coast of Cameroon, slaves could be bought for 8 or 10 copper bracelets. Some of these bracelets, the manilhas, were kept in the Douala Museum. Spanish wine and cauris were very popular… In the 17th century, we know that the Duala had left Pitti, on the Dibamba to come and live in the current area. But a characteristic fact is that we do not see these chefs doing this trade in the open. There is every reason to believe that during the 16th century, the Portuguese removed an average of 500 slaves from the Cameroonian coasts. It should be noted that Cameroonian nationals were ill-equipped for the servile condition4. The case of slavery concerned the system of social organization as a whole. Toutes les tribus du Cameroun avaient des esclaves qu’on appelait par exemple, « Mokomi » chez les Kpé de l’ex-Cameroun britannique, « Mukom » chez les Duala, « Nkol » chez les Bassa, « Olo-Etuga » chez les Fang-Béti, « Yond » et autres, chez les Banen5. The aim of this study, entitled « The German colonial administration and the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun : analysis of the political history of Cameroon », is to understand that the Duala and Bamoun societies benefited from the expertise and know-howmake German colonial administration.
Moreover, it is also a question of seeing that the German colonization made it possible to consider that Cameroon was an area to be exploited, and that the populations would be used as labour for this operation. From a pragmatic point of view, the Germans have created large plantations of export products including cocoa, coffee, palm oil, etc. The signing of the various treaties allowed or did not allow to hide the brutal dimension of the methods used to achieve their objectives. And the episode of multiple revolts in the plantations even going up to the tax strike, testifies to these tensions between the Germans and the Cameroonian populations.
However, the German colonial administration contributed to the opening up of Cameroon through the export of cultivated products. It is thus a question of seeing how the traditional chiefs, especially those Duala and Bamoun, participated and underwent the expansion of the German conquest in Cameroon. To neglect this aspect is to forget that all the actors had to shed light on different angles and aspects of colonization as glorious as they were obscure. Our article deals with the construction of the study (I-) and the methodological and operational considerations of the aforementioned subject (II-).
I. CONSTRUCTION OF STUDY OBJECT
According to Pierre Bourdieu, « building a scientific object is, first and foremost, to break with common sense, that is, representations shared by all, whether they are the simple common places of ordinary existence or official representations, often inscribed in institutions, therefore both in the objectivity of social representations and in the brains. The pre-construction is everywhere6 ». The scientific object is the fact to be observed, to capture and make visible the imperceptible aspects of its nature to the naked eye.
This also implies to some extent either breaking with some old foundations or revisiting them to make a new structure. In other words, it is necessary to understand its essence, to situate its interest, to define its limits and its form, to identify its problems and related solutions, to better situate its value. Indeed, the German colonial administration has established its dominance over local entities, especially over the traditional political powers of Duala and Bamoun, applying the principle of “divide and conquer”.
In this context, the use of antagonisms between King Bell and King Akwa by the German authorities to gain control over trade and other commercial transactions has been recorded several times. In addition, the Duala chiefs opposed the policy of expropriation, either by carrying out armed attacks or by sending numerous petitions to the German Parliament. This led on August 8, 1914 to the hanging of King Rudolf DUALA MANGA BELL and his secretary NGOSSO DIN. In the Bamoun kingdom, on the other hand, there is a more conciliatory policy. King NJOYA uses cunning, the exchange of gifts, the creation of a religious syncretism so as not to lose touch with the Germans. Moreover, the Bamoun warriors will participate in the conquest of their Bansoh brothers, and at the same time recover the head of King NSANGOU.
However, it should not be considered that these adjustments were made solely by local authorities. As such, the German colonial power also made compromises to establish its supremacy. With regard to land policy, the German colonial authorities will delay at all costs the process of reparation for the damage caused by the forced expropriation of the Joss plateau lands among others. The proliferation of petitions and financial compensation is a clear indication of this. But the situation will become increasingly tense, especially since the Duala bourgeoisie, having studied in Germany, knows its rights and vehemently claims them. As such, Rudolf DUALA MANGA BELL leads the resistance operations ; he is also supported by the other leaders despite the attempts to destabilize this union by the Germans, The Social Democrats, who are reputed to be close to socialist ideas and respect for the so-called oppressed peoples, have even taken on the approval of a slice of German public opinion.
However, he will pay the price of his life and this state of affairs will consecrate the land problem still in force today in the « Duala » territory. Regarding the Bamoun leadership, the German colonial power will clash with secular traditions such as polygamy or animist practices that still exist today, proof that no colonization has been able to completely eliminate these so-called « retrograde » elements.
The German missionaries will be obliged to tolerate polygamy as long as the future followers of Christianity, agreed to be baptized, or to lead the other laymen to accept the Western school, to destroy their fetishes before witness for example. In addition, they will be surprised by the intelligence, the audacity of King NJOYA. A « negro » king, who creates a writing, a system of cultures, a syncretic religion, an architecture mixing different styles.
In other words, King NJOYA questioned all the racist and hegemonic conceptions of the colonizers of whatever stripe. The Germans will recognize his genius, his organization, and his ability to unite his people around him and his ideals.
Thus, the African political institutions, namely the traditional chiefdoms, have managed to survive in the face of the upheavals of colonization and the modern African state through a series of transformations and adaptations. They are part of the institutions of the colonial and postcolonial era and are animated today of a dynamism that integrates them in the national political life.
A. BACKGROUND AND RATIONAL FOR THE TOPIC
It was in 1884 that BISMARCK decided to pursue a policy of colonial expansion7. But already at the beginning of April 1883, on the occasion of a convention signed on 28 June 1882 and published in March 1883 – by which England and France mutually guaranteed equal rights to their traders in their African possessions - the Chancellor had asked his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count HATZFELD, to send to the magistrates of the Hanseatic cities a note inviting them to propose measures to promote the expansion of German trade on the west coast of Africa.
On 9 July 1883, the Bremen Senate recommended two essential measures : the conclusion of trade treaties with indigenous leaders ; the formation of a squadron responsible for regularly visiting German counters to impress and intimidate the natives. There was absolutely no question of territorial annexations8.
The Hamburg Chamber of Commerce, presided over by the famous merchant Adolf WOERMANN, who had interests on the west coast of Africa, sent BISMARCK a long and interesting memoir on 6 July 18839. This paper showed the value of the colonial settlements that Germany could found at the mouth of the Niger and in the Bay of Biafra10.
On the other hand, he opposed the establishment of settlements, but strongly recommended the acquisition of trading posts and territories as very favourable to German commercial interests. This memorial pleased BISMARCK that the Chancellor accepted in its entirety the program and on December 22, 1883, Count HATZFELD through Mr. WENTZEL, announced that an imperial commissioner would be appointed to travel to Africa and engage in negotiations with indigenous sovereigns in different parts of the western coast11.
The German government sent Gustave NACHTIGAL12 to negotiate the placing under protectorate with the Duala chiefs. Two treaties to this effect were signed with chiefs of the Wouri estuary known as the “Cameroon River” by the British. These treaties were called Germano-Duala treaties. The first of these treaties, dated 12 July 1884, marks the international birth of modern Cameroon.
Douala was first chosen to house the residence of the governors and the seat of the governorate, from 1885 to 1901, then it was the turn of Buéa, from 1901 to 1909, the cooler climate and chosen by Governor VON PUTTKAMER. The eruption of Mount Cameroon in 1908 put an early end to this choice. It was again the return to Douala where the Germans met this time with the revolt of the Duala who refused to allow themselves to be expelled from their lands. Revolts erupted in the plantations and in the Douala region, even going as far as the tax strike. Nevertheless, German mastery was not challenged by these events. Outside the period of the signing of the Germano-Duala Treaty, the Germans encountered resistance and revolt in their attempt to conquer the hinterland of Cameroon.
The Germans were assisted in this endeavour by some traditional leaders, the most famous of whom were Fon GALEGA I of Bali, Sultan Bamoun Ibrahim NJOYA, and Charles ATANGANA who was later named « Oberhauptling » that is to say « Superior Chief » of Yaoundé and Bane.
Several hypotheses have been put forward to explain the relationship between these two phenomena. On the one hand, there has been a policy of resistance to the German colonial administration by the Duala and Nsoh peoples13, among others. This theory emphasized by Marxist or nationalist perspectives rightly evoked the resistance of leaders against the system of colonial oppression. Here, social stratification, which refers to several social processes of distinction, discrimination, affiliation, pecking order14, tends to position individuals hierarchically, in a given society or social organization, and leads to social inequalities in terms of access and distribution of resources.
Marxism associates with this vision of the stratification of society the historical notion of « class struggle ». For Karl MARX and Friedrich ENGELS, history is only a succession of struggles between the ruling class and the dominated class. They associate the proletariat with the dominated class and the bourgeoisie with the ruling class.
They write that proletarians cannot be subjected to a particular homeland and that the state, national and/or cultural divisions that oppose them are simple diversions in view of the central conflict : the class struggle between labour and capital in the globalized framework of capitalism15. For these two authors, the class struggle is an engine of the transformations of societies and of modern history16. Indeed, although the Germans, supported by the Bali, imposed their authority on most of the tribes of the Bamenda Grassfields through punitive expeditions and military campaigns as in Bafut, the Nsoh still opposed German colonial rule.
The Germans received help from the Bamoun to defeat the Nsoh and they crushed them in 1906 and imposed terms of peace on them. Following this peaceful agreement, the Nsoh submitted to German authority, and then returned the skull of King NSANGOU to the Bamoun. As for the Duala, the first major opposition came in December 1884 with King BELL, who had supported the German annexation, and the other chiefs and princes of Josstown and Hickorytown.
This hostility came mainly from the fact that the Germans wanted to expropriate the land, which had not been agreed between the two parties when the Germano-Duala Treaty was signed on 12 July 1884.
On the other hand, there was also a policy of collaboration with the German administration in Cameroon. This theory of collaboration was elaborated by Ronald ROBINSON, a theory according to which collaborationist factors17 have largely contributed to the domination of colonized peoples.
ROBINSON poses the problem as follows : The old notions were for the most part limited to explaining the genesis of the new colonial empires in terms of circumstances in Europe. The theory of the future will have to explain how a handful of European proconsuls managed to manipulate the polymorphic societies of Africa and Asia and how nationalist elites, eventually relatively small, persuaded them to leave18.”
Donald Anthony LOW gives the same orientation to the interpretation of colonial imperialism when he asks how the colonial order could have been accepted for so long19.
The historical research on German colonization in Cameroon is undoubtedly of great interest with the work of Karin HAUSEN20, Albert WIRZ and Gotthilf WALZ21 but it seems generally carried out from a more or less Euro-centric perspective22. The work of Professor STOECKER23 and his collaborators gives another orientation to this research, namely that it is essential, not to analyse the colonial phenomenon by referring mainly to the colonizer, but rather to give an important place to the colonized. Patrice MANDENG’s thesis is in the same frame.
We direct our work towards this path where the colonized, in this case the chief, is no longer only object but also subject in the colonial process. Hence a convergence between the theory of ROBINSON and the studies of STOECKER and MANDENG24.
Special emphasis should therefore be placed on the local elements of colonial domination. For us, it is a question of analysing the local elements of collaboration, which are essential to the maintenance of the colonial order and of highlighting the responsibility of a certain segment of the colonized population25.
Although there were not many cases of cooperation with the chief friends, Fon GALEGA I of Bali, Charles ATANGANA and Sultan NJOYA were among them. King Ibrahim NJOYA, who had heard of punitive expeditions and campaigns of destruction against the rebel tribes of the Grassfields, welcomed the Germans in 1902.
He avoided war by negotiating with the Germans. He opened his country to the political and economic innovations they proposed so as not to be removed from his power. In 1906, NJOYA supported the Germans in the conflict against the Nsoh who refused to submit to the authority of the Bamenda military station. The expedition was a success and German authority prevailed among the Nsoh. In return, NJOYA used the Germans to strengthen its position, eliminating its rivals from the royal lineage and the Court.
The goal of colonial power was, among other things, to collaborate with these leaders to better control the populations, to impose itself as the only political authority in the colony, and according to René PHILOMBE, a Cameroonian poet and writer26, the leaders were used by what was called the “dark trinity”, that is, by the administrator, the missionary, and the merchant or planter. At the same time, the influence of these leaders on the German colonial administration should not be obscured.
This is the block of ideas from which the object of this study was built. This imposes the prerequisite of the definition of concepts.
B. CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATIONS
Because words do not always accurately convey the state of consciousness we live in, the researcher, following the advice of Emil DURKHEIM, must define the things he is dealing with, so that we know exactly what it is about27. This exercise also helps to prevent the object of study from escaping in all directions, a guarantee of its easy operationalization.
The clarification of concepts is nothing more than an exercise in conceptualization. On this subject, Raymond QUIVY and Luc VAN CAMPENHOUDT write the following : Conceptualization is more than a simple definition or terminological convention.
It constitutes an abstract construction that aims to account for the real » ... For this purpose, it does not retain all aspects of the reality concerned, but only that which expresses the essential from the point of view of the researcher. It is therefore a construction-selection »28.
Émile DURKHEIM finds that above all, we must agree on the meaning to be given to words and concepts, the latter being very often polysemic. It is thus useful to proceed to a definition of the key terms used, in order to specify the meanings which will not be of any use to us and to avoid any misunderstanding which could arise from any interpretation contrary to the orientation given in this work29.
We will propose the definition to certain key concepts without neglecting the derivatives and neighboring words that accompany them : administration, traditional political powers, political history, so that we know exactly what it is about.
1. The concept of administration
We will proceed with the definition of the word “administration” and for clarification, we will discuss some of its related elements : management, management.
a) Colonial Administration
The word “administration” can have two different meanings. If we focus on the function of administration, according to the functional definition, the word refers to all activities whose purpose is to meet the needs of the general interest of the population30 as defined at a given moment by public opinion and political power.
It is then written with a little « a ». But, if we focus on its organization, according to the organic definition, it designates all the legal31 and physical persons32 who carry out these activities.
The word “administration” is then written with a large “A”. Here again there are two approaches : a broad conception which considers that the private bodies responsible for administrative action are part of the administration, and a narrow conception which excludes them. To administer is to govern, to direct, to order or to organize. It is important to note that from an anthropological or sociological perspective, the history of German colonialism is marked by the fact that the colonies will never be lands of relegation of delinquents or criminals or political opponents as was the case for Great Britain. In this context, German settlers are voluntary migrants, mostly employees and agents of colonial societies, imperial officials or traders.
The German colonial administration was therefore voluntarist and the word « administration - or public administration » can be understood as all the services responsible for ensuring the functioning of a State, a territorial collectivity or a public service, which are financed mainly by tax levies authorized by the vote of a budget, “the body of officials collectively responsible for any part of the public administration”.
The German colonial administration was responsible for applying the policy or implementing the colonization of the colonial power over the colony. It set up the recruitment of local workers to build « its » infrastructures, deploy its agents in the field such as missionaries and civil servants, spread the German language to the detriment of local languages, transform mentalities “savages” in “submissive” mentalities through Christianity and denominational schools, to obscure the perverse effects of colonization through the manipulation of the Holy Scriptures. Examples include forced labour, physical and sexual abuse, increased demonization of African mystical practices, looting of resources, etc.
From the Latin « gestėo », the concept of management refers to the action and the effect of managing or administering. To manage is to take measures leading to the realization of a business or of some wish. The term "management" therefore refers to all the procedures carried out to solve a problem or carry out a project33. Management is also the management or administration of an enterprise or business.
There are several types of management. Social management, for example, consists in building various spaces for social interaction34. Management is originally the administration of organisations. It developed in the 1950s to encompass management and management issues.
Management refers to the conduct of organizations : it is the action or the way of managing, administering, organizing something. In short, management is the body of knowledge that makes it possible to run a business. Management is also the management of collective action.
It refers to a need to allocate tasks, to coordinate individuals on the one hand and on the other hand to manage the time constraint, to manage human, material and financial resources. In this sense, management approaches administration35.
“Magnus – agere36 ” means hand and action. The current use of the term “management” in French is a direct borrowing of the term “management”. However, the Oxford English Dictionary37 mentions that the English verb "to manage" and the noun "management" mean in horseback riding "to hold the reins of a horse".
The etymological framework makes it possible to trace the concepts of management : "Lead with a master’s hand » ; "Put your hand in the organization » ; "Hold in hand the organization » ; "Low hand on the organization" with its two levels ; and its paternalism and maternism » ; “Handling” ; “Hands connected”.
For Maurice OBADIA, « most people think wrongly, aided in this by an American pronunciation, that the term management contains the radical « man » (the man), which would therefore be at the center of management. But it is rather on the side of the Latin radical « manus » (the hand), that we must look38. According to Raymond Alain THIETART, management is « a set of knowledge and ways of doing allowing to lead an organization, to direct it, to plan its development, and to control it »39. Jean-Louis DELIGNY adds that «it is a body of knowledge and know-how that ensures the constant mastery of the strategy, the structures and the social forces of the organization, in coherence with its culture »40.
In other words, management is the implementation of the human and material resources of a company to achieve its objectives. It corresponds to the idea of management and steering applied to a company or a unit thereof. When it concerns the whole enterprise, it can generally be assimilated to the management function41.
