The signing of the Green Tree Agreement in 2006 ushered in a new direction for future development in the Bakassi peninsula. This study has had as keen interest to present the lapses involved in Cameroon’s policy in the past that affected its occupation of the Bakassi peninsula.
The study has revealed lapses such as too large administrative jurisdiction, near absence of educational establishment, health and commercial facilities in the peninsula. In the process of building and maintaining this peace, the study has elucidated on the numerous developmental measures adopted by the government on various administrative and socio-economic projects, signing of economic agreements with development partners, construction of schools and health centres, provision of residences for staff and restructuring of the Bakassi peninsula from 2006 till 2017. Finally, the last preoccupation has been on special schemes instituted by the government-granting of tax exoneration period, a transitional time frame before applying Cameroonian laws to Nigerians in the area aim at creating an atmosphere of peace. This was possible with use of primary and secondary sources in obtaining data by using semi-structured interviews selected through purposive sampling.
Liberal Peace Theory has been adopted by this study to show the relationship among attributes necessary for peace building and sustainable development. The study has concluded that despite the creation of the Technical Committee for Follow-up of Priority Projects in the Peninsula in 2007 Cameroon’s efforts have fallen short of expectations as challenges such as insecurity, mismanagement of project funds, advent of Boko Haram in the Far North and the Anglophone Crisis. The research concludes by recommending that confident and mutual trust, payment of taxes, organisation of national events, extension of the Bakassi allowance scheme to all government staff and providing of financial assistance to NGOs and holding of Town Hall meetings. All this will make peace a reality in the Peninsula.
Winning the Peace: Cameroon's Post-Conflict Policy in the Bakassi Peninsula from 2002-2013 - FAQ
Quelles sont les lacunes perçues dans la politique étatique camerounaise qui ont conduit à une présence inefficace au Bakassi ?
L'étude révèle de nombreuses lacunes dans les politiques camerounaises avant le règlement du conflit au Bakassi. Sur le plan économique, il y avait un manque d'infrastructures commerciales, des recensements de population inadéquats, un système monétaire défaillant (dominance du Naira nigérian), un système fiscal et douanier hostile aux entreprises, une exploitation insuffisante des ressources (pêche notamment), et un manque de développement du capital humain (faible population camerounaise). Sur le plan politique et administratif, la juridiction administrative était trop vaste, la politique d'assimilation a entravé le développement local, il y avait un manque de participation de la société civile, une centralisation excessive du pouvoir, un manque d'intégration sous-régionale avec le Nigéria et une approche ad hoc des projets de développement. Enfin, sur le plan socioculturel, on note un manque d'établissements scolaires et de santé, l'absence d'état civil et un réseau de transport et de communication déficient.
De quelles manières l'État a-t-il renforcé sa présence au Bakassi après le conflit ?
Après le conflit, le Cameroun a mis en œuvre diverses mesures pour renforcer sa présence au Bakassi. Sur le plan économique, un plan d'urgence sur trois ans a été mis en place, des partenariats avec le PNDP et d'autres organisations ont été développés, des plans de développement communaux ont été élaborés, des plantations de palmiers à huile ont été créées, des infrastructures pour l'élevage ont été construites, des marchés ont été construits et des initiatives pour la conservation des mangroves ont été lancées. Sur le plan socioculturel, des centres de formation pour les jeunes ont été créés, des écoles ont été construites, des centres de santé ont été mis en place, un centre multimédia est prévu et des campagnes de vaccination ont été organisées. Enfin, sur le plan administratif et sécuritaire, cinq nouvelles sous-divisions ont été créées, un comité technique de suivi des projets prioritaires a été mis en place, la présence militaire a été renforcée, et des délégations ministérielles ont été décentralisées.
Quels efforts particuliers ont été déployés pour accueillir les nombreux ressortissants nigérians au Bakassi ?
Le Cameroun a mis en place des mécanismes spécifiques pour intégrer les Nigérians du Bakassi. Il y a eu une période d'exonération fiscale, l'absence d'application immédiate des lois camerounaises, des subventions pour les pêcheurs, la promotion de la coexistence pacifique par des relations amicales entre les forces de l'ordre et la population, l'utilisation de deux monnaies (Naira et Franc CFA), la promotion des relations interculturelles et des bourses d'études pour les jeunes Nigérians. Des projets de réinstallation ont également été mis en œuvre pour ceux qui souhaitaient retourner au Nigéria.
Quels sont les défis liés au processus de consolidation de la paix au Bakassi ?
Plusieurs défis entravent la consolidation de la paix au Bakassi. Il y a des problèmes de sécurité persistants (piraterie), un manque de développement économique (peu d'emplois pour attirer les Camerounais), une mauvaise gestion des projets (corruption, manque de planification), un manque de confiance entre les Nigérians et les autorités camerounaises, un manque de durabilité des projets, une mauvaise accessibilité, des infrastructures insuffisantes (eau, électricité, télécommunications), les conséquences des problèmes environnementaux (inondations), un manque de partenariat avec les ONG et la concurrence de crises sécuritaires dans d'autres régions du Cameroun (Boko Haram, crise anglophone).
Quelles sont les recommandations de l'étude ?