Management consists in setting strategic and operational objectives, choosing the means to achieve them, implementing these means concerning the search for efficiency, monitoring the implementation and the results obtained and ensuring a regulation based on this control, on governance. It includes a technical42 and a human dimension43.
It is clear that management is also closer to administration. As a result, it may happen that management and management concepts are used in the same way as administration.
2. The concept of traditional political powers
We will proceed with the definition of the term “traditional political powers”, and for the sake of clarity, we will address synonymous notions : domination, authority.
a) Traditional political powers
Power is the ability to act, to achieve a goal or to achieve a desired effect. Robert DAHL44 defines power as the ability of A (one or more individuals) to obtain from B (one or more individuals) what B would not have done without A’s intervention.
In other words, it is an individual45 who exercises power over another individual, insofar as he obtains from the latter behaviors, actions, or even conceptions that the latter would not have had without his intervention.
Political power is a power exercised by one or more persons in a society. There are many ways to exercise this power, the most obvious being that of the official political leader of a state.
Political powers are not limited to heads of state or leaders, and the extent of a power translates into the social influence that the person or persons may have, and that influence may be exercised formally or not.
In history, political power has been used harmfully or in a senseless way. This happens most often when too much power is concentrated in too few hands, without enough room for political debate, public criticism, or other forms of corrective pressure. Examples of such regimes are despotism, tyranny, dictatorship, etc.
To counter such potential problems, some people have thought and put into practice different solutions, most of which are based on the sharing of power such as democracies, the limitations of the power of an individual or a group, the increase of individual protective rights, the introduction of legislation or charters46.
According to the German sociologist Max WEBER, power is « the ability to impose one’s will within the framework of a social relationship, despite the possible resistance »47. The exercise of power involves finding people who have an acquired disposition to obedience. Authority is a form of power but should not be confused with power. Authority refers to the ability of an individual to be respected, obtaining from others actions in accordance with his will. Authority is a personal quality that in the relationship with others allows one to exercise one’s mission within the framework of a delegated authority.
The most useful definition, and the most famous definition, is that of Max WEBER : “Political power is the monopoly of legitimate violence”48. Legitimate violence is violence that is recognized by all as legitimate, that is necessary for the proper functioning of the community. If there were no so-called “legitimate” violence, anyone could take the law into their own hands and the law of the fittest, or of the “every man for himself”, would prevail.
By “violence”, we are not only talking about physical aggression, but also and above all symbolic violence. Political power makes it possible to distribute rights and duties more or less equally among citizens. And this requires the collective acceptance of an authority that exercises this legitimate violence, that is, the possibility of setting limits to those who go beyond the rules and encroach on the freedom of others.
At Thomas HOBBES49, organized society is a necessity to escape a state of nature that only engenders war and for Jean-Jacques ROUSSEAU50, this “social contract” is a compromise, a regulation between the fundamental social aspect of man and his nature which, here is thought as fundamentally good. Here and there is the idea of domination.
From this point of view, we can define “traditional political powers” as those exercised within traditional political systems, that is “those already experiencing some degree of structural differentiation and who have defined the stage of the political culture of subjection”. The political culture of subjection is regarded essentially as a political culture of giving ; the members of the political system have almost no awareness of their rights, that is, of the duties of the system towards them. In this context, traditional power refers to the set of beliefs that give an individual, family or clan the authority to command a more homogeneous group of individuals51.
Traditional power ultimately refers to what Max WEBER describes as traditional domination as long as “its legitimacy is based, and thus admitted, on the sanctity of the provisions passed down by time (which have always existed) and the powers of the leader.” The holder of the power (or various holders of power) is determined by a rule transmitted. He is obeyed by virtue of the personal dignity conferred upon him by tradition52.”
In essence, political power, whether modern or traditional, is a public good. It is not simply a “good among others pursued by men and women ; as a state power, it is also the means of regulating all the search for goods, including the power itself”. It is for this reason that it is generally carried out according to the standards of the company concerned. The foundations and legitimacy of power are enshrined in the realities concerned.
This is, to use the expression of Simone GOYARD FABRE, the anthropologization of politics which is first and foremost its source. Customary power has its standards as revealed by the custom of power and tradition, the legal system and the land system53.”
Traditional political power can be understood in two ways : classical and ethnocentric. The classical conception of traditional power is suggested by the maximalist current of power. According to this view, traditional power, or rather traditional aspects of political power, can be detected in any society. It is also true that the political aspects of power are detected in traditional societies with customary power.
In the North Pelende Chiefdom, power is controlled by the Kyamvu, the great customary chief and his family who establish their authority over others considered subjects.
Belgian colonial politics in the Congo was part of the ethnocentric conception. Indeed, the colonial authority did not hesitate to describe as traditional, the political power held by the head of sector while the latter was a political body created by it. In fact, according to the second paragraph of Article 1 of the Royal Decree of 5 December 1933, the sector, although Belgian in origin, was an indigenous institution. Thus the indigenous populations were divided into chiefdoms or sectors.
Consequently, article 1 paragraph 3 of the same Royal Decree introduces the expression « indigenous authorities ». The customary chief is dedicated to a true cult. A kind of vénération insofar as « he is the only living one who legitimately comes into contact with the dead ». It is claimed that he and the man who decides the life or death of his subjects ; the abundance of current agricultural production depends on him, generally, imploring the ancestors of whom he is the representative in the midst of the living. He is the embodiment of power, authority and certain functions recognized to ancestors54. Chiefdom as a political-administrative structure has been recognized since colonial times as a structure organized according to custom. If the chiefs have been confirmed by the Governor General or on his behalf in the authority attributed to them by custom55, the Royal Decree of 06 October 1904 notes that the recognized indigenous chiefdom thus constitutes in reality a small State in the State.
But these customary entities have lost the purity of their traditional character in contact with the colonial power that accepts them, willy-nilly, and has integrated them into the structure of the colonial state that wants to be « civilizing », yet modern. It is the decree of 03 June 1906 on indigenous chiefdoms which, according to Article 1, elevates the chiefdom to the status of state administrative entity56.
In Cameroon, the competent authority may classify a traditional 1st or 2nd degree leadership because of its economic and demographic importance. The Prime Minister appoints the heads of the 1st degree. The minister of the Territorial Administration, those of the 2nd degree and the prefect, those of the 3rd degree. The traditional leaders under the authority of the Minister of Territorial Administration have the role of supporting the administrative authorities.
They transmit to the population the directives of the competent authorities, to the maintenance of public order and the economic, social and cultural development of their command units. They collect the taxes. In accordance with custom and where the laws and regulations do not provide otherwise, the traditional chiefs proceed to conciliations or arbitrations between their citizens. They confirm their role as auxiliaries of justice and dispensers of customary justice. The new status of leadership complements the integration, through the granting of benefits, of guarantees of a disciplinary regime, and represents the counterpart57.
Traditional 1st and 2nd degree chiefs are entitled to a fixed monthly allowance calculated on the basis of the numerical size of the population with a special charge allowance.
The chiefs can claim as in the past to the payment of the remissions on the flat tax collected by them and to the efficiency bonuses granted by the minister of the Territorial Administration on the proposal of the administrative authorities.
The State shall provide the Chief with protection against threats, insults, violence, assault, insults or defamation of which he is the object by reason of or on the occasion of his duties. In this case, he is repairing the damage suffered. The new statute provides a disciplinary regime for the chiefs.
They may be subject to the following sanctions in the event of misconduct in the performance of their duties, inefficiency, inertia or abuse towards the populations : call to order, warning, simple reprimand, reprimand, suspension of the entire allowance for three months, impeachment. The chief must, before any sanction, have been called upon to give explanations of his behaviour.
The word “domination” comes from the Latin “dominare” which means exercising sovereignty. In its original meaning, the term has neither negative nor positive connotations, depending on how it is exercised.
Domination, however, always implies a hierarchy of social positions : God is defined in theology as dominating the world for the good of the latter, whereas men would do so for their own benefit, to the detriment of men. It can also be a locutive form to emphasize the importance of an element in a given environment, as in the expression « the mountain dominates the plain ».
According to the contemporary conception, domination is indeed always legitimized, in view of social actions, it does not systematically refer to social inequality. On the other hand, in the social sciences, domination is a process that engenders a situation in which a social identity, that is, as an individual or as an institution, is in a position to impose its authority.
This structural imbalance is not systematically perceived as being unequal, but it is to these that the social sciences have taken the most interest. Since Max WEBER, domination is understood as legitimate, since it is based on the contingency of social actions that give it its social legitimacy58. Thus, the thief hiding from the police legitimizes the rule of law as a form of justice in our contemporary societies.
For Max WEBER, we know that the charism is this rare privilege, granted by providence to certain statesmen, which allows them to exercise a command over their fellow men in the name of their personal qualities alone.
In this case, says Georges Burdeau, the leader is his own principle of legitimacy. It is no longer only the instrument of state power, it is itself all power, for it ceases to use it as a competence to dispose of it as a property. Its legitimacy is no longer appreciated in relation to a pre-established norm ; it is an absolute whose evidence is inscribed in its personal qualities59.”
As for Karl Marx, domination is seen as an unequal, asymmetrical but not unjust balance of power from the point of view of bourgeois law, because the extortion of surplus value occurs within a contract of employment60. It is the class differences and asymmetries, the place in the relations of production, that determine social and political inequalities61.
In other words, domination expresses a relationship between dominant and dominated, even without effective coercion, the obedience of the dominated being generally consented in so far as power is considered legitimate62.
The 03 types of political domination established by MAX WEBER shed more light on traditional, charismatic and legal-rational domination :
Traditional domination: the chief is chief because of his divine ancestries, his mystical powers, his connection with the afterlife. It is a domination based on tradition.
Charismatic domination is the “level 2” of political power. Because of his heroic behavior, his charisma, the irrational admiration that a being arouses, he is considered the natural leader, spontaneously acclaimed... A modern survival of this domination is the driving force behind the myth of the “providential man”63. It is a domination based on the exceptional qualities of an individual.
Legal-rational domination is a domination based on the texts, the legal instruments, the positive law in force in a State.
We use the concepts of traditional power and customary power, traditional chief and customary chief interchangeably. The same is true of the concept of authority.
c) The authority
The word « authority » comes from the Latin « auctoritas » which means to exercise a will, to decide, to command and to be obeyed, as a guarantor recognized for the success of the action undertaken.
According to the context, it is translated by authority, guarantee, dignity, prestige, will, power64. It is formed on the radical (auct-) derived from the verb « augere », which means «to grow », «to grow », «to increase »65.
According to Professor Michel HUMBERT66, “The notion of auctoritas, essential in private law and in Roman public law, is attached, by its root, to the same group as “auger” (increase), “augur” (the one which increases the authority of an act by the favorable examination of birds), “augustus” (the one who strengthens by his charism [...the one who is the bearer of the auctoritas]). The auctoritas in turn expresses the idea of increasing the effectiveness of a legal act or a right. [...] Likewise the Senate, thanks to its incomparable prestige, has the virtue of increasing the scope of any act for which it has given its consent (its auctoritas). [...] None of these decisions will be made directly by the Senate (it has no power to do so). But all these projects, enriched by the auctoritas of the Senate, are assured of success. [...]
No politically significant act is carried out by a magistrate without the agreement (and deliberation) of the Senate. So much so that everything happens as if the instigator of the decision was the Senate, and the executor, the magistrate. This is the strength of the auctoritas : without it, no action ; before it, no inaction ». The concept of authority is thus defined in a legal and social sense.
It is its necessary and even indispensable character to the structure of any society that makes it legitimate for the greatest number and that makes it possible to oppose « erga omnes »67. The “natural authority” can come from a person. On the professional level, for example, a person will be given certain authority if he inspires, through his competence and his morality, the confidence that will make it possible to obtain the best of each and the good understanding between the different individuals of the group.
Philosopher and psychologist Ariane BILHERAN, in her book Authority, writes, “According to Benveniste, “augere” is above all a creative, founding, even mythical act that makes something appear for the first time. Obviously, in the same etymological root, the author (auctor) is the one who founds a word and gives himself the guarantor. This term was particularly used for historians, the author being the person from whom emerges a credibility of speech concerning the heritage and the past ».
It then defines the authority according to three functions : the generating function68, the preservation function69 and the differentiation function70. It stresses that authority is part of a relationship to time, to inheritance, and that it is destined, in its exercise, to disappear : contrary to power, domination, constraint, authority aims at the progressive autonomy of the one who benefits from it.
There are several sources of authority, including :
Authority that comes from regulations 71. It concerns justice, the police, the State...
Authority of function that comes from the structuring72 . It concerns the company, the family, the association.
An authority of competence derived from the knowledge, skills and well-being of a person or organization. It can be recognised by anyone who is involved in a personal and positive process of improvement in terms of views, attitudes, knowledge and skills, as well as by any organization that has demonstrated that it takes into account the needs of the situation and the people. It is sometimes referred to as “natural authority” or “charismatic”, although it is based on cited elements.
In addition, Max WEBER73 states that authority is necessary for power. It shows that all socialization passes through a form of domination, that is, an adherence close to voluntary submission that depends on the qualities that the dominated lends to the one who commands it. To last, in fact, authority is obliged to give birth and to reinforce a belief in its legitimacy. Thus, Max WEBER conceives of authority as the chance to triumph in a social relationship, his own will, even against the resistance of others.
In this perspective, politics is the whole of human conduct which involves a domination of man by man. In addition, Max WEBER asserts that domination is met when an individual successfully commands others, which presupposes both the transmission of an order and the encounter of a docility, a will of obedience: “the action of the obedient person takes place, in substance, as if he had made the content of the order the maxim of his conduct, and this simply by the formal obedience relationship, without considering the value or non-value of the order74 ”.
However, obedience exists only because the ordering party enjoys legitimacy. So, for Max WEBER, all domination, that is to say all obedience, is explained in a general way by a belief in the prestige of the rulers75. Ultimately, authority is the power to command, to be obeyed. It implies the notions of legitimacy, command and obedience, of another power that imposes authority. The form of legitimacy may vary depending on the circumstances76.
Now we come to the concept of political history (3-).
3. The concept of political history
First of all, the notion of history must be clarified, and then the notion of political history. We will then propose to establish the correlation between the concept of history and the concept of politics.
History, often written with the first capital letter, is both the study and the writing of past facts and events regardless of their variety and complexity.
The past itself is also commonly referred to as history77, as in the lessons of history. History is a written narrative in which men and women78 strive to make known the past79. Over the centuries, historians have shaped their methods and fields of intervention, while re-evaluating their sources, origin and exploitation. The academic discipline of study and writing of history, including criticism of methods, is historiography. It is based on various auxiliary sciences complementing, according to the work carried out, the general competence of the historian. In spite of everything, it remains a human construction, inevitably inscribed in its time, which can be used outside its domain, especially for political purposes80.
Antoine PROST in Twelve Lessons on History, says that “history is what historians do” and that “history is what makes us historians81 ”. Based on this, history is a discipline that cannot be transmitted in a complete and didactic way, it is a know-how that is acquired gradually, almost by hand.
The recurrence of the craft vocabulary in the writings of historians shows that the profession comes through learning, practice, accumulation and mastery of skills more than through a comprehensive scientific knowledge to learn. Marc BLOCH defines himself as « a craftsman, aged in the trade »82.
François FURET speaks of « workshop », the German historian Werner CONZE evokes a corporation with his masters, his companions and his apprentices83. These formulas seem contradictory in historians who, at the same time, claim that history is a science, endowed with rules of operation. But, in fact, it is above all a matter of emphasizing that the rules of history are gradually acquired through practice, and that no rule can be applied automatically and without careful reflection.
The lexical field of craftsmanship, very common among historians, expresses all the complexity of history. Moreover, the training of the historian is largely based on two axes : knowledge of history in general84 and on practical knowledge85.
b) Political History
Political history is one of the main branches of research in history. It deals with political events, including the history of states, ideas, movements and leaders throughout history. It is generally structured around the nation-state. It is distinct but linked to other areas of history such as social history, economic history and military history86.
Scorned in France in the 1930s by the École des Annales, it experienced a new vigour. In a more general sense, military history, administrative history and diplomatic history are added to this field. We can say that political history was for a long time, with religious history, the only historical field.
From the “Thucydides Peloponnesian War” in the 5 th century B.C., to Ernest LAVISSE’s “Histoire de France” at the end of the 19th century, the works of historians dealt mainly with political facts87.
Before the 20th century, in France, history was seen as a succession of events and there could only be political events in the eyes of historians. Royal victories and deaths, military victories and defeats, decisions taken at the top of the state, the actions of great men88, and the interventions of the Church were enough to explain the emergence and affirmation of France. In the Middle Ages and under the Old Regime, this story was often an official story. It met the command of a powerful one.
Kings, but also aristocrats, surrounded themselves with historiographers charged with glorifying their reign and that of their ancestors. Also, the facts presented were political. Moreover, this angle of view made the learning of history indispensable for the princes. The reading of « The Gaul War » was to sharpen their strategic sense. “The Lives of Plutarch” or “Sueton” were to provide models of conduct and virtue to the apprentice prince.
Political history thus had the advantage of being an advisor to the rulers by the lessons of morality and politics that could be drawn89. The political history of Cameroon shows that Cameroon, like all other African countries, first lived among local peoples and then gradually integrated into the outside world with the slave trade. Thus, Reinhardt KOSELLECK affirms « History is like a field of past experiences »90. For the historian envisages colonization at its different times according to the metropolis. It captures the changes in relations between the latter and the dependent territories, and shows how the isolation of the colonized peoples was broken by the play of a history over which they had little control.
It describes the administrative and economic systems that ensured “colonial peace” and sought the profitability91 of the colonial enterprise92. Subsequently, frequent contacts with the Western world led to the process of conquest and annexation of Cameroon by several foreign powers, including France, England and Germany. As a result, Cameroon is officially a bilingual country, English-French, which, let us repeat, is a unique example on the African continent. A bilingual country is logically a country in which two languages are spoken and understood, at least by the elite of that State, throughout the entire territory and in which the population93 is able to assimilate and live at the same time two different cultures94. We are a mosaic of ethnic groups. On the social plane, Karl Marx and Lenin think that a political class consists, in fact, of men suffering from similar material conditions and being aware of the similarity of their situations95.
However, the feeling of class consciousness is not felt by the Cameroonian population. In fact, it still sees the problems it faces in terms of ethnicity.
This is how the Bamileke worker will feel more solidarity with the Bamileke boss than with an Ewondo worker with the same material living conditions as him. Moreover, the intensity of the feeling of family solidarity is an obstacle to the emergence of social antagonisms. Like the African family, the Cameroonian family is essentially anti-individualist. Its members need mutual help and protection. The cousin, even distant, reduced to unemployment, will be rescued by the family community, at the same time as the scholarship student will have to come to the aid of his brother or sister parents in need96.
Cameroon is thus in the image of official Africa, which, one expert tells us, “is often a shameful Africa, bound to deny itself, to hide its problems, to minimize them, to distort them... The ethnic fact is treated as a given, « outdated », dead, a curiosity at the most exotic, folkloric, used by lovers of antiquities and often as a tare, a threat, a task.
We refuse to consider that it evolves, transforms, acquires new traits and constitutes a contemporary fact, just like any other current social and cultural data97.”
The pre-eminence of the ethnic factor over the ideological factor appears clearly in Cameroonian political life at the stage of the political commitment of the citizens98.
Given this fundamental sociological element of tribalism, a politician must have strong local connections in order to achieve his goals… When the regime was pluralistic99, the imperative rule for any politician was to use traditional local structures to serve his personal ambitions100.
c) Correlation between history and politics
History is at the heart of the collective memory of a people or a nation : it is a set of references from which a large part of the identity of the social group is built. This role makes it a considerable political issue : mastering the discourse about the past through politics can be for him a means of facilitating purposes of all kinds.
Many studies, especially on the vision of history transmitted by textbooks, show this instrumentalisation of the past for political purposes101. The political appropriation of the past can take the form of the cult of national « heroes », models supposed to represent more or less what is ideally expected of everyone.
If the instrumentalization of history is particularly visible in totalitarian regimes, which strongly use history in their logic of hold over the people. This is the case of the USSR102, which during the Second World War took over Russian historical and patriotic symbols on its own, it is also occasionally present in free regimes that take as their point of reference « heroes » their history to accompany a political message, from VERCINGÉTORIX under NAPOLEON III to Guy MÔQUETA with Nicolas SARKOZY in France103.
C. PRESENTATION OF TRADITIONAL DUAL AND BAMOUN POLITICAL POWERS
We will present in turn the traditional political powers Duala (1-) and Bamoun (2-).
1. Duala Chiefdoms as a case study
Knowledge of the Duala group at that time was made possible by the writings of G.A. ROBERTON, Roland JACKSON, and Beecroft HUTCHINSON, Protestant missionaries, MERRICK, SAKER, FULLER, and many others. Thanks to them, we know that the Duala belong to the Bantu group whose ancestor was MBEDI.
Two lines are formed after MBEDI. There was the line of King BELL, made up of the clans of Bonapriso, Bonabéri, Bonanjo ; then the line of King AKWA, with the clans of Bonabela104 and Bonaku105. The English discovered the Duala with their heads two (02) conductors : King BELL and King AKWA. It is therefore around these two (02) families that the history of Douala in the 19th century revolves until the implantation of colonization.
The life of this traditional society is based on the family, which is here very broad and polygamy still plays a big role. These populations live on the whole, fishing and enter the new system of trade with the interior of the country106. Before signing the contract with the Germans, the kings and their suites meet to the exclusion of any European and prepare a memorandum of understanding, which they will submit to the signature of the German Consul Emil SCHULZE, prior to the signing of any treaty.
In the Memorandum of Understanding, the Germans must attest that they will not interfere with the Cameroonian commercial monopoly or their land, that they will not overturn their traditions and that the Cameroonians do not need protection, but that they would rather have annexation in order to benefit from the benefits of German civilization and technology, in exchange for a transfer of sovereignty. Emil SCHULZE will sign this memorandum of understanding on 12 July 1884107.
Then we’ll do a presentation of the Bamoun Kingdom ?
2. The Bamoun Kingdom as a case study
The Bamoun Kingdom, located in the mountains of western Cameroon, has forged its unity during the seven centuries of existence of the kingdom since the end of the 14th century. The Bamoun King is from the NCHARE YEN dynasty, from Rifum108.
The religious beliefs prevailing in this region today are Islam, coming from the north, and Christianity, coming from the south109. With an area of approximately 7,700 km² and 820,000 inhabitants110, the Bamoun region covers more than half of the current Western region.
The kingdom consists of a high plateau111 to the west, surmounted by three parallel massifs – Mbapit112, Nkogham and Mbam113 – and a plain sunk at the foot of the cliff east of Foumban ; this plain runs along the bank of the Mbam until the confluence with the Noun near Bafia.
The country borders the Kingdom of La'djo and is separated from it by the Noun114. The current territory of the Bamoun was unified by the Tikar in several stages. It is assumed that towards the end of the 14th century, 200 to 300 people crossed the river Noun following Prince NCHARE who submitted seven principalities before settling initially in Djimom. The Bamoun State is proclaimed there and Djimom becomes the first capital of the kingdom. The fundamental pact states that “Bamoun State was born and NCHARE is its king. He will freely designate his heir among his sons.” The seven companions « Kom », co-signatories, are the enthroners of the king, responsible for keeping the fundamental law in the state and for ensuring its application. Their function is hereditary and they are autonomous. From Djimom, NCHARE subdued a dozen other ethnic groups and established its new capital in Foumban after defeating the « Ba’Mben » that he resettled in a district of the city.
The etymology of the word Foumban comes from two words of the Bamoun linguistics, namely the word “Fen” which means “ruin” and the term “Mbe” which means “people who have just been ruined”, transformed by the Germans, for better linguistics, into “Foumban”. The « Mbe » people, is therefore the first people that NCHARE YEN submitted.
In addition, the term “Bamoun” means “the people who mumble the words” or “Pa Mon” originally, given by the Foumban natives, called “Njimon”115. In 1902, the Bamoun wanted to take up arms against the first German visitors ; NJOYA, aware of his weakness towards the Europeans, forced them to welcome them peacefully and avoided a bloodbath.
The sovereign conceived a policy in which he gave himself the indispensable role of intermediary between the colonial authorities and his people : “If the skirmishers come to the market and they take something, or strike, don’t you (Bamoun) get angry,” he says, “let me deal with the white people116.” He was then able to take advantage of this first warm contact : this is how he recovered, during the Germano-Bansoh conflict of 1906, the skull of his father, King NSANGOU.
Following this conceptual clarification, we review the delimitation of the subject or the delimitation of the study on the research object.
D. DELIMITATION OF THE SUBJECT OR DEMARCATION OF THE STUDY
The delimitation refers to defining the perimeter of the subject, to defining its contours. More precisely, it is a matter of inscribing the subject in its space-time and scientific triangle.
Delineate the search field “it is the calibration of the work so as not to run the risk of being critical for negligence117 ”.
Thus, it is up to us to delineate our work in time and space (1-), and on the other to delineate it in the field of the vast field of political science (2-).
1. Spatio-temporal framework of the study
In temporal delineation, our study is between 1884 and 1916. Indeed, the year 1884 represents the beginning of the German protectorate over Cameroon. As for the year 1916, it represents the beginning of the decline of Germany and the progressive loss of its colonies.
On 24 April 1884, supported by public opinion, BISMARCK proclaimed German sovereignty over the bay of Angra Pequena, on the coast of present-day Namibia. The local ethnic groups, Hereros and Hottentots, will be subjugated by force. From April to November, explorers commissioned by Berlin proclaimed Germany’s sovereignty over South West Africa, Togo, Cameroon and East Africa. July 5, 11 and 12, 1884 represent the establishment of the German protectorate in Togo and on the coast of Cameroon. The explorer NACHTIGAL had the local chiefs sign the treaties of protectorate. Finally, on November 15, 1884, the Berlin Conference was held, which brought together 14 countries and ended on February 23, 1885. And the month of February 1916 marks the departure date from Cameroon’s Germany.
This conference was mainly devoted to African issues118. It regulated, among other things, the colonization on the continent between the various European powers, as well as the Franco-Belgian rivalry in the Congo.
Among the measures taken is the Berlin Conference :
1. Took note of the existence of the independent State of the Congo, with the king of the Belgians, Leopold II, as its sovereign ;
2. Laid down the principles that should be respected in the future for the taking of possession of new territories : any State ensuring the taking of possession should send a notification to the other Powers and carry out a real occupation ;
3. Established freedom of trade throughout the area known as the “Congo Conventional Basin” which included the Atlantic coast from the mouth of the Lobé to the south shore of the Ogooue, and on the Indian Ocean side, the entire area between the Zambezi in the south and the southern border of Ethiopia in the north.
Chancellor BISMARCK succeeded, therefore, in having the acquisitions made by Gustave NACHTIGAL recognized and ratified by the Conference and in promoting Germany’s entry into Africa with the consent of the other powers. Moreover, 1916 was the beginning of Germany’s decline and the gradual loss of its colonies.
First, Cameroon became a secondary front in the August 1914 conflict, when the war of movement in Europe had just begun. The Cameroonians took part alongside the Germans and faced the French, British and Belgian colonial powers. Although little fighting takes place in Douala proper, the main port city and former capital of the « German Kamerun »120, serves throughout the base-back conflict to the Allies who establish their command there and prepare their offensives on the various fronts. Then, on January 1, 1916 in Cameroon, the allied troops entered Yaoundé, evacuated by the Germans. On February 15, 1916, the German troops of the Kamerun took refuge in Spanish territory, in the Rio Muni. To this news, the city of Mora, which resists to the north, surrenders on February 18, 1916. Cameroon is occupied by the Allies after a long resistance of more than 16 months.
Finally, on March 4, 1916, the French and the British shared the German colony of Kamerun. This situation materialized with the end of the First World War, the defeat of Germany in 1918 and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919.
This temporal space will serve as a barometer for the analysis of the political history of Cameroon since 1884, under the prism of the relations between the German colonial administration and the political powers Duala and Bamoun.
Terminus ad quem
With regard to spatial boundaries, it should be noted that between 1884 and 1916, Cameroon was under German rule. After having failed in their attempts to request English protectorate, the Duala chiefs turned to the Germans who in the person of Gustave NACHTIGAL, will negotiate the placing of Cameroon under German protectorate. This led to the signing of the Germano-Duala Treaty on July 12, 1884, which marked the international birth of modern Cameroon. In 1901, Spain granted the German Empire a right of pre-emption on the island of Fernando-Po, located in the bay of Douala.
Cameroon, whose territory is covered by large forts, will produce mainly rubber, oil, palm nuts and cocoa, to which will be added the ivory, object of a vast traffic in Central Africa.
Germany also maintained its largest military forces in this part of its empire, partly because of its strategic position vis-à-vis the commercial outlets of the Central African regions. He commanded access to the French possessions, the Middle Congo, Oubangui-Chari and Chad and finally, the Belgian Congo.
2. Study Material Framework
It is the operation that allows to identify the material field of investigation and can be understood as « the conceptual and notional space of the subject »121. It is all the subjects that interest the subject. To this end, it should be said that this study has a transversal character, since it brings together the fields of political anthropology and political sociology. According to Madeleine GRAWITZ, political sociology is the “product of hybridization when sociology and political science are equal122.”
Colonization has everywhere established the conditions for a weakening of conquered or rebel peoples and the disappearance of their culture. Settlers were faced with the difficulty of imposing their presence on the new lands whose wealth was coveted.
Thus, their good intentions, known as civilizing ones, failed and the settlers were quickly led to confront the indigenous peoples. When an escalation of violence and hatred occurs, the exploitation of Aboriginal people, their deportation, their massacre, can sometimes foreshadow or result in intentional exterminations. In Namibia, formerly known as South West Africa, what is commonly known as the Herero massacre took place. The Hereros were deported by the German colonizing power, which established the first concentration camps there.
Thus, Lothar VON TROTHA writes that « the Herero people must leave the country otherwise, I will dislodge him with the « groot Rohr » (great canon). From an initial population of 90,000 Hereros, the 1911 census counted 15,000. The Namas, people allied to the Hereros against the German power, went from 20,000 to 10,000. Beyond slavery, pacification, repression of revolts and forced labour have pushed people backwards in terms of demographics123.”
In this context, traditional political powers contribute to the perpetuation of traditions and customs in the face of the upheavals of colonization and the modern African state. They have a considerable impact on local and national politics.
E. CRITICAL LITERATURE REVIEW
Also referred to as “problem history”, “theoretical basis of research”, “source analysis”, or “critical review of previous studies and work”, the literature review is a phase in which we take stock of the current state of knowledge on the subject chosen by the researcher124.
The aim here is to identify the published work not from the point of view of a « book gluttony »125 but from the perspective of having information on theoretical and methodological studies which fall within the field of the problem constructed by the researcher.
As Pierre N'DA asserted, the literature review thus has the advantage of allowing the researcher to appreciate all the publications, to better perceive his own subject and to have a clearer overall vision. The aim here is to discover the aspects that have already been addressed and the aspects that have been neglected or simply ignored126.
Also, the role is to identify, on the one hand, the major themes identified by the authors and, on the other hand, to link these themes to the different dimensions of the research question and its overall content127. In other words, the literature review refers to a kind of evaluation, which makes it possible to take stock of what has been said, or written on the subject.
If the relations between the German administration and the political powers Duala and Bamoun during the period 1884-1916 sharpened our scientific curiosity, This is above all because they have been raising for years a lively debate among civil society128 actors that is proving to be very complex. In such a context where passion seems to take precedence over reason, any attempt to find a scientific answer to this question seems biased from the outset.
But beyond the passion, researchers of various disciplinary obediences have also examined this question, trying to overcome the passions that can lead to hasty and trivial conclusions in order to arrive at a scientific explanation.
Have they really succeeded in emancipating themselves from these preconceived ideas or from the characteristics of their own personalities ? It is difficult to answer in the affirmative with regard to these studies carried out by researchers who did not pose the problem in the same way and who did not always arrive at identical results. On the other hand, what can be said here is that there is no unanimity among the latter on the repercussions of German colonization on the political powers Duala and Bamoun from 1884 to 1916.
For the most part, two theses seem to oppose on this question : if some authors think that the German administration has had positive repercussions on the traditional societies Duala and Bamoun in particular, and on Cameroonian society in general ; Others, on the other hand, think that German colonization should be placed on the same footing as the other conquests of other European powers such as France, England, etc.
1. The theory of the positive impact of German colonization
For the proponents of the first thesis, the German administration has distinguished itself with significant and major works whose traces are still visible today : Birgit PAPE-THOMA129 first evokes the fact that the map of Cameroon130 is in general coming from German plots. Moreover, according to Patrice NGANANG, in Cameroon as in Togo, Germany has for reputation, «to support people of goodwill who want Cameroon to become really what it can be »131.
The work of the FRIEDRICH EBERT Foundation sufficiently demonstrates this state of mind, especially during the years of embers in the 1990s. This is why some Togolese as well as Cameroonian « boast » of having inherited so-called German virtues such as discipline or insurance.
This should be relativized for Patrice NGANANG, who speaks rather of a desire to put France back in the relative place that was hers in Cameroonian history than of a glorification of German colonization132. Spaces in Germany were also named in the name of its former colonies at the beginning of the 20th century to commemorate the heyday of the German Empire, then composed of South West Africa133, East Africa134, Togo and Cameroon.
For example, we note the existence of “rue du Kamerun”135 in the Wedding district, as well as rue du Togo, rue du Windhoek, and rue du Zanzibar136.
The German language is still taught in Cameroonian high schools and colleges, and GOETHE cultural centres are present throughout the country. Students are drawn to Germany for its expertise in the “hard sciences” : electromechanics, mathematics, technology. German know-how is considered more reliable, more robust137. Alain FINKIELKRAUT138, who approaches in the same direction, writes the following : Today in schools, colonial history is taught as a purely negative history. It is no longer taught that the colonial project also wanted to educate, to bring civilization to the savages »139.
In other words, colonization allowed the emergence of an elite and the schooling of peoples. In addition, in terms of health, there has been a marked decline in malaria, malaria and many tropical diseases. Medicine and access to care are no longer seen as a luxury, but some authors suggest that public health initiatives were intended to stem demographic decline and thus retain a pool of labour.