L'étude formule des recommandations à l'intention de la population locale, du gouvernement et des partenaires de développement. Pour la population locale, il est recommandé d'adopter une attitude coopérative envers le gouvernement, de payer les impôts et de faire preuve de confiance mutuelle. Pour le gouvernement et ses partenaires, il est recommandé d'organiser des événements nationaux au Bakassi, de renforcer le partenariat avec les ONG, d'étendre le régime des allocations Bakassi à tous les fonctionnaires, de mener des études de faisabilité avant la mise en œuvre des projets, d'améliorer la gestion des projets, de renforcer la sécurité, d'améliorer les infrastructures et de développer les zones frontalières camerounaises.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
ABBREVIATIONS/ACRONYMS
ABSTRACT
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
1.2. Statement of Problem
1.3. Objectives of the study
1.4. Hypotheses of the study
1.5. Review of related literature
1.6. Theoretical Framework
1.7. Methodology
1.7.1. Primary Sources of Data
1.7.2. Secondary Sources of Data
1.7.3. Method of Data Analysis
1.8. Scope/Significance and Limitations of the study
1.8.1. Scope of the study
1.8.2. Significance of the study
1.8.3. Limitations of the study
1.9. Organisation of the study
CHAPTER TWO CAMEROON'S POLICY IN THE BAKASSI PENINSULA BEFORE THE SETTLEMENT
2.0. Introduction
2.1. Economic Lapses
2.2. Political/Administrative Lapses
2.3. Socio-cultural Lapses
CHAPTER THREECAMEROON'S DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES IN THE BAKASSI PENINSULA AFTER THE SETTLEMENT
3.0. Introduction
3.1. Economic Activity
3.2 Socio-cultural development
3.3. Administrative/Political/Security Developments
CHAPTER FOUR INTEGRATION OF NIGERIAN RESIDENTS IN THE BAKASSI PENINSULA
4.0. Introduction
4.1. Special Schemes used in reaching out to Nigerians in the Bakassi
4.2 Challenges Involved with Peace building process in the Bakassi
CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0. Introduction
5.1 Summary of Research Findings
5.2. Conclusion
5.3. Recommendations
5.3.1. To the Local population
5.3.2. To the Government and Her Partners
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDICES
DEDICATION
To the Enow Takus' and Tabes' Families And Chief Massango's Family of Mundemba
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks be to God for His Divine Grace and Mercies during numerous trips from one end to the other for data collection.
My endless appreciation goes to my supervisor Dr. Fombo for his follow-ups, correction and counseling he gave me throughout. A handful of gratitude to; Prof. Ndue Paul, Prof BanlilonTani Victor, Prof James Arrey Abangma, Dr. Tangie Fonchingong, Dr. Ta-Mbi Nkongho, Dr. John Ndehfru, Dr. Peter Sakwe Masumbe, Dr. Kiven James and Mr. Wang Metuge all lecturers who gave me the necessary academic guidance in the course of the entire programme.
Special thanks to the Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation for granting a research authorization, which facilitated the field work under the Senior Divisional Officer for Ndian-the latter through his internal and external collaborators for Ndian were there to solve my preoccupation. I will also like to acknowledge; Mrs. Esther Omam- Executive Director of Reach out Cameroon, Mrs. Agbor Magdalene Takang- Executive Director of Changing Mentalities and Empowering Group, Mr. Ngwane George-Executive Director AFRICAphonie-Buea, Dr. Kah Henry Senior Lecturer Department of History, University of Buea and Mr. Maxwell Lea Ekame- Regional Head of Unit in charge of Monitoring and Evaluation for PNDP South West Coordination Unit all for their invaluable time in accepting my interviews.
My heartfelt thanks go to my family for spiritual and material support in the course of the research. Finally a tap on the back goes to all my programme colleagues, and to Mr. Munjah Vitalis and Mr. John Walla Mua also senior colleagues for their constant sharing of ideas throughout the programme and the research in particular.
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: showing the schools in the Bakassi and their settlement before 1994
Table 2: list of the foundation dates of some Health Centres
Table 3: List of Nursery and Primary schools in the Bakassi Peninsula
Table 4: various post primary schools in the Bakassi
Table 5: list of some of the construction projects carried out by the government from 2008 to 2017 in the Bakassi peninsula
Table 6: percentage of female councillors with their male counterparts in the Bakassi
ABBREVIATIONS/ACRONYMS
AIDS-Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
ASEAN-Association of South East Asian Nations
AU- African Union
BAWOPETAF- Bakassi Women for Peace Task Force
BIR- Rapid Intervention Battalion
BTI- Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index
BWF-Bakassi Women's Forum
CAMTEL- Cameroon Telecommunication
CAR- Central African Republic
CDP- Communal Development Plan
CEMAC- Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa
CFA- Communaute Financiere d'Africaine
CHAMEG- Changing Mentalities and Empowering Group CNMC-Cameroon Nigeria Mixed Commission
CPA- Comprehensive Peace Agreement
CRTV-Cameroon Radio Television
CSO-Civil Society Organisation
DAC- Development Assistance Committee
DDR- Disarming, Demobilisation and Reintegration
DFID- Department for International Development
DPA- Dayton Peace Agreement
DPT- Democratic Peace Theory
DRC- Democratic Republic of Congo
EU- European Union
GEF- Global Environment Fund
GTA- Green Tree Agreement/ Accord
HIV- Human Immunodeficiency Virus
ICJ- International Court of Justice
IDPs- Internally Displaced Persons
IESMP- Integrated Ecosystem Services Management Plan
IPA- Institute for Peace America
LCBC- Lake Chad Basin Commission
LPT- Liberal Peace Theory
MDGs- Millennium Development Goals
MINEPAT- Ministry of Economy Planning and Regional Development
MINEPIA- Ministry of Livestock, Fisheries and Animal Industries
NEPAD- New Partnership for African Development
NGDOs- Non Governmental Development Organisations
NGOs- Non Governmental Organisations
OECD- Organisation for Economic Development and Cooperation
PAID-WA- Pan African Institute for Development-West Africa