It is perhaps important to remember, for example, that in the BAKASSI case between Cameroon and Nigeria and the ICJ140, the Cameroonian state dusted off, among other things, an old treaty of 1913 from the German era, to make use of this territory rich in oil as part of the Cameroonian territory141. On the spot in Cameroon, German propaganda, in both the French and British sections, was placed under the direction of the "Deutscher Kolonial Dienst"142 whose headquarters were in Nuremberg.
In Cameroon in 1936 there was a « Landesgruppe », that is to say the Group of Representatives of the Land, which consisted of two directions : a political direction dealing with the propaganda, the movements and the individual situation of the resident Germans143.
According to information bulletin N°1 of the Cameroon Police Force Command dated September 3, 1936 in Yaoundé, the political leadership was assumed by the head of the company “Dekage”144 in Douala.
As for the direction of the propaganda, it was entrusted to a German resident in Cameroon whose name was known to the French authorities, Theo BLEICH, owner of the banana plantation of Likomba, a locality located between Buéa and Tiko, the “Kamerun Bannen Gesellschaft145.” BLEICH was assisted by two assistants who were also plantation managers and living in British Cameroon.
The connection between the former metropolis and Cameroon was made by German ships which all had on board a « politischer Letter », in other words, a political guide. There was also an association in Cameroon known as « Kamerun Eingeborenen Deutsch Gesinnten Verein »146. According to the information bulletin of September 1936, this association did not seem to enjoy much credit among the natives, but Governor BONNECARRERE did not agree, he who, in a report to the Minister of Colonies, As early as 1933, he was concerned about the extent of the activities of the Native Church and reported the discovery of a hotbed of unrest in the southern part of Nkongsamba, in the Pongo region147.
However, the Germanophile association had many friends in the mission of the « Native Baptist Church » whose followers had for profession to insure, for a fairly substantial salary, the loading of the German banana boats148. Before leaving Cameroon because of the First World War, German pastors had entrusted the direction of their church to their Cameroonian counterpart Lotin SAME149. Lotin SAME surrounded himself with a shock staff including pastors, senior leaders, employees of trading houses and influential notables such as NDOUE and EBELLE, two Duala who had been sentenced to 18 months in prison and two years of no stay for having notably prophesied the return of the Germans to Cameroon150.
As events evolved rapidly, Lotin SAME and his supporters organized more in several clandestine meetings ; participants in these meetings received instructions and guidance from German framers on how anti-government propaganda the audience was also kept abreast of developments in the crisis situation in Europe ; letters from Germany were read to them ; in return, members of the group sent correspondence to HITLER151 …
The movement of Lotin SAME knew an intense activity during the period of great crisis in Europe and that the French colonial administration ended up to cross arms, not without having tried to stifle it by various measures: far from Douala of sympathetic officials of the movement, instructions given to the chiefs of the neighboring Nkongsamba and Yabassi districts to prohibit the access of their territory to Lotin SAME and its principal lieutenant Jonnie EKWE, who alone could grant the sacrament to their followers, prison sentences pronounced against some of the most prominent supporters like EBOLO BILE, assessor at the Probate Chamber for many years and who, As such, he had undeniable influence in Duala circles152 ; he was accused of defamation of a prominent Duala of the Protestant religion and of disturbing public order.
At the same time, the administration worked to set up a part of the Duala against Lotin SAME ; thus a « large » delegation of notables led by their leaders went to the governor to demand the closure of one of the four temples of the « Native Church » in Douala for the sake of “tranquility”, as this place had become a “hotbed of political unrest”153. Another Germanophile group, the K.F.D.G.V154. was also known as the Society of Friends of Education. All its members were required to take an oath of loyalty abroad155.
The repression of the French administration fell on the movement ; two lawsuits were brought against some of its members156, one in 1934 and the other in 1941 ; at the end of the trial of 1941, the chief and principal animator of the group, whose name is unknown to us, was sentenced to death and his principal lieutenants, AKWAN and BASSI, each sentenced to ten years of hard labour157.
The severity of the sentences imposed here is explained by the evolution of the political situation in Cameroon since the entry into war. Organized movements were not alone in advocating the return of the Germans. Cameroonians trained in German school, who had enjoyed a number of privileges and had lost them with the arrival of the French, shared the same feeling. The third category of Germanophiles thus included indigenous leaders, veterans, former plantation guardians and former servants, all from the period of German colonization.
To this must be added those of the Cameroonians who hated France simply because of the mistreatment of its representatives158. It was not uncommon to see some elements of this category, such as Jean NYAP, head of the Ndogbessol group159 write directly to Chancellor HITLER160.
We can therefore recognize the strong impact that the German protectorate system is still credited to the Cameroonian population. Even the French colonists recognized, the effectiveness of the German colonial system, not without nuances, “We cannot hold the results of German activity in Cameroon to be null and void… In practical order, we have benefited from all that has been done for the opening of the country, the taming of the indigenous, the training of auxiliaries »161.
This aspect of German colonization, however, was not put to the credit of the leaders of the Protectorate, which explains the forgetfulness in which a few high German officials were kept, yet very advanced in their indigenous policy: It is not so much to the great leaders of German politics, the author explains, that the gratitude of civilization must go to the executing personnel, the chiefs of the post, the non-commissioned officers, the cultural agents162 and the road picketers163.
Put in the presence of the natives whom they had to educate, these sub-orders could sometimes have the rough hand, but they did the right job. They showed tenacity and common sense. The country was well prepared and penetration was pushed as far as it could. But this indispensable work is subordinate »164.
2. The Theory of the Negativity of German Colonization
For the proponents of the second thesis, German colonization also has dark sides, failed acts, flaws that position it in the same way as other European colonizations : Birgit PAPE-THOMA claims that the Germans were no better settlers than other Europeans. Forced labour and cruel punishment were part of the agenda165.
Kagni ALEM continues in the same direction by evoking the German chicotte in Togo and the famous hundred lashes on the buttocks, the hundredth of which was dedicated to the Kaiser, « Ein fur Kaiser »166. Pierrette HERZBERGER-FOFANA, Professor at the University of Eurlangen-Nurnberg, explains that by nature : « Colonization aims to exploit a country to make the most of its resources. For the latter, given that German colonization has been very hard in Tanzania and Namibia, this suggests that it has been less in Cameroon despite the fact that there are fewer archives on Cameroon167 ». Societies in a colonial situation are strongly subject to the constraints of ambiguity and ambiguity. There is a real effect of magnification, and the gap between the appearance of social reality and this reality itself is all the more accentuated… Societies are never what they appear to be or what they claim to be. They must, therefore, be considered at two (02) levels at least : one, superficial, presents the « official » structures, so to speak ; the other deep, provides access to the most fundamental real relationships and practices revealing the dynamics of the social system168.
The colonial situation is defined here as the domination imposed by a foreign minority, “racially” and culturally different, in the name of a dogmatically affirmed racial and cultural superiority169, to a materially inferior indigenous majority; the linking of heterogeneous civilizations: a civilization of machinism, powerful economy, fast-paced and of Christian origin imposing itself on civilizations without complex techniques, economy delayed, slow-paced and radically «non-Christian» ; the antagonistic nature of the relations between the two(02) societies which is explained by the role of instrument to which the dominated society is condemned; the necessity to maintain domination, to resort not only to “force” but also to a set of pseudo-justifications and stereotyped behaviours170, etc.
Moreover, the development of the railway in Africa is suspected to be at the origin of the primary spread of HIV171 1 in French Equatorial Africa172 in the years 1910-1940.
In addition, attention to colonial society as a “dominant minority” has been successful. Henri LAURENTIE, for his part, in a study of essentially political allure, defines the « colony » as : « A country where a European minority has superimposed itself on an indigenous majority of different civilizations and behaviors ; this European minority acts disproportionately on indigenous peoples ; it is, if you will, extremely contagious and, by its nature, distorting173.”
This active « minority » bases its domination on an indisputable material superiority, on a rule of law established to its advantage, on a system of justifications with a more or less racial basis, and for some authors, Like René Maunier, the colonial fact is primarily a « contact » of races. It is all the more reactive because it is more rooted and rebel to fusion, because it feels threatened by the demographic surge of the colonized : thus, in South Africa where the white population sees “in his situation a minority problem, while blacks see theirs as a colonial and guardianship problem174 ”.
Historian Andreas ECKERT, Professor at the « Humboldt University » in Berlin, comments : « The greatest symbol of the brutality and domination of the German colonists is Rudolf DOUALA MANGA BELL »175. This chief of the BELL clan opposed the so-called “Gross Duala” urbanization project in 1910, which called for the expropriation of local populations. He was hanged on August 8, 1914, becoming a hero of the resistance against the settler176.
« The Churches have not lifted a finger to help Rudolf Manga Bell », critics Bienvenue, pastor in Bafia, in western Cameroon. “Expropriation of land was a given for settlers and missionaries alike.” Churches and States, same fight ? As Germany has both a Catholic and a Protestant tradition, the Churches have divided Cameroon into zones of evangelization. « The German Catholic missionaries settled near Edéa and Douala, and the Protestants went more inland, in the west of the country », comments Bienvenue. Even today, the Evangelical Church of Cameroon177 has relations with the Church of Westphalia in Germany. In the Bamileke country too, some remember the German policy of repression, even if it is now ancient history178.
Germain METANGMO, brother of the chief, of NTSINGBEU, recalled that the Bamileke chiefs were not appreciated by the colonists, probably perceived as competitors in terms of authority : As a leader, my grandfather opposed the power of the Germans, he was hanged in the public square. It is said that before his execution, he intentionally injured his head with a stone, so that his skull could be recognized and later buried according to the Bamileke cult179.”
And perhaps it was Albert MEMMI who showed the most objective analysis : « There is nothing to brag about : if the colonizers built roads and schools, it was because they needed them, not to serve the colonized »180. And the judgment of moral characteristics by colonialist ideology supports this opinion. The Negro, the man opposite in the colonial situation, then becomes, for an unavowed but clear reason, the dump of all defects181. « The characterization and the role of the colonized occupies a place of choice in the colonizing ideology ; characterization unfaithful to the real, incoherent in itself, but necessary and coherent within this ideology »182, adds Albert MEMMI.
The judgment is peremptory, often by what Albert MEMMI calls « drowning in the peremptory collective », the plural « they »183. The laziness of colonized peoples is said to be legendary and always known and admitted a priori184. For example, we can read “The Bakweri, a bunch of lazy people”, “the abominable laziness of all the tribes that inhabit the south-east of Cameroon”, “double-sided, lazy and clumsy people185 ”.
The gluttony is no less legendary, and is always exaggerated186: An elephant was killed : You would have a particularly characteristic picture of Cameroon if you had painted the blacks who were fighting and fighting at the time of the cutting for the shreds of bleeding flesh. The happiest had a piece and brought them back on the head, so that the blood covered their whole body. Even if the corpse was already decomposing, the natives are plucking meat for the – as they are human beings, it must be said – to eat. After this meal they lie down like the python and may not come out of their digestive sleep until a few days later187.”
To impose his culture, the colonizer went through two processes : schooling and evangelization. Once again, the leaders were called upon to play a decisive role. Many chiefs, especially those in the coastal region, showed a desire to put their youth and very often their offspring in the school of the colonizer, this was evident in the Duala chiefs188.
With the exception of government schools, the administration left it to the missionaries to indoctrinate and socialize the colonized young people. The establishment of schools was necessary to the extent that the colonial regime needed junior, inexpensive and fairly “educated” personnel189. For the missionaries, the conversion of a chief was a “victory” over what they called paganism ; it was likely to provoke others in the population190.
On that basis, Allen and Barbara ISAACMAN are certainly right when they say that collaboration, like resistance, was situational191. Moreover, for the French, German colonization seemed to them, ultimately, to have been « hesitant » and too « theoretical ». According to CHAVELAS, what was done for the « indigenous » was « only incidental work and was imposed in order to satisfy the German opinion and certain elements of the local opinion »192. He concluded that “the real goal continued to be the development of large plantations.” For the first French administrators, as well as, by tradition, for their successors, “it took no less than war to put an end to this policy193.”
This section on the negative impact of the German colonial administration is the one we share. Moreover, it is in this sense that this work is directed, that is, to demonstrate how the German colonial power wanted to impose itself in the colony by using either brutality or the use of traditional leaders in its conquest process. Thus presented, the German colonial administration is perceived as virtuous for its beneficent work, but also as a machine, a vast enterprise of domination over the different political, economic and socio-cultural structures existing in the colony.
This is why Évariste FOPOUSSI FOTSO considers traditional chiefdom as one of the few poles of resistance of African civilizational values to the hegemonic claims of the West such as the colonizer and his contemporaries try to impose us. This comes from the strength of its philosophical and institutional foundations, its closeness to the people, its overall functioning in accordance with the elementary principles of democracy. In the same vein, we must emphasize the importance given to the reflection of Georges BALANDIER194, who testifies to the formerly suspected and now recognized wealth of traditional chiefdoms.
The traditional political system thus appears to be affected by tensions and conflicts, as always acting despite the vicissitudes suffered. It guides modern political life on one hand and on the other. Its implications can also be grasped at another level. The leaders of the new African nations could not impose, out of compulsion and suddenly, a totally foreign philosophy and political organizations ; somehow imported.
They had to adapt and “translate” using traditional political equipment. The postcolonial state has renewed without a solution of continuity the regime of emasculation of the traditional authority established by colonization. Leadership itself as a human community is sometimes diluted in local communities, sometimes assimilated into existing administrative districts.
As a result, its legal status and its position on the national political scene are unclear.
There is also the work of Évariste FOPOUSSI FOTSO195, which goes in the same direction since legally, the chiefdoms are today a channel of transmission between the administrative authorities and their communities. But it also affirms that our leaders are weakened and overwhelmed by the evolution of society, that they are sterile in the face of “the need to build a modern, democratic and united state, and that they no longer offer our youth real dreams of the future196.”
Claude-Hélène PERROT and François-Xavier FAUVELLE-AYMAR197 which raise the problem of the relationship between two models of political and social regulation, namely the endogenous, that is, the traditional and the exogenous model, That is, modern imposed by colonial and postcolonial authorities. They also highlighted the ambiguities of this issue, where we certainly perceive a confrontation, but with strategies of adaptation, in a dialectic of relations that oscillate from rivalry to submission through instrumentalization. It is not always unambiguous, as African kings and chiefs have, on occasion, been able to demonstrate manipulative abilities.
Several contributions from this collective work shed light on the years 1989-1991, marked by “democratic renewal” which has enabled the development of multiparty and patronage systems, which offer leeway to leaders and kings interested in playing a political role.
The democratic context, in many cases, leads to the rehabilitation of traditional structures which, paradoxically, are involved in development and modernization projects. The political party obeys this requirement, to the point of sometimes expressing only a balance of power between ethnic groups – as it manifests in an almost caricatural way the Congo-Leopoldville. The character of the leader is often modelled on the types of authority that the old order contained : that of the sovereign who orders in accord with the gods and ancestors, that of the prophet or messiah who announces and provokes new times.
Finally, when it comes to popularizing ideology, disseminating symbols of political significance, organizing the ritual of « political religion », the reference to certain traditional models also operates. And this even in countries where governments have caused the elimination or demeaning of old-style leaders.
To this must be added the officials198 who animate the associations of nationals residing in the city. This third force sometimes comes to the fore, succeeding in eclipsing the royal characters, in particular by deciding on the organization of traditional festivals : thus, in Zambia, the cultural association « Kazanga », usurps the spotlight at the time of the annual festival of « Nkoya » and tends to relegate the chiefs, whose ancestors are featured, to the rank of folk characters199.
It is after all these shortcomings observed on the whole that the originality of our modest work, which consists of measuring on the one hand, on the basis of anthropology and political sociology, the influence of the German colonial administration on the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun. And on the other hand, to talk about the adaptation of the German colonial power to the traditional governances Duala and Bamoun. Sociology is a valuable tool for better understanding and explaining the impact of the social dimension on human representations200 and behaviours201.
Émile DURKHEIM on the use of sociology of a holistic paradigm202. For him and for those who claim to his inheritance, society is a “holon”, a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts, it pre-exists to the individual and individuals are governed by it.
In this context, society encompasses individuals and individual consciousness is seen only as a fragment of collective consciousness. Political sociology, for its part, studies citizens in their relations with the State and its institutions. It is also a question, more generally, of analysing all that concerns and forms the relations of domination between individuals and human groups. Discipline thus responds to social relations of a political nature, especially ideologies and political forces such as parties.
According to this view, the object of sociological research is the social fact, which must be treated as a thing, its cause being sought in earlier social facts. The social fact, which is institutionalized, is external to the individual and exerts a constraint on the latter. Individuals are therefore supervised in institutions, which are themselves placed in counterpart structures to each other.
Sociology is then the science of institutional invariants in which observable phenomena are located. Marcel MAUSS will impress a significant inflection on this doctrine by arguing the need to describe completely and in their totality the forms in which the phenomenon appears to reveal their secret. To analyze the concrete forbids to neglect the sensitivity to the lived.
More recent but certainly promising, Jean BAECHLER has developed a paradigm between history and sociology, a method that takes up certain axes of « Simmelian » studies, and which arises on the foundations of the criticisms of historical reason identified by Raymond ARON to account for the future of macroscopic social phenomena203.