PCRF (AU)- Post Conflict Reconstruction Frameworks of the African Union PIB- Public Investment Budget
PMA- Protected Mangrove Area
PNDP- National Community driven Development Programme
PPMD- Priority Programme for Sustainable Management and Development of Bakassi SALW-Small and Light Weapons
SCDP- Cameroon Company of Oil Depots
SDGs- Sustainable Development Goals
SPLA- Sudan People Liberation Army
SPLM- Sudan People Liberation Movement
SSR- Security Sector Reform
UK- United Kingdom
UN- United Nations
UNDAFs- United Nations Development Assistance Frameworks
UNDP- United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO- United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organisation
UNEP- United Nations Environment Programme
UNPBC- United Nations Peace Building Commission
UNSC- United Nations Security Council
USA- United States of America
WB- World Bank
ABSTRACT
The signing of the Green Tree Agreement in 2006 ushered in a new direction for future development in the Bakassi peninsula. This study has had as keen interest to; present the lapses involved in Cameroon's policy in the past that affected its occupation of the Bakassi peninsula. The study has revealed lapses such as; too large administrative jurisdiction, near absence of educational establishment, health and commercial facilities in the peninsula. In the process of building and maintaining this peace, the study has elucidated on the numerous developmental measures adopted by the government on various administrative and socio-economic projects; signing of economic agreements with development partners, construction of schools and health centres, provision of residences for staff and restructuring of the Bakassi peninsula from 2006 till 2017. Finally the last preoccupation has been on special schemes instituted by the government- granting of tax exoneration period, a transitional time frame before applying Cameroonian laws to Nigerians in the area aim at creating an atmosphere of peace. This was possible with use of primary and secondary sources in obtaining data by using semi-structured interviews selected through purposive sampling. Liberal Peace Theory has been adopted by this study to show the relationship among attributes necessary for peace building and sustainable development. The study has concluded that despite the creation of the Technical Committee for Follow-up of Priority Projects in the Peninsula in 2007 Cameroon's efforts have fallen short of expectations as challenges such as insecurity, mismanagement of project funds, advent of Boko Haram in the Far North and the Anglophone Crisis. The research concludes by recommending that confident and mutual trust, payment of taxes, organisation of national events, extension of the Bakassi allowance scheme to all government staff and providing of financial assistance to NGOs and holding of Town Hall meetings. All this will make peace a reality in the Peninsula.
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
The Bakassi Peninsula for many years was at the heart of a protracted disagreement between Cameroon and Nigeria. This conflict started shortly after both countries gained their independence in 1960-1961 (Okereke et al., 2008:47). While it was generally low keyed, in 1993 it took a more violent turn as Nigerian troops occupied the Bakassi Peninsula. In 1994 after serious incidents of clashes that resulted in casualties on both sides Cameroon eventually submitted the matter to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague for adjudication (Okereke et al., 2008:48). After eight years of judicial process, complicated by recurrent bloody clashes between armed forces of the two states, on October 10, 2002 the ICJ, delivered a ruling on the matter (Baye, 2010:11).
Bakassi was awarded to Cameroon. The Court based its decision on the March 11 1913 Anglo- German Treaty which traced the borders between the two colonial powers (Baye, 2010:11). The Court ruling was met with cheers and jeers in Cameroon and Nigeria with many in Nigeria encouraging a rejection of the judgement (Fombo, 2011:79). Once more, the argument in the Court were rehashed: the two colonial masters had no locus standi to cede territories, the agreement was not ratified by any of the parliaments of the two nations, ceding the Peninsula by Gowon was not endorsed by the Supreme Military Council, which was the highest law making body of the country at the time, that Nigeria was being punished for seeking a seat at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and finally that the chief judge of the Court, a French national, had to rule in favour of Cameroon (Aghemelo & Ibhasebhor, 2006 cited in Baye, 2010:105).
With this clamour for rejection of the Court's ruling coming from Nigeria, there was a need therefore to seek for additional peaceful measures and not relying on judiciary measures, diplomatic measures of negotiation, mediation, good offices of the UN Secretary-General under the auspices of the UN. After some years of consultation among the parties, it was finally decided that a Commission be set in place to monitor this peaceful resolution (Eze, 2008:25).
On 15th November 2002, in Geneva there was the creation of the Cameroon Nigeria Mixed Commission (CNMC) which was placed under the chairmanship of the United Nations Secretary General Special Representative for West Africa (UNSGSR-WA) in the person of Mr. Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah (Eze, 2008:25). Charged with the responsibility to: demarcate land boundary between the two countries, monitor the withdrawal of civil administration and transfer of authority to relevant areas along the boundary, eventual demilitarisation of the Peninsula, protection of rights of the affected populations in both countries, development of projects to promote joint economic ventures and cross border cooperation and the revitalisation of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), the body met on a couple of times in Abuja and Yaoundé and on 12 June 2006 in New York the Green Tree Accord (GTA) was signed between Cameroon and Nigeria under the auspices of the UN in the presence of four witness countries- the USA, the United Kingdom, France and Germany (Eze, 2008:25-26).
Meanwhile, it could be said that Cameroon government's control was only evident mainly in the disposition to send in tax officials backed by troops, police or the paramilitary gendarmes and these forces have not discarded their repressive colonial mentality in dealing with the people. The combination of history of resistance to taxation (without representation or for the simple reason that there is nothing to show in the miserable, social amenities offered to these fishing folks that they have been doing so), together with poor integrative policies by the Cameroon authorities and highhandedness on the part of tax officials and the troops, created flashpoint for disagreement with Nigeria and a Casus belli for Nigeria's intervention. Such appeals for intervention prior to 1993 eventually evolved alongside Nigeria's strategic thought into shooting in 1994 (Fombo, 2011 cited in Juluku, 2012:93).
Peace is one of humanity's highest values and there are many definitions of what peace is. Its meaning is multilateral and multi-disciplinary, depending on which notion is central in the determination of peace as a concept. The most common use of the concept of peace is in the absence of dissension, violence, or war (Ikejiani-Clark & Ani, 2009:3). A human society achieves peace when it succeeds in developing a society where the potentialities of its citizens are fully rounded and developed. It is a condition of well being in which after development and unfolding of their potentials, the citizens are allowed full participation in governance in the state and their welfare-the purpose of governance (Ikejiani-Clark & Ani, 2009:8). Peace is therefore a desired end for all human but is also the outcome of an order within a holistic perspective. Peace involves community (negates individuality) and involves a “mutual concord between soul and body, between man and man, between man and God (Nwoko, 1988:43). Peace links the ideals of the human spirit to the harmony between the various components of the human earth system.
Conflict is a phenomenon inherent in all human societies- and between them there exist differences throughout history as result of interests and opinions between different groups and such differences are expressed and managed that determines whether conflict manifests and resolves itself primarily in nonviolent ways or through violence (Kuroda, cited in Bhargava, 2006:327).
With growing hardship caused by the global economic system and the vagaries of the Sahelian climate, more and more people tended to move into the region (Bakassi peninsula) for a living and most of the arrivals turned out to be Nigerians (Juluku, 2012:85). What hitherto were temporary settlements became permanent with the retreat of the lake offering more avenues for such settlements. As the ICJ noted: “As Nigerian settlements and the organisation within them of the village life became supplemented from 1987 onwards by Nigerian Administration and the presence of Nigerian troops the control of some of these areas slept off from Cameroon (Aghemelo & Ibhasebhor, 2006:68 cited in Juluku, 2012:85)”. But it was only in 1994 through a note verbale that Nigeria made an official claim to the disputed villages in this area, that is long after the maritime dispute, had arisen. Meanwhile Cameroon on her part, has been implementing territorial policies at home, which make economic life difficult for her nationals in its borderlands, as opposed to those of Nigeria especially with its provision of access roads. Invariably every border part of Cameroon along its western boundary is more easily accessible from Nigeria.
Having acquired Bakassi from Nigeria, through the GTA in 2006; there has been a tremendous change in Cameroon's general policies as ever since there has been the setting up of the Technical and Coordination Committee for the Follow-up of Priority Projects in the Bakassi. Created in 2007 and placed under the supervision of the Prime Minister's Office, the Committee has been bent on seeing that the Bakassi peninsula receives full government support in the development of the area as in every crooks and crannies one can easily identify Cameroon's presence in the area in the domains of civil administration, military and socio-economic welfare services.
1.2. Statement of Problem
After the ICJ ruling and subsequent agreements to cede the Bakassi to Cameroon, the government of Cameroon has been relentless in efforts to consolidate its hold on the Peninsula. The level of state involvement is suggestive of some kind of appreciation of lapses that appeared to have created a vacuum, which Nigeria crept into before resulting in a full blown conflict over Bakassi.
For sustainable peace to be the driving force around the globe, then United Nations Secretary-General at the time Mr. Boutros Boutros Ghali initiated what has become a “Bible” for most peace crusaders called “An Agenda for Peace” on January 31st 1992 where he stated as measures for ensuring lasting peace in post conflict areas the following policy recommendations; good governance, political participation, human rights, electoral monitoring, rule of law among others (UN Secretary-General, 1992 cited in Basic Facts about the UN, 1995:27-8).
Ten years after this famous peace plan, the foundation stone for peace between Cameroon-Nigeria border dispute over the oil rich Bakassi Peninsula was laid with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) verdict handing over the area to Cameroon in 2002 and after diplomatic manoeuvres, on 12th June 2006 a peace agreement between Cameroon and Nigeria was signed- the Green Tree Accord (GTA) in New York.
In 2007, in order to ease the precarious living conditions of the bakassi residents and act as incentives for other Cameroonians to accept to work there the government created the Technical and Coordination Committee for the Follow-up of Priority Projects in the Bakassi peninsula charged with accompanying measures by Cameroon in socio-economic and political developments emanating from the entire border conflict settlement are needed to enhance the peace dividend for the implementation of the GTA (Forbinake, 2008 cited in Juluku, 2012:216)
The government's plan in the Bakassi Peninsula still falls short of expectations. Going by the dictum of Lord Curzon “He would be short-sighted commander who merely manned his ramparts... and did not look beyond” (Tinker, 1964:209 cited in Juluku, 2012:217).Since regaining full control the government has not completely gotten rid of its system of policing and harassment meted on local inhabitants by the military and most especially the road network to Bakassi peninsula is still of very remote standard and the failure of developing its border making it look as Cameroon is being forced in what she is not ready to do.
In fact Cameroon's conspicuous neglect of its borderlands will continue to create a vacuum likely to attract its giant neighbour. Cameroon has regrettably failed to learn some basic precepts from empire builders (or better still, nationalists) (Juluku, 2012:217). Therefore, the government needs to redress this continuous neglect in the area, for lasting peace and post-conflict reconciliation to be the key if not the peace agreement will be a myth.