As for anthropology, it is the branch of science that studies the human being in all its aspects, both physical204 and cultural205. It aims to define humanity by making a synthesis of the different human and natural sciences. The term “anthropology” comes from two Greek words, “anthropos”, which means “man206 ”, and “logos”, which means “word, discourse”.
This discipline particularly targets the specific facts of the human in relation to other animals207: articulated and figurative languages, funerary rites, political or magical rites, arts, religions, customs, kinship, habitats, corporal techniques, instrumental, memorization, of numeration, spatial and temporal representations, etc. It is based in particular on the comparative study of the different societies and ethnicities described by ethnology, and considers the uniqueness of the human spirit through cultural diversity.
Without claiming to be exhaustive and exclusive, we want to orient our modest analysis through these two theoretical positions, namely anthropology and political sociology, in the highlighting of the variable influence, There is an unequal relationship between the German colonial administration and the traditional political powers of Duala and Bamoun.
This suggests the formulation of the following problems and hypotheses.
F. ISSUES AND ASSUMPTIONS
The problem (1-) precedes the hypotheses (2-).
The problem of research is the theoretical approach or perspective that one decides to adopt to deal with the problem posed by the initial question. It is a way of questioning the phenomena studied in order to obtain new information208. It’s sort of a gap or a gap in knowledge between what we know and what we should or want to know about the real209.
On the basis of these considerations, the problem "becomes" a pivotal stage in research between rupture and construction210. For it is it that makes it possible to note the gap between an unsatisfactory departure situation and a desirable arrival situation211. To achieve this, it will first be necessary to exploit the readings and take stock of the various aspects of the problem highlighted in order to meditate better as no one has yet meditated on what everyone has before their eyes212.
It is up to us to construct a problem that suits our research work. This was done by the critical literature review. The concern of the German administration’s relations with the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun during the period from 1884 to 1916, derive its origins from the consequences and effects that German colonization has had on the socio-political functioning of these two types of society : one, Bamoun, centralized around a King/Sultan and the other, Duala, whose power is subject to the influence of several chiefs who manage the different cantons. It was Prince Bell who acted as the coordinating "chief" and presided over all official ceremonies such as the "Ngondo".
In view of the above, our central question is :
-What is the mutual influence between the German colonial administration and the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun in relation to the political history of Cameroon ? In other words, how have these institutions had an impact on each other ?
Around this central question, are added related questions as follows :
- How did the German colonial administration dominate the traditional political powers of Duala and Bamoun ?
- How much of the influence of the traditional Duala and Bamoun political powers on the German colonial administration ?
As a result of the fieldwork, we made some assumptions.
A decisive element in the specification of the study, as well as the problem, the hypothesis is a proposal for an answer to the question asked. It is necessary in the sense indicated by Claude BERNARD : « If we experimented without preconceived ideas, we would go on an adventure".
He gave the hypothesis the following definition »213. an anticipatory and rational interpretation of phenomena ». As we can see, there is no observation without formulating a research hypothesis, however brief it may be. Claude BERNARD adds : « A blind observation of reality is not possible and, as we said, not knowing what we are looking for, we risk not knowing what we have found »214.
Thus, our study includes a macro-hypothesis and micro-hypotheses.
Our main or macro-hypothesis is :
-There is a variable and unequal influence between the German colonial administration and the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun in relation to the political history of Cameroon.
Related assumptions have been arranged to further inform the main assumption. They are built around two essential axes and each represent an operative response to the above mentioned secondary problems :
1– The German colonial administration has dominated the traditional political powers of Duala and Bamoun, not only through the application of the Hinterland principle, but also in terms of the logic and dynamics of domination that bring conflict and cooperation to the fore.
2- The traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun have exerted an influence on the German colonial administration, albeit relative, due to the adaptation of the German colonial administration to the traditional Bamoun governance on the one hand ; and the pragmatism of the situation of this German colonial administration with regard to the Duala chiefs, on the other hand.
G. RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY
In any scientific research, the researcher must express the scientific relevance or scope of the subject by indicating how this subject fits into the scientific concerns, how this topic will contribute to the advancement of knowledge and how the topic is original and topical, especially from the perspective discussed215. Thus, interest presupposes that study is useful in a system of thoughts and actions.
To this end, the study intends to place at the centre of a heuristic debate on the issue of mutual influence between the German colonial administration and the traditional political powers Bamoun and Duala with regard to the political history of Cameroon.
It is necessary to share the reciprocal impact by analysing the mechanisms of adaptation of the traditional Duala and Bamoun chiefdoms to the German colonial power on the one hand, and on the other hand, from the German colonial administration to the traditional Duala and Bamoun governances.
If we agree with Max WEBER that « scientific work is in solidarity with progress »216, let us also note in the wake of Alfred GROSSER217 that the knowledge which emerges from it is well cumulative. Therefore, the purpose of any scientific production is to confirm the usefulness of science (“truth seeking”)218 in social development.
It is for us, in the present study, to fit into the sequence of our predecessors by trying to deepen the studies of political anthropology. Thus, the topic of « the German administration and the traditional political powers Bamoun and Duala from 1884 to 1916, analysis of the political history of Cameroon », falls within the disciplinary field of political science.
Our study, in general, looks at the close links between the German administration and the traditional political powers from 1884 to 1916. In other words, these are the highlights of this collaboration or cooperation and their impact on the political history of Cameroon. So this is a study that is both heuristic and pragmatic.
From a heuristic point of view, we can say that the German conquest was a double-edged sword. What is the [supposed] exact number of executions, populations subjected to forced labour and racketeering ?
Has German colonization had a positive or rather negative role on the political evolution of Cameroon. In what [s] sector [s] have the traditional political societies of Bamoun and Duala been deeply marked by the German administration ?
It is therefore an analysis that, by following the path opened by predecessors, also opens new horizons. It also enables us to understand that the Bamoun and Duala companies have benefited from the expertise and know-how of the German administration.
Moreover, it is also a question of seeing that the German colonization made it possible to consider that Cameroon was an area to be exploited, and that the populations would be used as labour for this operation. On the ground, the Germans created large plantations of export products.
The signing of the various treaties allowed or did not allow to hide the repressive and brutal dimension of the methods used to achieve their objectives. And the episode of multiple revolts in the plantations, even going up to the tax strike, testifies to these tensions between the Germans and the Cameroonian populations.
However, it must be recognized that the Germans have opened up Cameroon through the evacuation of cultivated products. The latter built roads, ports, and especially railways. They also set up the first telegraph, telephone and radiotelegraphic infrastructures.
It is thus a question of seeing how the traditional chiefs, especially those Bamoun and Duala, participated and suffered the expansion of the German conquest in Cameroon. To neglect this aspect is to forget that all the actors had to shed light on different angles and aspects of colonization as glorious as they were obscure.
These assumptions were tested against appropriate methodological guidance.
II. METHODOLOGICAL AND OPERATIONAL CONSIDERATIONS
Theory is an “integrated set of concepts and sub-concepts that we usually try to use to better structure the explanation of reality219.” The imperative to explain reality even conditions the scientific value of the theory.
For, as Michel BEAUD said, « Theory cannot be judged solely by its internal coherence, but by its ability to account for reality »220. However, any theory can only explain one aspect of social reality. The method must also be used.
In all science, the first condition for progress is the method221. The method thus happens to be the set of intellectual operations that a discipline implements to demonstrate, verify and establish the truths it pursues222. So in the process of social science research, the researcher must always behave like an oil researcher.
This means that just as the oil researcher mobilizes methodological tools that will allow him to achieve his oil purposes, so too the researcher will have to do the same to identify his subject of study223. In doing so, from the perspective of our work, we have used a methodological syncretism that takes into account the methods of analysis on the one hand (A-) and on the other hand, the techniques of data collection (B-).
A. ANALYTICAL METHODS
The method is an ambiguous notion that refers to several meanings. Madeleine GRAWITZ retains three meanings. Philosophically, the method represents “all the intellectual operations for which a discipline seeks to attain the truths it pursues, demonstrates and verifies224 ”. In relation to the object of study, it becomes a “way of considering or organizing research225 ”.
Finally, it often refers to a concept specific to a social science discipline226. Whatever the meaning considered, the method remains important in the process of scientific research. It “increases the explanatory capacity of scientific research discourse by further refining it to give it more credit227 ”.
Data analysis follows a specific methodological approach. In this study, three methods are used. We have, among others, the historical method (1-), the comparative method (2-) and constructivism (3-).
1. The historical method
The culturalist and historical approach228 is a current of anthropology born in the United States under the main impetus of Ruth BENEDICT, Ralph LINTON, Abram KARDINER and Cora DUBOIS. She attempts a description of society from the combined viewpoints of anthropology and psychoanalysis.
Culturalism was one of the currents that dominated American sociology from the 1930s to the 1950s. By borrowing the notion of culture from anthropologists, he seeks to account for social integration.
Based on the observation of archaic societies, culturalists highlight the preponderant influence of culture and cultural habits of education on the basic personality of individuals.
The culturalist and historical approach will allow us to start a chronological collection on the political history of Cameroon during the German colonial period. Indeed, it is clear that the existing relations between the German colonial administration and the traditional political powers Bamoun and Duala have given rise to complex, ambiguous situations marked by mistrust, brutality, mutual respect, and, above all, alliances between the various actors.
As for the field of political sociology and anthropology in which we find ourselves, the historical method will fill the gaps of facts and events by relying on a time, perhaps artificially reconstructed, but ensuring continuity, and a common thread for our study229.
This is all the more relevant when we know with Marcel MAUSS and Paul FAUCONNET that we do not need to know the date of a social fact to use it, as long as we know its background, its concomitants, its consequences, in a word the whole social framework230.
As part of our study, the historical method allowed us to trace the German colonial period in Cameroon, as well as the links that have existed between the German administration and the various traditional authorities that have had an impact on the socio-political evolution of Cameroon.
This approach helped, through diachrony and synchrony, to appreciate the influence that German colonization had on the traditional societies Bamoun and Duala, and, conversely, the influence of these on this one.
2. The comparative method
Comparative analysis is the search for differences and similarities between the situations which are the subject of the comparison, interpreting the meaning of these similarities and differences and trying to discover through it regularity. Émile DURKHEIM specified the fundamental mechanism of comparison in these terms : We have only one material to demonstrate that between two facts there exists a logical relation, a causal relation for example, it is to compare cases where they are simultaneously present or absent and to investigate whether the variations they present in these different combinations of circumstances indicate that one is dependent on the other231.”
Comparative analysis can only be validly used if the situations chosen for comparison show a certain degree of analogy. Since the purpose of comparison is to identify and study the similarities and differences between the phenomena compared, this presupposes that there are similarities between these phenomena : this is the analogy.
But if these phenomena are not completely identical, otherwise the comparison would have no interest. This means that two points of view must be taken into account when assessing the validity of a comparison and the degree of analogy of the facts compared. On the one hand, the facts compared must present a certain analogy of structures and on the other hand, they must present a certain analogy of context.
First, the analogy of structures has two meanings. It assumes that the phenomena studied have a general physiognomy rather close. Thus, we can compare the traditional society Bamoun with the traditional society Duala, etc.
In addition, the degree of complexity of the facts compared should not be too distant. In this way, we can compare the relations of the German colonial administration with King Bamoun and the Duala chiefs, but it will be very random to compare the functioning of German society with pre-colonial Cameroon because of the different complexity of these two phenomena.
In practice, "this assessment of the analogy of structures is not very easy to achieve because of the multiplicity of elements that make up the structure of social facts"232. In this respect, the existence of well-founded typologies can facilitate the work of the comparator. Secondly, the analogy of context must be taken into account since social phenomena do not exist in isolation. They are integrated into a whole from which they cannot be separated without risk of denaturation. Indeed, to understand a social phenomenon, it is important not to neglect the context in which it is situated.
This context is conceivable at a double level. The dimensional context requires the researcher to compare only two social phenomena belonging to social groups of similar dimensions. In this sense, it is clear that the problems posed by the administration of a village of 350 inhabitants are difficult to compare with those posed by a city of 150,000 inhabitants. However, the difficulty here lies in the precision of the criterion from which the researcher expects to assess the context. Is it the size of the territory or the volume of the population ?
On the other hand, one cannot ignore the cultural context of the facts compared by referring to all the values, beliefs, traditions, customs, institutions, etc., which constitute the cultural whole, the area of civilization into which the facts compared fit. In addition, two types of comparison are available to the researcher.
First of all, the close comparisons which we will use in the context of this study concern phenomena with a fairly high degree of analogy, both in their structure and in the context in which they are situated. In fact, this type of comparison aims above all at precision : it is meticulous, scrupulous and detailed. On the other hand, distant comparisons are characterized by the freedoms they take with the requirement of analogy. They deal with phenomena of quite different structures, whose dimensional and cultural context can be quite remote233.
In connection with the present study, predetermined benchmarks234 are used to establish points of convergence and divergence between the traditional political powers Bamoun and Duala. A study of their structures and especially of the processes of transformation over the major events of the German colonization in Cameroon allows to understand the situation.
First, it helped to highlight how the German settlers came into contact with the traditional chiefdoms raised, and how the latter participated positively or negatively in the expansion of this conquest. Second, where is the relevance of such openness to the transformation and evolution of these traditional societies over time ?
Finally, it was a question of whether all the actors of this colonial period could be highlighted as well as their exact roles ? Moreover, the comparison points to an unequal influence, due to the domination of the German colonial administration, but a relative influence of the traditional political powers Duala and Bamoun.
The German colonial administration has distinguished itself in terms of the infrastructures that are still visible today. It should also be added that the Bamoun Chiefdom has been rather cooperative while the Duala Chiefdoms have opposed it mainly because of the expropriation of their land.
Constructivism, a theory of learning, was developed, among other things, by PIAGET as early as 1923, in the face of behaviorism which, according to him, limited learning too much to the stimulus-response association and considered the subject as a black box. The constructivist approach is interested in the activity of the subject to build a representation of the reality that surrounds it235.
Constructivism starts from the idea that the knowledge of each subject is not especially a « copy » of reality, but a more or less faithful model of it built by it over time.
Constructivism endeavours to study the mechanisms and processes allowing the construction of this model in subjects from elements already integrated. This is the opposite of a simple “black box” approach236. More generally, for constructivism, the progressive development of an organism from its conception to its mature form237 results from the construction of relatively stable organizations that succeed each other in time238. Constructivism is divided into different currents of thought according to the epistemological disciplines including the formal sciences, the exact sciences, or the social sciences to which it applies.
In sociology, social constructivism or socioconstructivism, is a vision of contemporary sociology developed by Peter L. BERGER, American sociologist and theologian of Austrian origin, and Thomas LUCKMANN, German sociologist in their book The Social Construction of Reality239 .
Based on arguments theorized by Émile Durkheim, this approach considers that social reality and social phenomena are created and institutionalized and is interested in how this reality is constructed240. At BERGER and LUCKMANN, reality is understood from a subjective rather than objective point of view, that is, from the point of view that we can perceive it rather than separate from our perceptions241. This is why Boris CYRULNIK states : « An institution is structured like a personality, with walls and regulations that materialize the thought of those who have power »242.
Moreover, Alfred SCHUTZ thinks that social action takes root in an environment with a relationship to others that is articulated around a temporal axis and a spatial axis. The latter notes that the social world consists of achievements whose integration is implicit in practical actions and intentions. In his daily life, the individual acclimatized to a culture integrates a set of knowledge and know-how which will have the character of self-evident, these knowledge and know-how being taken for granted243 - until there is otherness244.
Structuralist constructivism, also known as strategic interactivism, is a method developed by Pierre BOURDIEU, Erhard FRIEDBERG and Michel CROZIER. For them, social entities are social actors who interact in a field. This field is similar to a field of forces in physics where clash and clash the different actors in the presence. Here, the actor does not exist outside the system that defines his freedom. Similarly, the system exists only by the actor who alone can carry it and give it life245.
Thus, we speak of strategic interaction because just as the environment imposes on the individual a repertoire of lasting disposition that BOURDIEU calls habitus246, so the individual through the margin of manoeuvre and freedom offered to him, The European Union will develop strategies that will enable it not only to meet social demands, but also to satisfy itself. Here we are witnessing a double movement of interiorization of the exteriority and exteriorization of interiority.
Coming back to our study, constructivism has produced legal rules and instruments such as treaties and decrees. For example, the Law of 19 June 1895 and the Police Regulation of 22 May 1895 prohibited the Duala from doing business in their usual areas, took away their labour, and they were subsequently prohibited from hunting. The Germans will also devalue the monetary unit, the “Kroo”. For this purpose, if before 1884 the « kroo » was worth 20 marks, it will be reduced in 1885 to 12 marks and in 1891 to 10 marks.
By a decree of April 6, 1894, it will be completely abolished, and the German mark will become the only currency of the territory247. On the other hand, the Treaty of 12 July 1884 enshrined the birth of international Cameroon. This has produced effects of reality, namely the emerging effects and the adverse effects.
B. DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUE
Although it finds its origins and developments in social sciences such as history and sociology, data collection is not foreign to the discipline of political science.