The following research questions are a focal point for the study under investigation:
1. What are the perceived lapses in Cameroon's state policy that led to ineffective presence in the Bakassi?
2. In what ways has the state reinforced its presence in the Bakassi after the conflict?
3. What special efforts have been made to accommodate the many Nigerian nationals in the Bakassi?
1.3. Objectives of the study
The study has the following objectives:
1. To identify the loopholes in Cameroon's policy in the Bakassi that led to serious negligence.
2. To examine the policies embarked by Cameroon to reinforce its presence after the conflict.
3. To evaluate extra measures used in placating the many Nigerians residing in the Bakassi.
1.4. Hypotheses of the study
The study made used of the following hypotheses:
1. There were numerous policy lapses that existed on the part of Cameroon that led to it ineffective presence in the Peninsula.
2. Cameroon has been doing a lot since after the conflict in reinstating its presence in the Bakassi.
3. The state of Cameroon has taken some special measures in ensuring the peaceful accommodation of Nigerians in the Bakassi.
1.5. Review of related literature
In this section of the study attention would be tilted toward the exploration of past writings presented by various scholars on the bakassi peninsula dispute and other writings in other conflict zones. Most of the literature that would be examined shall be on narrating post conflict policy measures that have always or are being carried out in conflict societies. That is to mention that works which had focused on the socioeconomic and political measures aimed at accomplishing a peace dividend of researchers whom have documented particularly on peace building and sustainable development would be of immense importance to this current study.
Writing in 2011, the Norwegian peace researcher Oystein H. Rolandsen argues that though “the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in the case of South Sudan did include other political parties, solved conflicts elsewhere in Sudan or provide a blueprint for democratisation and economic development”, it did however ‘brought a halt to the conflict between the government of Sudan and the Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM)/Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) (Rolandsen 2011, 561-562 in Bhusal, 2014:45). In addition, he stresses that the CPA process “laid the foundation for change and development, but other processes are needed to realise these aspirations” (Rolandsen, 2011:561-562 in Bhusal, 2014:45-46).
In another 2013 study Post-Independence Peace building in South Sudan: Looking Beyond Ephemeral Peace, Nwanegbo & Odigbo argue that South Sudan, in the wake of independence, has multiple challenges to peace building that range from peaceful border demarcation between Sudan and South Sudan to rehabilitation of ex-combatants (Nwanegbo & Odigbo, 2013:9 cited in Bhusal 2014:46). They also raised the issue of transitional justice and argued that mere independence does not lead to peace per se; aid ‘fairly to deal adequately with transitional justice issues will be very costly over the long term (Nwanegbo & Odigbo, 2013:9 cited in Bhusal 2014:46).
According to Irene Santiago peace building is the process of increasing connectors and decreasing dividers so that development can occur. Working in the areas of education (that is encouraging girl education, teaching Cameroonian laws and citizenship education, creating mobile library spaces), capacity building (citizenship peace advocacy, traditional conflict mechanisms, peace committees) culture (canoe racing, organising traditional dances, choral singing, football and other fish festivals etc) gender-responsive training (gender budgeting in local councils, integrating gender policies etc) governance (paradigm shift from top-bottom to bottom-up decentralisation in local councils, open spaces for inclusive discussions and decision-making) and sustainable alternative livelihoods (mushroom farming, diversified agriculture) civil society initiatives have equally provided relative social cohesion in the community (Santiago cited in Ngwane, 2015:6-7)
Kendemeh (2010) says in ensuring the full integration of the people of Bakassi, the government of Cameroon initiated lots of infrastructural development with the creation of the Coordination and Follow-up Committee for the implementation of Priority Projects in the Bakassi Peninsula on August 27th 2007. Some of the Priority Projects have been carried out in the Peninsula. These projects include the construction of classrooms, government offices, health centres, and residences for workers, markets, and speed-boats for administrative authorities, water supply, and generators for energy supply, social centres and support to farmers' organisations (Kendemeh 2010 cited in Ngwane, 2015:7).
While studying on the post Ivorian Civil War Aka has elucidated aspects needed in reconstructing the Ivorian economy by stating that; the strengthening of the judiciary for more objectivity, rapidity and doubtlessness in crime punishment all that support alleviation of preferential schemes and corruption. Tax reform to reduce increasing poverty and inequality in the country thus reducing taxes on goods that are consumed by low-income households could alleviate poverty and reduce inequality. To him, tax policy helps to attract foreign industrial investment in raw material processing and creates domestic jobs for young graduates leaving school. He added, urgent need to create social insurance based on specific taxes or on an evaluation of feasibility for export agricultural households and then extend the system to all individuals which helps reduce morbidity, huge intergenerational transfer and finally poverty and restore social equity. Finally, the desire to develop legal and financial procedures to value farm assets as collateral so as to facilitate access to credit on local financial markets that could enforce land reforms this can be done using marketable land/property rights well drafted for this purpose -and a reliable legal system to enforce it without erasing all traditional land and property rules (Aka, 2008:68-70).
Afeikhena & Busari in their article “The Challenges of Economic Reconstruction in Post-conflict, Resource-rich African States”: the case of Democratic Republic of Congo and of Angola. These scholars maintained that as an essential component for peace building has to do with the development of physical and financial infrastructures, as well as investment in human capital and natural resources, are crucial to post-war economic reconstruction to address the enormous economic and social deficits or to reestablish the basic underpinnings of the economy. While there are various dimensions to post-conflict reconstruction, post-conflict economic recovery requires the improvement of economic policies and institution building in a variety of areas. These include establishing the rule of law, stimulating employment generation, restoring the functionality of the market, reducing appropriate social safety nets, providing legal and regulatory environment to stimulate economic activities, revamping the payment system and infrastructure including transport, telecommunication, and energy which are most likely to have been destroyed (Afeikhena & Busari, 2008:80).
Da Costa & Karlsrud (2012) emphasise that getting engaged with local customary in authorities is vital in peace building as government authorities may not necessarily represent the communities of their official jurisdiction (Da Costa & Karlsrud, 2012:51 cited in Bhusal, 2014:46-47). Brown (2008) observes that as the role of South Sudanese churches have been instrumental in facilitating grassroots peace dialogues and encouraging inter-ethnic reconciliation in the past, their role in peace building in the aftermath of independence could be equally crucial (Brown, 2008:253 cited in Bhusal, 2014:47).
According to Clark & Somavia (2009), supporting the rebuilding of societies, polities and economies rived by conflict is one of the United Nations' major responsibilities. Opportunities to recover often arise early, sometimes even during conflict itself (Clark & Somavia, 2009:5). Those moments according to them must be seized for the revitalisation of institutions, markets and enterprises; the reconstruction of infrastructure; and the restoration of trust and hope. Thus, this has made the legitimacy enjoyed by the UN in its contribution to these tasks unique. Both Clark and Somavia conclude that together the UN institutions muster a great deal of country experience, global perspectives, and technical expertise as they said “we have the will and ability to put these into highly efficient practice” (Clark & Somavia, 2009:5).
In Geneva in 2009, the UN through its paper United Nations for Post-Conflict Employment Creation, Income Generation and Reintegration identified three major policy tracks to be implemented in post conflict polities. These include: St abilising income generation and emergency employment; which aims to consolidate security and stability. The main point of interest is on short-term responses, often of a temporary nature that provides quick peace dividend to targeted ex-combatants, high-risk youth, returnees, Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and others with urgent needs or running high risk of exploitation or abuse, particularly women (United Nations, 2009:11). In addition to contributing to stabilisation and relief, direct employment programmes can also make first valuable contributions to reconstruction and recovery. If well designed, these programmes can help kick-start economic and social recovery and restore livelihoods. Such programmes include; emergency temporary jobs such as cash-for- work and public employment services, as well as basic livelihood and start-up grants (including cash aid) (United Nations, 2009:11).
The second track talks of local economic recovery for employment opportunities and reintegration this focuses on promoting employment opportunities at local level, where reintegration ultimately takes place. Therefore, rebuilding communities provides opportunities to address root causes of conflict and facilitate longer term reconciliation. The scope of participating economic actors is wider, and capacity and institution development becomes central objectives. The focus is on consolidating the peace process and reintegration. These programmes include; capacity development of local governments and other local authorities and institutions (including customary institutions), providers of business services and other associations; community driven development programmes comprising participatory investments in local socioeconomic infrastructure and social and productive programmes; and local economic recovery programmes consisting of consulting community groups regarding private sector development and direct employment support services such as financial development and microfinance programmes (United Nations, 2009:11).
The third and last track is termed Sustainable employment creation and decent work; this has to do with support to policies, institutional capacity development at the national level and creating a framework for social dialogue to define by consensus building “the rules of the game”. The goal is to promote long-term development that sustains” “productive employment and decent work”, while respecting fundamental human rights, promoting gender equality and attention for marginalised groups. While most interventions in the track continue to have a role as the country's recovery progresses, it is important that work in this field starts immediately after the crisis, balancing the need for quick action with the importance of sustainable impact. Key programmes include; support for macroeconomic and fiscal policies, to achieve labour market, labour law and investment policies, and to employment generating sectoral policies; support for financial sector and business development services; and promoting labour-related institutions that enhance employability social protection and other aspects of labour administration. These programmes should be supported and vetted by social dialogue between tripartite constituents (government, employers and workers) and other relevant stakeholders, to promote consensus on labour market policy as well as legal and institutional reforms (United Nations, 2009:11).
Holsti (1967) in describing the pioneering works on political integration and peaceful relations between independent political units that has been conducted by the American Political Scientist Karl Deutsch, he has given the name “Security Community” to those areas where relationships between the independent or integrating political units are predictably peaceful where conflicts are resolved that comprises avoidance and awards rather than by force (Holsti, 1967:478).
In his October 1996 lecture on “Resolving Conflicts” the former Secretary-General of the defunct Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Dr Salim A Salim, observed that “Conflicts are also causing an acute humanitarian situation and traumatising a considerable segment of our society. To him, people in conflict situation, at best live in precarious and uncertain conditions.” He added further that “the scourge of conflicts has been one of the most destabilising factors and has severely undermined our efforts at promoting socio-economic development” (Salim, 1996 cited in Yakubu et al., 2005:18).
Originally, Galtung (1976) coined this concept in contrast to terms such as “peacekeeping” and “peacemaking”. Galtung defined it with relation to “structure of peace”. He limited his scope to inter-state relationships. The former UN SecretaryGeneral Boutros Boutros Ghali then popularised this word through “An Agenda for Peace” (1992). The aim of this well known report was to make clear the functions of the UNO for conflict resolution in the post Cold War era. Peace building in his terminology is temporally limited to the “post-conflict” phase and defined as “action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict” (UN Secretary-General, 1992: paragraph 21).