Techniques are “a means of addressing problems, when they are specified248.” They represent “limited processes, involving practical, concrete, practical and defined elements249.”
To this end, and in order not to deviate from this warning of David EASTON, it seemed promising to us to conduct our investigations on several fronts. For this author in reality : “If we are too far away, we can only see the broad outlines, and this is of little interest for useful research ; but if we stay too close, we will see the details so numerous and so confusing that it would not be worth much250.” In the course of our work, techniques are the processes that have enabled us to gather the information essential for understanding our study.
In terms of data collection, we used both documentary techniques (1-) and living techniques (2-).
1. Documentary techniques
The term document is taken here in a broad sense. According to Jean-Louis LOUBET DEL BAYLE, it is « any element, material or immaterial, which has a connection with the activity of men living in society and which therefore indirectly constitutes a source of information on social phenomena »251. Thus, there is no immediate contact between the observer and the social reality in documentary observation.
This means that the documents are presented to the researcher in the raw state and, in order to extract the information that will be useful to him, he must analyse, interpret and in some cases reinterpret them252.
What is important for the researcher is the detection of both the obvious meaning and the implicit meaning of the document. What makes the analysis of the content of documents, in its qualitative dimension valued here to that quantitative, is also its weakness.
In fact, quantitative analysis of the content consists in studying the documents by counting the various elements that constitute it, by classifying them, by quantifying their frequency, their repetition. While it appears more objective than qualitative analysis, its results are also often more superficial. The fineness of the analysis here is paid for by risks of subjectivity in the sense that « its value depends largely on the certainty of judgment of the one who carries out the analysis »253.
The distinction between what is important and what is secondary, the essential and the accessory, gives rise to judgments on the part of the researcher with the risk that these are influenced by his subjectivity. The document is a fundamental instrument of research. It “offers the advantage of being an objective material in that it raises different interpretations, it is the same and does not change254 ”.
In the same vein, Jean-Claude COMBESSIE notes that “In any research, documentary sources can provide both additional information and a diversification of lighting255 ”. Thus, in the framework of our study, we used the general works in political sociology and political anthropology like the works of Georges BALANDIER, Sens et puissance. Social dynamics256 ” by Guy HERMET et al., “Dictionnaire de la science politique et des institutions politiques257 ” or by David EASTON, “Analyse du système politique258 ”.
As for the official documents, we have put to our name the constitution of 18 November 1996, decree N°77/245 of 15 July 1977 on the organization of traditional chiefdoms, decree N°244 of 04 February 1933 establishing the status of indigenous chiefs. These documents informed us about the normative provisions related to the status of traditional chiefdoms and give an overview of the role of traditional chiefs in national political life.
Data from our study will be collected from official sources to confirm their authenticity… It will be a question for us to go through the books, theses, memoirs, articles, and other scientific works having a direct or indirect relation to the object of research, the political history of Cameroon, the German colonization, the traditional chiefdoms, etc. In addition, we consulted the National Archives of Cameroon in Yaoundé, the archives of the Royal Palace of Foumban.
In terms of private documents, we have collected, for example, the documentaries entitled “The Great War in Cameroon” from the Lycée Dominique Savio in Douala on MM interviews. Ananie BINDJI259, Albert François DIKOUME260, Jean-Jacques ANNAUD261. Valère EPEE262 ; the article written by M. DJOKO DUBOIS on the « functioning of power within the colonial state : the case of Cameroon under German domination in the era of Governor VON SODEN 1895-1891 » and available on the website of the German Institute in Cameroon263 ; the documentary films Deutsche Kolonien. Eine DVD – Edition zur deutschen Kolonialgeschichte264 by producer Peter HELLER and “When the Ancients Speak…. African testimonies as sources of colonial history » of Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III265.
This is also the case of the Cameroonian filmmaker Jean-Pierre BEKOLO’s « Our Wishes : A Look on Colonial Africa », a 26-minute series of 10 episodes. This is a document that Duala chiefs drafted to let the Germans know their wishes as they were negotiating the treaty that entrusted their territory to the Germans. But this document was ignored by the Germans and we know what happened next. Beyond this history, if there is one constant in the relations between Africa and the West, it is that our wishes are never taken into account. You have understood the spirit of the whole project : it is a matter of entering into our history to learn lessons that should serve us today266.”
We also used newspapers such as the Deutsches Kolonialblatt for local administration in Cameroon ; the Amtsblatt Kolonialzeitung for the German Colonial Society or the Koloniale Rundschau ; Cameroon Tribune, Le Journal du Cameroun ; the websites www.peuplesawa.com, www.dibambelasawa.com, www.auletch.com, etc., which provided us with important information about the daily lives of people and officials, and the geopolitical climate of that time.
We have also been able to take possession of memoranda that some authorities have sent to the highest hierarchy.
However, documentary observation alone proved insufficient to allow us to understand our subject in its various contours, hence the use of a living technique.
2. Living Skills : Interviews
If the theory helps to see and better understand a social fact, it is only useful if it is based on empirical material collected in parallel by the researcher in a limited field267.”
It is on the basis of this basic principle of basic research according to LESQUESNE268 that the second stage of data collection has become much more practical. The technique of maintenance is "to provoke a settled conversation between an investigator and an investigator with instructions and most often a conversation guide269 ". This technique finds its foundation in the need to demonstrate the hypotheses we have formulated. To this end, in order to analyze the question of the German administration in Cameroon, we had to resort to the maintenance of the actors of this period and of the present time.
We had fruitful discussions with the University Professor, Director of Academic Affairs and Cooperation of the University of Yaoundé I, Pr. Daniel ABWA; the Secretary General of Ngondo, Mr. Pamphile YOBE; the Deputy Director of the Noun Community Radio, Mr. NJITARI NJOYA; the Director of Cultural Affairs of the Royal Palace of Foumban, Mr. NCHARE; the Curatorial Guide of the Museum since 2002, Mr. ALIDOU NJIKAM TOUNESSAH, a tourist guide from the city of Foumban, Mrs. NGOUNGOURE BILKISSOU ; from an art ageing artist from the city of Foumban, Mr. OUSMANE.
As part of our field investigation, we chose the department of Noun and in particular the city of Foumban. We also chose the cities of Douala and Yaoundé.
Foumban because it is the city where the Bamoun people are located in their majority and where the most visible riches of this warrior people are concentrated. As for Douala, it is a territory that concentrates within it, the Duala chiefdoms rich in history and who have tipped Cameroon in full modernity. Concerning Yaoundé, it is the place where the intellectuals and some men of culture who lived alongside these two peoples live.
Without ignoring the contribution of audiovisual sources270, this both theoretical and practical approach has made it possible to cross-reference data from the various sources used. The use of the quantitative approach which facilitated the crossing, which in turn helped not only to fill some gaps in the documentary sources, but above all to be in tune with the empirical fact and the material reality of the social phenomenon that is the German colonization in Cameroon, especially its repercussions on the traditional chiefdoms Duala and Bamoun.
As a result of this field work, we have definitively established the hypotheses that are the subject of demonstration.
The modest aim of this work, which is now coming to an end, was to show that the domination of the German colonial administration over the traditional political powers of Bamoun and Duala was effective and was the result of the Berlin Conference in 1885. Thus, in a first chapter, we have stated that the process of conquest starts from the principle of the hinterland and the progressive establishment of the German colonial administration on the territories Bamoun and Duala. This is why we have evoked the beginnings of each traditional society Bamoun and Duala before the German penetration. Within the Bamoun society, there was a well-organized and hierarchical system headed by a caste system. Duala was divided into three main groups : BELL, AKWA and DEIDO. We have undertaken a chronology of each Duala dynasty and mark the existing divisions between them.
And in a second chapter, we showed that the German colonial administration exercised dynamics and logic of domination over the traditional political powers Bamoun and Duala. In fact, the Bamoun society will suffer the ravages of Christianity and a large section of the population will question pagan habits such as polygamy or clairvoyance. King NJOYA’s authority will be shaken by these Western values of tolerance, equality between men and women, love and compassion for his enemies. He will be harsh on new converts and will do everything to impose a syncretic religion that will combine Christianity, Islam and traditional cultural practices. In addition, we have observed the impregnation of European culture in Bamoun artisanal production, particularly in architectural terms. As for the Duala society, it will oscillate between the logic of cooperation and the logic of domination. As a result, Duala Chiefs will sign treaties of various categories that will allow them to benefit financially but will also be a clear sign of divisions within these groups.
This state of affairs will lead the German colonial administration to a no-respect for the sovereignty of the Duala Chiefs and an infringement of the inalienable rights of the Duala indigenous peoples in so far as the plan of expropriation of the Joss plateau will be implemented without the consent of those concerned. Subsequently, the Duala chiefs will exercise their right to claim through petitions and armed attacks that will result in the deportation, impeachment or killing of recalcitrant chiefs.
The German colonial authorities imposed themselves without taking into account the socio-economic and cultural realities of local authorities. As a result, there will be strong opposition from the traditional chiefdoms of Bamoun and Duala. The manifestations of these oppositions are numerous : the religious syncretism of King NJOYA, the persistence of polygamy in Bamoun country, the petitions and the search of favor of German public opinion by Duala leaders…. It follows a pragmatism of the situation of the German colonial administration towards the Duala chiefs through their respective perceptions, the brief assessments made on the personality of each African monarch… All these proposals are the subject of Chapter IV after we have first analysed in depth the adaptation of the German colonial administration to the traditional Bamoun governance in Chapter III.
We wanted to highlight the relative influence of the traditional political powers Bamoun and Duala on the German colonial administration. Indeed, Germany clashed with the rebel acts of King NJOYA and took into account the socio-cultural realities of this territory of western Cameroon.
The practice of polygamy, divination, the death penalty will be fought with great difficulty and will see the triumph of the Muslim religion and the syncretic religion created by NJOYA. The perception of this Western administration is quite good by King NJOYA who appreciates the art of German war and their proven techniques in the field of architecture among others. And this appreciation is reciprocal since the indigenous sovereign is appreciated for his dynamism, his sense of responsibility and his love for his people.
As for the Duala chiefs, they will be awarded a salary called Koumi by the German colonial authorities to compensate for the loss of their commercial monopoly. This situation will bring to the surface the tensions already existing between the various Duala potentates and the pre-eminence of the BELL dynasty, due to the immense fortune generated and its greater proximity to the German power. But this agreement will be of short duration as soon as the land issue is put on the table. The expropriation of the Joss plateau will reveal the true intentions of the Germans. The demarcation between indigenous and white neighborhoods will confirm this state of mind of the Duala chiefs. It will follow a series of demands led by Chief Rudolf DOUALA MANGA BELL who will pay him with his life, and who will become a fallen martyr for the cause of the Duala people.
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1 The Portuguese discover the river Wouri. The abundance of shrimps (especially the existence of a rare variety of large, locally-speaking “béatoe” shrimps) led them to call the river “Rio Dos Camaroes”. This name then designates the Coast and becomes « Cameroon » through « Rio Dos Camaerones », « Cameroon River » and « kamerun ».
2 I. MOUICHE, “Le pouvoir traditionnel dans la vie politique moderne”, Mémoire de Maîtrise en Science Politique, Yaoundé, FDSE, 1988.
3 E. MVENG, History of Cameroon, African Presence, 1963, p. 138. In A. AHIDJO & G. BWELE, The Encyclopedia of the United Republic of Cameroon, Volume II : History and the State, Douala, Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1981, pp. 32–33.
4 Ibid., pp. 32-33.
5 Ibid., p. 35.
6 P. BOURDIEU, Réponses, Seuil, Paris, 1992, p. 207.
7 The reasons for this conversion of BISMARCK are summarized in H. BRUNSCHWIG, Le partage de l'Afrique noire, Paris, 1971, pp. 151–153, which gives the bibliography. The decisive event which motivated « the change of 1884 » was undoubtedly the brief that the intimate advisor of legation to Foreign Affairs, Henri DE KUSSEROW, addressed to BISMARCK on April 8, 1884. The German official developed the idea that, through the ballet of charter companies, which were very popular in English possessions, Germany could acquire colonies without the State taking charge of their administration or development. This idea pleased BISMARCK so much that the Chancellor decided to put it into practice immediately. H. BRUNSCHWIG, The German Overseas Expansion from the 15 th Century to the Present, Paris, PUF, 1957 ; “From African Resistance to European Imperialism”, in Peuples Noirs, Peuples Africains, No. 9, 1979, pp. 69-80.
8 This note is dated 14 April 1883. It was given to the authorities of the Hanseatic cities by M. DE ENTZEL, press ambassador in Hamburg. Cf. Das Staatsarchiv : Sammlung der offiellen Adenstucke zur Geschichte der Gegenwart, Volumes 42-43, Leizpig, 1884, pp. 224-226.
9 Ibid, pp. 226–243.
11 Das Staatsarchiv : Sammlung Der Offiziellen Aktenstucke Zur Aussenpolitik Der Gegenwart, Volume 63, p. 244.
12 Gustave NACHTIGAL knew Africa very well. He had travelled the regions of Bornu, Adamawa and Chad between 1869 and 1874. He had chaired the German committee of the African International Association and the Geography Society of Berlin. He had been appointed Consul General of Germany in Tunis in 1882, Imperial Commissioner for West Africa on 17 April 1884. He died at sea on 20 April 1885 on his return voyage. Cf. H. HEUER, Nachtigal : eine Biographie, Berlin, 1937 ; T. HEUSS & al., G. NACHTIGAL, 1869 – 1969, Bad Godesberg, 1969.
13 Or Bansoh.
14 Which is the usual English-speaking expression addressing the structure of power and the hierarchy of social organizations.
15 K. MARX & F. ENGELS, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848, Les classiques des sciences sociales, Université du Québec, p. 35. See “Class struggle – tensions in a hierarchical society divided into social classes”. Article published on www.wikipedia.fr and consulted on 22 March 2022.
16 ENGELS specifies that this formula is limited to « written history ». He adds : « In 1847, the history of the social organization that preceded all written history, prehistory, was almost unknown ». (ENGELS note of 1888 to the Communist Manifesto). See “Class struggle – tensions in a hierarchical society divided into social classes”. Article published on www.wikipedia.fr and consulted on 22 March 2022. ENGELS specifies that this formula is limited to « written history ». He adds : « In 1847, the history of the social organization that preceded all written history, prehistory, was almost unknown ». (ENGELS note of 1888 to the Communist Manifesto). See “Class struggle – tensions in a hierarchical society divided into social classes”. Article published on www.wikipedia.fr and consulted on 22 March 2022.
17 R. ROBINSON & J. GALLAGHER, “Imperialism of Free Trade,” in The Economic History Review, Vol. VI, No. 1, 1953. This article is a revolutionary essay among imperial expansion theorists and “is considered the most cited historical article ever published.” Speaking of collaborative factors, we can cite traditional leaders. In fact, the colonizer enshrined the status of traditional chiefs by decree N°244 of February 4, 1933 which classified the chiefs in three hierarchical categories : the superior chiefs, the chiefs of groups, and the chiefs of village (See B. BALLA ONDOULA, “La chefferie traditionnelle face à l'emancipation politique du Cameroun”, Mémoire, CHEOM, 1958-1959). Both auxiliary to the colonial administration and representatives of the populations, the position of the leaders remains ambiguous. Out of realism and necessity well understood, the independent Cameroon was led to keep the chiefdoms, relay of the administration. This was the best solution to the sub-administration and President AHIDJO said to this effect : Regardless of their appearance, their sentimental character, the chiefdoms were still today and probably also for tomorrow, by the framework of the populations they provide, means of action of the State for the moment irreplaceable. Our leaders are in some areas essential administrative units ». Thus, in Law N°7/5C of 10 December 1960, the public authorities recognized them as new rules in the appointment and in the exercise of the powers of the traditional leaders. The chiefdoms will then be full-fledged institutions of the Cameroonian administration, collecting taxes, officiating in matters of civil status, rendering justice, representing the populations before the authorities and lending a hand to the new national administration (See R. N'KAMGANG, “Traditional Chiefdoms in the Administrative Organization of Cameroon”, Memoir, CHEOM, 1960). In A. AHIDJO & G. BWELE, The Encyclopedia of the United Republic of Cameroon, Volume 2 : History and the State, Douala, Les Nouvelles Editions Africains, 1981, pp. 197-198.
18 R. ROBINSON, Non-European foundations of European imperialism. Sketch for a theory of collaboration,” in Studies in the theory of imperialism, Ed. Roger Owen/ Bob Sutcliffe, 1972, p. 118. The old notions for the most part were restricted to explaining the genesis of new colonial empires in terms of circumstances in Europ. The theory of future will have to explain how a handful of European Proconsuls managed to manipulate the polymorphic societies of Africa and Asia, and how, eventually, comparatively small, nationalist elites persuaded them to leave.”
19 D. A. LOW, Essays in the study of British imperialism, London, 1973, p. 8.
20 K. Hausen, Deutsche Kolonialherrschaft in Afrika. Wirtschaftsinteressen und Kolonialverwaltung in Kamerun wahrend der deutschen Kolonialverrschaft, (1884-1914), Berlin, 1965.
21 Dr. G. WALZ of Freiburg / i. Br., “Die Entwicklung der Strafechtsprechung in Kamerun 1884 – 1914”, 1980. We examine his legal knowledge of the colonial question in Cameroon.