According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) there is never a clear transition from war to peace or conflict to post-conflict. Rather, low level or sporadic fighting may continue; violence may persist in other forms, such as violent crime, organised crime and gender-based violence; and peace agreements can be derailed. In addition, compromises made to appease belligerents or, order to secure peace agreements may in some case institutionalised conflict dynamics. In fact it is from this analysis that most conflict analysts have critique the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), for example, for institutionalising “ethnic cleansing” with the partition of the country based on ethnic groups (UNDP, 2006:84).
The same body that is the UNDP still stated that given the complexities of “postconflict” settings, it is essential that actors seeking to engage in recovery efforts conduct comprehensive assessments. The aim of such assessments is to assist actors to understand the environment in which they will be operating to determine country priorities and needs, and to plan recovery strategies and activities. The UNDP further added that the evaluations of prior international interventions in conflict affected countries have found that although the international community was effective in ending armed conflict, it was less successful in its post-peace agreement efforts. Weaknesses identified include; insufficient engagement with civil society; failure to prioritise development from the outset; failure to mainstream gender; insufficient attention to the regional dimensions of conflict; the undermining of national structures through creation of parallel structures; and an excessive preoccupation with security (see UNDP, 2006:84).
Brown et al., (2008) in their “Topology of Post-Conflict Environments” they focus on examining which policies to promote sustainable peace-building and socio-economic development are needed in different types of post-conflict environment, suggesting that policy choice should be informed by three key variables; the state of economic development, the presence of high value natural resources; and the existence of sharp horizontal inequalities. Four enabling conditions are also important in determining policy option and effectiveness- the state of security, the commitments of the international community to the country, state capacity and the inclusivity of government (Brown et al., cited in GSDRC, 2014:84).
Chandran et al.(2008) in their study titled “Recovering from War: Gaps in Early Action” maintained that livelihoods and Employment are crucial in post-conflict environments for the success of reintegration programmes for demobilised combatants and refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs); as well as for conflict affected populations more generally. Certain sectors, such as the construction sector, have high growth potential in post-conflict environments, as much infrastructure needs to be rebuilt. It is essential, however, that jobs created in these sectors are directed at local populations and not just contracted out to international workers. Livelihood interventions therefore risk having negative impacts on conflict if not conflict sensitive (Chandran et al., 2008 in GSDRC, 2014:87).
Dertwiler (2008) on “Iraq's Cultural Heritage: Preserving the Past for the Sake of the Future”, demonstrating the protection of cultural heritage is another area that requires greater attention. The looting of Iraq's museums and archaeological sites in the immediate aftermath of the 2003 invasion has resulted in the devastation loss of Iraqi history and common heritage, essential for nation hood. The capacity to protect cultural sites during and after armed conflict must be strengthened. Military doctrine needs to incorporate concern for cultural property, possibly through training and awareness campaigns. Some analysts recommend that international police units, which may be better able to deal with civil disturbances and illicit activities than the military should be, deployed during armed conflict and post-conflict stability operations (Dertwiler, 2008 cited in GSDRC, 2014:91).
Sustainable peace requires public trust in government, in particular among societal groups that had previously been excluded from political or administrative participation. Academics and practitioners alike argue that the inclusiveness of political institutions is of key importance, particularly in post-conflict contexts. It can also result in other forms of inclusion. Political voice and the ability to influence decision making facilitates forms of socio-economic inclusion, such as land rights, educational and employment opportunities. It also facilitates notions of citizenship. In addition to being an important end in itself, participation and inclusion can also be vital for peace building and conflict prevention (GSDRC, 2014:104-5).
Bryden et al (2005) postulate the security challenges that generally confront postconflict, and only post-conflict, societies include; the need to disarm, demobilise and reintegrate large numbers of former combatants, including child soldiers, to build and remove remnants of war such as Small and Light Weapons (SALW), landmines and unexploded ordnance; to carry out sweeping reforms in the security sector in order to establish effective security forces and governance mechanisms; to disband non- statutory armed forces, or to integrate them into new statutory ones; to establish the rule of law including under transitional administration; to redress past crimes and atrocities with some urgency, and to promote reconciliation (Bryden et al., 2005:3-4).
According to the report published by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with Wilton Park (2015), the report states that in order to ensure sustain peace in post-conflict areas, there is need to be strong political will at national level to build an environment for peace, with a whole of government approach. The report maintains that the military should be engaged actively to support a peace process. At the same time, national and local governments need to work together; devolved power arrangements may be necessary to bring peace and these should be fair, representative and accountable. Inevitably those who were involved in the conflict become part of new governance structures. For they need support, training to develop new skills to take on this role. In fact this is a process to cut across all stake actors involved in peace building process (Wilton Park & ASEAN Report, 2015:2-3).
Adebayo & Paterson (2009) in their article “Peace building in Post- Cold War Africa: Problems, Progress and Prospects” maintained that peace building has assumed a significant place on the international agenda since the end of the Cold War. For it is important to note that Africa has been particularly prevalent where half of the 51 UN peacekeeping missions are found in the continent since end of Cold War. For there is a range of local, regional and global peace building structures and institutions have been established. These include the Post-Conflict Reconstruction Frameworks of the African Union (PCRF (AU)) of 2006 and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) of 2005, as well as the UN Peace building Commission of 2005. The creation of legitimate and appropriate hierarchies, as well as a division of labour among and between peace building actors and programmes, will help to facilitate effective peace building (Adebayo & Paterson, 2009:1).
The UN also holds the notion of sustainable peace building and peacekeeping especially as this aspect has been underlined in the so-called “Brahimi Report” as the document states the role of local actors in peace building: according to the report “Effective peace building requires the active engagement with the local parties and that engagement should be multidimensional in nature” (Brahimi, 2000: Paragraph 37).