22 K. HAUSEN, Deutsche Kolonialherrschaft in Afrika, Atlantis 1970 ; A. WIRZ, Vom Sklavenhandel zum kolonialen Handel, Atlantis, 1972 ; G. WALZ, Die Entwicklung der Strafrechtsprechung in Kamerun 1884 – 1914, Diss. Freiburg/Br. 1980.
23 Professor Helmut STOECKER from Humboldt University (East Berlin), a leading specialist on the German period in Cameroon. H. Stoecker, “Drang nach Afrika,” Berlin : Akademie Verlag, 1977. H. Stoecker, “Kamerun unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft,” Berlin, Rutten & Loening, 1960, p. 68. H. STOECKER & H. MEHLS & E. MEHLS, “Die Froberung des Nordorstens.” In STOECKER (ed.), Kamerun unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft II, 1968, pp. 55–98.
24 P. MANDENG, Auswirkungen der deutschen Kolonialherrschaft in Kamerun, Hamburg, 1973.
25 J. GOMSU, Colonization and Social Organization. Les chefs traditionnels du Sud-Cameroun pendant la période coloniale allemand (1884-1914), PhD thesis, Université de Metz, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines Saarbrücken, April 1982, p.p. 11 - 12 : (In no case do we give arguments to the apologists of colonialism, on the contrary, what we say does not exonerate the colonizers in any way).
27 More than a heuristic ritual, clarifying the meaning of the concepts used contributes to the circumcision and mastery of our study framework.
28 R. QUIVY & L. VAN CAMPENHOUDT, Manuel de recherche en sciences sociales, Dunod, Paris, 1995.
29 E. DURKHEIM, Les règles de la méthode sociologique, Paris, 1st edition, 1895.
30 Public order, good operation of public services…
31 State, local authorities, public institutions, etc.
32 Public servants, contract workers…
33 LESDÉFINITIONS, “Definition of management”. Article accessed 22 March 2022 at www.lesdefinitions.fr.
35 AUNEGE, “Introduction to Management - What is Management ?” Retrieved March 22, 2022 from http://resources.aunege.fr - See also I. CALME, J. HAMELIN, J. F. LAFONTAINE, S. DUCROUX, F. GERBAUD, Introduction à la gestion, Dunod, 3rd edition, 2013. - M. DARBELET, L. IZARD, M. SCARAMUZZA, Notions fondamentales de management, Editions Foucher, 5 th edition, 2006. - A. DAYAN, Management Manual, Ellipses, 1999. - M. DE FABREQUES, Introduction à la gestion, Dalloz, 2nd edition, 2012. - J. M. PLANE, Management of Organisations, Dunod, 2003. - P. POTTIER, Introduction à la gestion, Editions Foucher, 2001. - A. SCHATT & J. LEWKOWICZ, Introduction à la gestion d'entreprise, Editions EMS, 2007.
36 That means “Act”.
37 LEXICO DICTIONARIES / ENGLISH, “Manage/Definition of Manage by Oxford Dictionary on Lexico.com also meaning of Manage.” Article accessed October 20, 2020.
38 M. OBADIA, “Type of Management and Hand Symbolism”, in What Economy Do We Want ?, Eyrolles, 2011, pp. 182–192.
39 R. A. THIETART, Research Methods in Management, 1999, 586 pages.
40 J.-L. DELIGNY, The Administration of the Future : Culture and Strategy (Management of Public Administrations), 1989, 233 pages.
41 H. FAYOL, Industrial and General Administration, 1916. Henri FAYOL’s « administrative function » in which the « social body » has to function by giving him instructions and tasks to accomplish. It is also necessary to harmonize, unite and link actions and efforts in order to facilitate the functioning and success of the organization.
42 Mainly related to cost accounting and management control methods to optimize resources.
43 Related to the need to obtain motivation and cooperation from the members of the organization.
44 R. DAHL, Who governs ? Armand Colin, 1971.
45 Alone or representing an organization, a State…
46 Such as human rights.
47 M. WEBER, The Scientist and Politics, 1919.
49 T. HOBBES, Leviathan or Matter, Form and Power of the Christian and Civil State, 1651.
50 J.-J. ROUSSEAU, Du contrat social ou Principes du droit politique, 1762.
51 C. BAHATI NKINZINGABO, “Customary Power and Resistance to Territorial Decentralization in the DRC : A Look at the Leadership of Kabare,” Bachelor’s degree, 2016. Article posted on August 26, 2017 at https://www.africmemeoire.com and accessed March 29, 2022.
52 M. WEBER, Economy and Society, Paris, Plon, 1995.
53 H. MAMBI TUNGA, Traditional Power and State Power in the DRC : Outline of a Theory of Hybridization of Political Powers, UNIKIN, PhD Thesis in Political Science.
54 C. BAHATI NKINZINGABO, “Customary Power and Resistance to Territorial Decentralization in the DRC : A Look at the Leadership of Kabare,” Bachelor’s degree, 2016. Article posted on August 26, 2017 at https://www.africmemeoire.com and accessed March 29, 2022.
55 Article 1 of the Royal Decree of 05 December 1933.
57 A. AHMADOU AHIDJO & G. BWELE, The Encyclopedia of the United Republic of Cameroon, Volume II : History and the State, Douala, 1981, pp.197-198.
58 M. WEBER, Economy and Society, Paris, Plon, 1995.
59 G. BURDEAU, Constitutional Law and Political Institutions, LGDJ, 1972, p. 33.
60 P. BAILLY, « Class Conflicts and Social Change in MARX » : « the labour force has the characteristic of creating more work than requires its maintenance. Surplus-value is that additional value produced by the employee that the capitalist appropriates freely and legally (there is a contract of employment between them) ». See “Dominance – a situation in which a person and/or group is in a position to impose their ideas.” Article published on www.wikipedia.fr and consulted on 22 March 2022.
61 K. MARX, Critique du programme de Gotha, p. 39. “Instead of the vague redundant phrase that ends the paragraph, “to eliminate all social and political inequality”, it was necessary to say that with the elimination of class differences all social and political inequality resulting from these differences vanishes by itself.” Ibid., p. 13. - See “Domination – a situation in which a person and/or a group is in a position to impose their ideas”. Article published on www.wikipedia.fr and consulted on 22 March 2022.
62 C. RIVIÈRE, “DOMINATION,” Encyclopædia Universalis [online], published at http://www.universalis.fr/encyclopedia/domination/ and accessed on 18 January 2019.
63 Or the woman, of course.
64 A. COLLOGNAT, AUCTORITAS. Autorité : un mot, une notion clé”, article published on 08 December 2019 on the website https://eduscol.education.fr and consulted on 14 March 2022.
66 M. HUMBERT, Institutions politiques et sociales de l'antiquité, Paris, Dalloz, 2014, p. 323.
67 Provided, of course, that it is legally correct.
68 To be at the origin of, to be the ascendant of.
69 Act as guarantor of identity, through transmission, memory, past/present link.
71 Laws, decrees, orders, etc.
72 Hierarchies, organizations, structures, etc.
73 M. WEBER, Economy and Society, Paris, Plon, 1995.
76 M. HUMBERT, Institutions politiques et sociales de l'antiquité, Paris, Dalloz, 2014, p. 323.
77 Synecdoque is a metonymy (style figure that, in the language, or its use, uses a word to associate a distinct idea but is associated with it. The association of ideas implied is often natural (part/all, containing/content, cause/effect, etc.), sometimes symbolic (e.g. crown/royalty) or even logical: the artist for the work, the city for its inhabitants, the place for the institution that is installed there, etc.) particular for which the relationship between the given term and the evoked term constitutes an inclusion or a material or conceptual dependence. More rarely, synecdoque is evoked in a « Abbreviated representation of an animal outline allowing, by only a few traces, to recognize it » - Archaeology. Chauvet Cave, glossary. See “Definition : Metonymy (n.d.)”. Published at www.lettres.org and accessed on March 26, 2022. See “Metonymy. Figure de style (n.d.)”. Published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed on 26 March 2022. See “Synecdoque – literary term (n. d.)”, published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed March 26, 2022.
78 Historians and historians.
79 “History – past events and their traces or publications, studied by various branches of the human sciences of history”. Published on www.wikipedia.fr and accessed March 22, 2021.
81 A. PROST, Douze leçons sur l'histoire, Paris, Seuil, 1996, Coll. « Points Histoire », p. 146, 330 pages.
82 M. BLOCH, Apologie pour l'histoire ou Métier d'historien, introduction, p. IX.
83 Quoted by A. PROST, Douze leçons sur l'histoire, Paris, Seuil, 1996, Coll. « Points Histoire », p. 146, 330 pages.
84 Bookish knowledge of the facts of the past, mastery of historiography.
85 Methods of analysing sources and writing history.
86 “Political History.” Published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed 22 March 2022.
88 Sometimes of women.
90 R. KOSELLECK, Le futur passé : contribution à la sémantique des temps historiques, Paris, Editions de l'EHESS, 2016, 2nd edition, 400 pages.
91 For the metropolis.
92 G. BALANDIER, Sociologie actuel de l'Afrique noire. Dynamique sociale en Afrique centrale, Quadrige/Presses Universitaires de France, pp. 4-5.
93 Or maybe the elite.
94 M. PROUZET, Le Cameroun, Paris, Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, Coll. “Comment ils sont gouvernés”, p. 61.
95 Karl MARX & Vladimir LENIN quoted by M. PROUZET, op. cit., p. 80.
96 M. PROUZET, Le Cameroun, Paris, Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, Coll. “Comment ils sont gouvernés”, p. 80.
97 G. NICOLAS, “Crisis of the State and Ethnic Affirmation in Contemporary Black Africa”, Revue Française de Science Politique, October 1972, p. 1017.
98 M. PROUZET, Le Cameroun, Paris, Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, Coll. “Comment ils sont gouvernés”, pp. 39-40.
99 Until 1966.
100 Ibid., pp. 41-42.
101 D. MAINGUENEAU, Les livres d'école de la République (1870 - 1914) : discours et idéologie, Paris, Le Sycomore, 1979, 343 pages.
102 USSR : Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
103 C. AMALVI, De l'art et la manière d'accommoder les héros de l'histoire de France, Paris, Albin Michel, 1988, 473 pages.
106 A. AHIDJO & G. BWELE, The Encyclopedia of the United Republic of Cameroon, Volume II : History and the State, Douala, Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1981, p. 35.
107 Ibid., pp. 48-50.
109 Bamoun Kingdom – Former Country (n.d.), published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed March 18, 2022.
110 JOURNAL CAMEROUN INFO, “Will the Bamoun have their province ?”, article published on the website www.cameroun-info.net and consulted on 18 March 2022.
111 700 meters.
112 1910 meters.
113 2200 meters.
114 Bamoun Kingdom – Former Country (n.d.). Published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed on 18 March 2022.
115 P. ETONDE, « Traditional chieftaincies between tradition and modernity : the case of Bamoun Kingdom », Master, University of Yaoundé II, 2014-2015, p. 11.
116 Sultan I. NJOYA, “Histoire et coutumes des Bamoun”, Mémoires de l’Institut français d’Afrique Noire (Centre du Cameroun), series : Population N°5, 1952, p. 43. In P. ETONDE, « Les chefferies traditionnels entre tradition et modernité : le cas du Royaume Bamoun », Mémoire, University of Yaoundé II, 2014-2015, p. 61.
117 B. R. GUIMDO DONGMO, Seminar on theory on the meaning and effectiveness of law. Quoted by J. J. FOMBA TALA, “Fight against terrorism and human rights in Africa”, University of Yaoundé II-SOA, 2013, 2014, Mémoire de Maitrise, p. 4.
118 O. PATZIG, Die afrikanische Konferenz und der Congostaat, Heidelberg, 1885. F. FROMHOLD DE MARTENS, “La Conférence du Congo à Berlin et la politique coloniale des États modernes”, Revue de Droit International et de Législation Comparée, XVIII, 1886, pp. 137 sq. ; H. CRIBIER, “Europe, the Congo and the Berlin African Conference”, Annales de l'École Libre des Sciences Politiques, IV, 1889, pp. 487-514 ; S. E. CROWE, The Berlin West African Conference, 1884-1885, London, 1942.
119 This commercial freedom implied freedom of navigation for vessels of all nationalities on the Congo and its tributaries, the duty-free entry into all these territories of imported goods and finally the equality of economic and commercial rights for all Europeans who are called upon to settle in these territories.
120 From 1884 to 1901 and from 1909 to 1910.
121 M. ONDOA, Research Methodology Course, D.E.A, Fundamental Public Law 2009-2010, p. 14.
122 Mr. GRAWITZ & J. LECA, Traité de science politique, Presses Universitaires de France, 1985.
123 W. VON TROTHA, Gegen Kirri und Buchse in Deutsch-Sudwestafrika : vaterlandische Erzahlung von dem Kampfe in Sudwest, Breslau : Goerlich, 1911. See also LE FIGARO.FR, « Colonialisme : l'Allemagne reconnait avoir commis un génocide en Namibie », article updated on 28/05/2021 and consulted on 05 May 2022. See Wikipedia, “Colonisation (n.d.).” Article published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed on Tuesday, November 07, 2017.
124 P. N'DA, Méthodologie et guide pratique du mémoire de recherche et de la thèse de doctorat en Lettres, Arts et Sciences humaines et sociales : informations, recommandations universitaires, techniques et pratiques actuelles, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2007, p. 109.
125 For R. QUIVY & Luc VAN CAMPENHOUDT, the « book gluttony » is an attitude that consists in stuffing the skull with a large quantity of books and articles, hoping to find them at the turn of a paragraph, the light that will finally clarify correctly and satisfactorily the objective of the theme of work that one wishes to carry out. See R. QUIVY & L. VAN CAMPENHOUDT, Manuel de recherche en sciences sociales, Dunod, Paris, 1995.
126 P. N'DA, Méthodologie et guide pratique du mémoire de recherche et de la thèse de doctorat en Lettres, Arts et Sciences humaines et sociales : informations, recommandations universitaires, techniques et pratiques actuelles, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2007, p. 109.
127 G. R. ASSIE & R. R. KOUASSI, Introductory course on research methodology, School of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Abidjan, 2008, p. 206.
128 Think tanks, lobbies, NGOs, interest groups and professional associations, the public space, other associations, the media… and, the state and the political class.
129 B. PAPE-THOMA, “Mystère, viol et dépossession : la colonisation de l'Afrique par l'Allemagne,” article published on 28 November 2007 at www.afrik.com and consulted on 22 March 2022. Birgit PAPE-THOMA was born in Hamburg, Germany. She is a journalist and advisor in communication and public relations. She is also the author of children’s books and short stories for adult audiences. She has notably written a book on Germany in collaboration with Gaëlle Dutter and published by Grandir, which talks about the discovery of Germany : its history, geography, people, etc.
130 J. BOUCHAUD, The coast of Cameroon in history and cartography. Des origines à l'annexion allemand 1884 », Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Afrique Noire, Centre du Cameroun, series : Population n° 5, 1952.
131 B. PAPE-THOMA, “Mystère, viol et dépossession : la colonisation de l'Afrique par l'Allemagne,” article published on 28 November 2007 at www.afrik.com and consulted on 22 March 2022.
133 The present Namibia.
134 Tanzania, Burundi, Rwanda.
135 Kamerun strasse.
136 B. PAPE-THOMA, “Mystery, rape and dispossession : the colonization of Africa by Germany”. Published on November 28, 2007 at www.afrik.com and accessed on March 22, 2022.
137 C. LECLERC, “Germany too has a colonial past (too often forgotten)”, article published on 16 August 2015 at www.Slate.fr and consulted on Tuesday 26 February 2019.
138 Alain FINKIELKRAUT, born on June 30, 1949 in Paris, is a French philosopher, writer, essayist and radio host.
139 “One for the Kaiser”.
140 International Court of Justice.
141 C. LECLERC, “Germany too has a colonial past (too often forgotten)”, article published on 16 August 2015 at www.Slate.fr and consulted on Tuesday 26 February 2019.
142 German Colonial Office.
143 Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, Africa and Germany. De la colonisation à la coopération, 1884-1986 (Le Cas du Cameroun), Editions AFRICAVENIR, p. 297.
144 S.H.A.T., Cameroon, box 61, Bulletin de renseignements n°1, Activités des Allemands sous mandat britannique, 73/5, 3 September 1936. In Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, op. cit, 297.
145 A.N.Y., APA 11224/F, British Cameroon Military Organization, s.d. In PRINCE KUM'A NDUMBE III, op. cit., p. 297.
146 The Association of Cameroonian Germanophiles.
147 The inhabitants of Pongo bear the same name. Cf. A.N.Y., APA 11225/A, Anti-French Conduct, doc. Cit. Communication and correspondence to the department, 1933-1937. Governor Bonnecarrère to the Minister of Colonies, no. 120, Intrigues antifrançaises, 15 December 1933. In KUM'A NDUMBE III, op. cit. , p. 297.
148 S.H.A.T., Cameroon, box 61, Information Bulletin No. 1, doc. cit. In Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, Africa and Germany. From colonization to cooperation, 1884-1986 (The Case of Cameroon), Editions AFRICAVENIR, p. 297.
149 A.N.Y., APA 11225/A, Anti-French Conduct… doc. cit. In Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, op. cit., p. 297.
150 A.N.Y., APA 10124/C, Death threat against Governor General, espionage, surveillance, Douala, 1939-1940. In L. I. SAH, “German and Germanophilia Activities in Cameroon (1936-1939)”, Revue Française d’Histoire d’Outre-Mer, Vol. LXIX (1982), no. 255, pp.131-133.
151 S.H.A.T., Cameroon, box 61, Information Bulletin No. 1, Doc. Cit. In Léonard I. SAH, o. cit., pp. 131-133.
152 A.N.Y., 1 AC 107 (2), Rapport sur les activités antifrançaises des Douala, 1934. Governor Bonnecarrère to the Minister of Colonies, Report No. 9, (Anti-French Intrigues), 3 Feb. 1934. In Léonard I. SAH, op. cit., pp. 131-133.
153 Ditto. In L. I. SAH, “German and Germanophilia Activities in Cameroon (1936-1939)”, Revue Française d’Histoire d’Outre-Mer, Vol. LXIX (1982), no. 255, pp. 131-133.
154 Kamerunen Farbringen fur deutsche Gesinnung Verein – “Cameroonians of German thought”.
155 A.N.Y., APA 11229/D, Manifestations anti-French n°85, 10 Oct 1935. In Léonard I. SAH, op. cit, pp. 131-133.
156 All from the coastal region.
157 A. OWONA, The Evolution of Cameroon from 1884 to 1970, lecture polycopié, Yaoundé, vol. 2, p. 32. In L. I. SAH, op. cit., pp. 131-133.
158 Forced labour, application of the indigenate system, etc.
159 Eséka region.
160 L. I. SAH, “German and Germanophilia Activities in Cameroon (1936-1939)”, Revue Française d’Histoire d’Outre-Mer, Vol. LXIX (1982), no. 255, pp. 131-133. One of these letters is designed and presented as follows : « From : Nyap Jean, Ndogbessol group leader, by Eséka Recipient : Chancellor Hitler Adolph and dominator in Germany. Sir, in Cameroon, many pitfalls are laid before you by the French, I, your son whom you have abandoned, cannot help but write to you : I was born under your empire and I now accuse 35 or 36 years. I tell you then with tears in my eyes, what the French are doing wrong in Cameroon and solustinent (stubbornly) not to return to France so that you also come to settle in Cameroon once your. The past month, all the points, railways, Essondo station and Sodibanga were guarded by sentries and various teams to wait for you. I warn you embarrassment (sic) without embarrassment ? In the sense : clearly, openly ?) for you to be careful and victorious so that you take back your long-abandoned Cameroon. I love Germany very much. I would like you to relive (sic) (return) the garbage (sic) (orders) of the French are different from the others (sic) (yours) when I was once under your tutelage, I was not so annoyed as I am now. I need to write to you as often as possible, but there is no road. Please ask me how to correspond often. I would always be very grateful and you will tell me how to teach you as often as possible the news of the cursed French Cameroon. Please accept ? Sir my vavorables (sic) (favorable) greetings. Your Son » - A.N.Y., APA 11229/D, Manifestations anti-French d'indigènes, July 1940, Police et santé 441.
161 V. CHAVELAS, “Thirty years of German colonization in Cameroon”, Togo-Cameroon Review, Paris, 1928. In R. Gouellain, “DOUALA – VILLE ET HISTOIRE”, Survey conducted with the assistance of the CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique), Paris, Institut d’Ethnologie, Musée de l’Homme, Palais de Chaillot, Place du Trocadéro, 16th, 1975, pp. 183-185.
162 “Gaertner” or culture agents.
163 “Wegebauer” or road picks.
164 V. CHAVELAS, “Thirty years of German colonization in Cameroon”, Togo-Cameroon Review, Paris, 1928. In R. Gouellain, “DOUALA – VILLE ET HISTOIRE”, Survey conducted with the assistance of the CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique), Paris, Institut d’Ethnologie, Musée de l’Homme, Palais de Chaillot, Place du Trocadéro, 16th, 1975, pp. 183-185.
165 B. PAPE-THOMA, “Mystery, rape and dispossession : the colonization of Africa by Germany”. Published on November 28, 2007 at www.afrik.com and accessed on March 22, 2022.
166 Ditto. “One for the Kaiser”.
167 C. LECLERC, “Germany too has a colonial past (too often forgotten)”, Article published on 16 August 2015 at www.Slate.fr and consulted on Tuesday 26 February 2019.
168 G. BALANDIER, Sociologie actuel de l'Afrique Noire. Dynamique sociale en Afrique centrale, Quadrige/Presses Universitaires de France, p.7, VII.
169 Or ethnic.
170 Ibid., p. 35.
171 AIDS virus.
172 AEF : French Equatorial Africa.
173 H. LAURENTIE, “Notes sur une philosophie de la politique coloniale française,” in Special issue of Renaissances, Oct. 1944. In G. BALANDIER, Sociologie actuel de l'Afrique Noire. Dynamique sociale en Afrique centrale, Quadrige/Presses Universitaires de France, pp. 15-18.
174 J. BORDE, “The Ethnic Problem in the South African Union,” in Les Cahiers d’Outre-Mer, 1950, p. 320. In G. BALANDIER, Sociologie actuel de l'Afrique Noire. Dynamique sociale en Afrique centrale, Quadrige/Presses Universitaires de France, pp. 15-18.
175 C. LECLERC, “Germany also has a colonial past (too often forgotten)”. Article published on 16 August 2015 at www.Slate.fr and accessed on Tuesday 26 February 2019.
177 EEC : Evangelical Church of Cameroon.
178 C. LECLERC, “Germany too has a colonial past (too often forgotten)”, Article published on 16 August 2015 at www.Slate.fr and consulted on Tuesday 26 February 2019.
181 M. DIPPOLD, “L'image du Cameroun dans la littérature coloniale allemand”, in Cahiers d'Études africains, Année 1973, 49, pp. 37–59.
182 A. MEMMI, Portrait of the Colonized : Preceded by the Portrait of the Colonizer, Paris, 1966, p. 126.
183 Ibid., p. 123.
184 M. DIPPOLD, “The Image of Cameroon in German Colonial Literature”, in Cahiers d'Études africains, Année 1973, 49, p. 45.
188 NAC, FA 1-37, F. 68-71. In Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, Africa and Germany. De la colonisation à la coopération, 1884-1986 (Le Cas du Cameroun), Editions AFRICAVENIR, pp. 140–141.
189 Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, Africa and Germany. De la colonisation à la coopération, 1884-1986 (Le Cas du Cameroun), Editions AFRICAVENIR, pp. 140–141.
190 F. HENNEMANN, “Werden und Wirken eines Afrikamissionars. Erlebtes und Erschautes, Pallotiner Verlag, Limburg an der Lahn » 1922, in Zentrales Archiv der Pallottiner, p. 110, 180 pages. In Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, Africa and Germany. De la colonisation à la coopération, 1884-1986 (Le Cas du Cameroun), Editions AFRICAVENIR, p. 142.
191 A. ISAACMAN & B. ISAACMAN, Dams, Displacement, and the Delusion of Development, 56. In Prince KUM'A NDUMBE III, Africa and Germany. De la colonisation à la coopération, 1884-1986 (Le Cas du Cameroun), Editions AFRICAVENIR, pp. 143.
192 V. CHAVELAS, “Thirty years of German colonization in Cameroon”, Togo-Cameroon Review, Paris, 1928. In R. Gouellain, “DOUALA – VILLE ET HISTOIRE”, Survey carried out with the assistance of the CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique), Paris, Institut d’Ethnologie, Musée de l’Homme, Palais de Chaillot, Place du Trocadéro, 16th, 1975, p. 186.
194 G. BALANDIER, “Reflections on the political fact : the case of African societies”, in Cahiers internationales de sociologie, PUF, vol. 37, July-December 1964, pp. 23-50.
195 E. FOPOUSSI FOTSO, Should traditional chiefdoms be burned ?, SOPECAM Editions, 1991.
197 C.-H. PERROT & F.-X. FAUVELLE-AYMAR, The Return of the Kings. The Traditional Authorities and the State in Contemporary Africa, Paris, Karthala, 2003, 568 pages.
198 Executives, as they say in Ivory Coast.
199 W. VAN BINSBERGEN, The Nkoya Royal Chiefs and the Kazanga Cultural Association in Zambia. Resistance, decline or folklorization of the function of the traditional chief ?”, In C.-H. PERROT and F.-X. FAUVELLE-AYMAR (eds.), Le retour des rois. The Traditional Authorities and the State in Contemporary Africa, Paris, Karthala, pp. 489-510.
200 Ways of thinking.
201 Ways of acting.
202 From the Greek « holos » : which forms a whole.
203 J. BAECHLER, Nature and History, Hermann, 2014, 1135 pages. J. BAECHLER, Esquisse d'une histoire universelle, Fayard, 2002, 376 pages.
204 Anatomical, morphological, physiological, evolutionary, etc.
205 Socioreligious, psychological, geographical, etc.
206 In the generic sense.
207 Anthropological facts such as “homo” or “anthropos”.
208 R. QUIVY & L. VAN CAMPENHOUDT, Manuel de recherches en sciences sociales, 1995, pp. 85–86, 288 pages.
209 J. CHEVRIER, La littérature nègre, Étude (softcover), 2003, pp.53–54.
210 F. FORTIN, The Research Process : From Design to Delivery, 1996, p. 51.
211 G. MACE & F. PETRY, Guide to Research Project Development, 2000, p. 24.
212 R. QUIVY & L. VAN CAMPENHOUDT, Manuel de recherches en sciences sociales, 1995, pp.85–86, 288 pages.
213 C. BERNARD, Introduction à l'étude de la médecine expérimentale, 1865, 238 pages.
215 G. R. ASSIE & R. R. KOUASSI, Introductory course on research methodology, School of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Abidjan, 2008, p. 20.
216 M. WEBER, Le savant et le politique, Paris, Edition 10-18, 2006, p. 87.
217 A. GROSSER, The Political Explanation, Paris : FNSP Press, 1972.
218 G. M. AMOUGOU, “L'utilité d'une coopération technique au Sud du Sahara : Cas de la relation Cameroun-UNESCO”, Mémoire de DEA en Science Politique, Université de Yaoundé II, 2009, p. 184.
219 G. MACE & F. PETRY, Guide d'élaboration d'un projet de recherche en sciences sociales, Les Presses de l'Université de Laval Québec, 2000, p. 30.
220 M. BEAUD, L'art de la thèse, Paris, La Découverte, 2001, p. 50.
221 A. FILON, De la méthode historique, Hachette Livre, 1840, p. 1.
222 I. LO, Social Science Research Methodology, 2007, p. 1, 36 pages.
223 R. QUIVY & L. VAN CAMPENHOUDT, Manuel de recherche en sciences sociales, Dunod, Paris, 1995.
224 M. GRAWITZ, Méthodes des sciences sociales, Paris, Dalloz, 1996 (10 th edition), pp. 351-352.
227 G. HERMET and AL., Dictionnaire de la science politique et des institutions politiques, Paris, 2015 (8 th edition), p. 174.
228 C. TILLY, Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons, New York : Russell Sage Foundation, 1984.
229 M. GRAWITZ, Méthodes des sciences sociales, Paris, Dalloz, 1996 (10 th edition), p. 422.
230 M. MAUSS & P. FAUCONNET, “La Sociologie, objet et méthode,” Article from La Grande Encyclopédie, 1901, p. 22.
231 E. DURKHEIM, Les règles de la méthode sociologique, Paris, 1st edition, prefaced by ALCAN, 1895.
232 J.-L. LOUBET DEL BAYLE, Introduction aux méthodes des sciences sociales, p. 182.
233 This type of comparison is generally applied in international studies. On the theoretical level, profitable consultation, M. DOGAN, D. PELASSY, 1980. International comparison in political sociology, Paris, Librairies Techniques, for application in Cameroon. Read L.-M. NKOUM-ME NTSENY, Cultural Duality in Foreign Policy : A Comparative Study between Cameroon and Canada, Thesis, International Relations, University of Yaoundé II-SOA-IRIC, 1997-1998, pages 139 et seq.
234 Number of educational, health, commercial and military structures financed by Germany, number of foreign residents, number of revolts, number of books, collections written, iconographic studies done.
235 J.-L. PIAGET, La naissance de l'intelligence chez l'enfant, Paris, Delachaux et Niestlé, 1936 ; La construction du réel chez l'enfant, Paris, Delachaux et Niestlé, 1937. See Wikipedia, “Constructivism (Psychology) (n.d.)”, published at www.wikipedia.fr and accessed March 25, 2022.
238 LA TOUPIE, “Definition : Constructivism,” article from www.latoupie.org and accessed March 25, 2022.
239 P. L. BERGER & T. LUCKMANN, The Social Construction of Reality, A treatise in the sociology of knowledge, Anchor, 1966, 240 pages.
240 LA TOUPIE, “Definition : Constructivism,” article from www.latoupie.org and accessed March 25, 2022.
241 On this point, their social constructivism is inspired by the phenomenological approach, in particular by Alfred SCHUTZ whom they bring closer to the project of the sociology of knowledge.
242 B. CYRULNIK, Un merveilleux malheur, 1999. LA TOUPIE (n.d.), article from www.latoupie.org, accessed 25 March 2022.
243 Taken for granted.
244 "Alfred Schutz, philosopher of the Austrian social sciences." Article published at www.wikipedia.fr and consulted on 25 March 2022.
245 M. CROZIER & E. FRIEDBERG, Actor and the System, 1977, p. 1, 436 pages.
246 For Pierre Bourdieu, habitus is like a part of the social structure, unconscious to the individual and determined by the exchanges between individuals. It is simply a set of structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures. See P. BOURDIEU, La Noblesse d'Etat. Grandes écoles et esprit de corps, Les Editions de Minuit, 1989, 576 pages ; See M. GRAWITZ, Lexique des sciences sociales, Paris, Dalloz (8 th edition), 2004, p. 57, 422 pages.
247 A. AHIDJO & G. BWELE, The Encyclopedia of the United Republic of Cameroon, Volume II : History and the State, Douala, Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines, p. 52.
248 M. GRAWITZ, Méthodes des Sciences Sociales, Paris, Dalloz, 1996 (10 th edition), pp. 477-479.
249 J.-L. LOUBET DEL BAYLE, Introduction aux méthodes des sciences sociales, Toulouse, Privat, 1986, p. 22.
250 D. EASTON, Analyse du système politique, Paris, Armand Colin, 1974, p. 2.
251 J.-L. LOUBET DEL BAYLE, Introduction aux méthodes des sciences sociales, Toulouse, Privat, 1986, p. 102.
252 P. CIBOIS, L'analyse factorielle, Paris, PUF, 1983, p. 128 and especially by the same author, L'analyse des données en sociologie, Paris, PUF, 1984, pp. 69–74.
253 J.-L. LOUBET DEL BAYLE, op.cit. 1986, p. 112.
254 M. GRAWITZ, Méthodes des Sciences Sociales, Paris, Dalloz, 1996 (10 th edition), p. 526.
255 J.-C. COMBESSIE, La méthode en sociologie, 4 th edition, Paris, La Découverte, p. 14, 123 pages. Without a document, no research is possible. See also L. ALBARELLO et al., Pratiques et méthodes de recherche en sciences sociales, Paris, Armand Colin, 1995, p. 9.
256 G. BALANDIER, Sens et puissance. Les dynamiques sociales, Paris, PUF, 1971.
257 G. HERMET & Al., Dictionnaire de la science politique et des institutions politiques, Paris, 2015.
258 D. EASTON, Analyse du système politique, Paris, Armand Colin, 1974.
259 Ananie BINDJI : Journalist/Information Director of the Cameroonian audiovisual channel Canal 2 International.
260 Albert François DIKOUME : Historian, Specialist in Economic and Social History. Former head of the Department of History of the University of Douala.
261 Jean-Jacques ANNAUD : Director of the film « La victoire en chantant », November 2014.
262 Specialist of the Duala ethnic group.
265 www.fondationafricavenir.org , AfricAvenir International Foundation, Douala.
266 Interview of Jean-Pierre BEKOLO, conducted by Mérinos LIATOU, available at www.goetheinstitut.de and consulted on 29 March 2022. The series “Our Wishes : A Look at Colonial Africa” was produced in 2017.
267 C. LESQUENE, “Comment penser l'Union Européenne ?” In M.- C. SMOUTS (dir), Les nouvelles relations internationales. Pratiques et théories, Paris, Presses de Science po, 1998, pp. 103–34.
269 J.-P. DURAND & Robert WEIL, Sociologie contemporaine, op. Cit., p. 308. On the theoretical developments relating to this research technique, see also, R. GHIGLIONE & B. MATALON, Sociological surveys. Theories and Practices, op.cit., pp. 90-93 ; A. BLANCHET, L'entretien de recherche dans les sciences sociales, Paris, Dunod, 1985, 290 pages ; A. BLANCHET & R. GHIGLIONE & J. MASSONAT & A. TROGNON, 1987, Les techniques d'enquête en sciences sociales, Paris, Dunod, pp. 80-84.
270 Radio, Television, Internet, etc.,