Lederach (1997) has developed a conceptual model based on the view that people possess a potentiality for peace. He proposed a pyramid model of an effected population consisting of three categories: top level (key political and military leaders with high visibility), middle range (leaders respected in sectors such as education, business, agriculture, health, religion, Non Governmental Organisations or ethnic groups), and the grassroots (leaders of local communities, indigenous NGOs or local health officials). In this model the significance of the middle-range approaches to peace is systematically formulated. Lederach's framework, in which a great deal of attention is paid to indigenous resources, shows a substantial shift from state-centric to multitrack approaches to peace building (Lederach, 1997:7).
Davis & Kaufman (2002) used the notion of “Second track diplomacy” (or track two or citizens' diplomacy) where they regard it as relevant to the concept of peace building from below. To them, the idea of peace building is “bringing together of professionals, opinion leaders or other currently or potentially influential individuals from communities in conflict, without official representative status, to work together to understand better the dynamics underlying the conflict and how its transformation from violence (or potential violence) to a collaborative process of peace building and sustainable development might be promoted” (Davis & Kaufman, 2002:2).
Kosuge (2005) compared the post-war reconciliation between Japan and Britain with that between Japan and China. As a result she indicated that intense activity by private citizens was one important factor that had made a difference in the progress of reconciliation in each case. Kaldor indicated the potential for peace building of indigenous people: “in all the new wars there are local people and places who struggle against the politics of exclusives-the Hutus and Tutsis who called themselves Hutsis and tried to defend their localities against genocide” (Kaldor, 2006:11).
Ackermann (1994) and several other authors pay attention to the post-war peace building in Germany by civil society actors (Ackermann 1994; Asmuss et al. 2005; Gardner Feldman 1999, 2006). Ackermann for example wrote: “it is crucial to note that reconciliation was carried out at first through numerous informal contacts that French and German politicians and private citizens deliberately sought in the immediate post war years.” (Ackermann, 1994:238).
Shannon (2003) while investigating about the UN framework discovered that this framework has sought to influence aid agencies to develop and use analytical tools for better understanding of conflict, operationalising their peace building goals and monitoring the impact of their work, through such policy documents as the UN Report on the Prevention of Armed Conflict. During the 1990's, aid agencies themselves became concerned to learn lessons from their experiences in Rwanda in particular. They engaged in the influential “Do no harm” debate which emerged from the Local Capacities for Peace Project led by Mary Anderson exploring the relation between local conflicts and Non Governmental Development Organisation (NGDO) delivery of development and humanitarian assistance (Shannon, 2003:36).
Wallensteen (2006) in his article “Strategic Peace building: Issues and Actors” presented a proliferation of literature on the concept in the literature refers to statebuilding, the reformation of state structures; nation-building, the healing of divides and wounds that the war left behind; democracy-promotion, the creation of political structures and cultures that are in line with predominant thinking in the world today; and shaping of market conditions, the development of the internal economy and its relationship to outside economic activities. All of these ambitions have their own names and can be seen as independent tasks, even as they relate to one another. But primarily, there is peace building: to provide the conditions that make the inhabitants of a society secure in life and dignity now and for the foreseeable future (Wallensteen, 2006:4-5).
A recent study on determining who the warring parties are Desiree Nilsson suggests that the inclusion of non-warring parties increases durability of the agreement. This is so far the first work along this line, and it is suggestive: To bring in more stakeholders may make negotiations more complex, but the result may become more lasting, as there are more actors with an interest in the agreement. In particular, non-armed actors- the civil society-obtain a role, and thus an interest in the implementation of agreements. It goes without saying that this means giving more of a role to women in the peace process as such. The results therefore are likely to improve the quality of post-war society (Wallensteen, 2006:7).
Chetail & Jutersonke (2015) wrote that peace means, long-term peace. That is a means of creating the conditions under which individuals in society can benefit from coherent legal frameworks, public order, political instability, and economic opportunities. Peace building refers to all efforts to foster a sustainable peace through the establishment of institutions that promote and enable the non-violent resolution of tensions and disputes. Following Galtung (1976), peace building is therefore differentiated from peacekeeping (maintaining a balance of power and keeping the warring parties apart) as well as peacemaking (solving the conflict by removing the source of the tension), a distinction that was also echoed in the 1992 report of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali, entitled an agenda for peace (Chetail & Jutersonke, 2015:1-2).
Boutros-Boutros (1992) in his famous report to the UN Security Council dubbed An Agenda for Peace identified the main components of peace building: “peacemaking and peacekeeping operations to be truly successful, must come to include comprehensive efforts to identify and support structures which tend to consolidate peace and advance a sense of confidence and well-being among people. Through agreements ending civil strife, these may include disarming the previously warring parties and the restoration of order, the custody and possible destruction of weapons, repatriating refugees, advising and training support for security personnel, monitoring elections, advancing efforts to protect human rights, reforming or strengthening governmental institutions and promoting formal and informal processes of political participation” (former UN Secretary-General Boutros-Boutros in Cutillo, 2007:18).
Reychler (2001) has suggested that use of the state power is vital in determining the potential for peace building success, as the democratisation process is inherently peace building through confidence building measures (Reychler, 2001a: 216-217). By introducing the concept of the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) to the discussion on peace building, Reychler directly links that existing (although controversial) theory with peace building, as a means of attributing long-term stability to a democratic transition process. On a similar note, Abdallah (2001) recognises the need for this democratic transition period and the essential need to devise specific solutions to deep- rooted problems such as political intolerance, freedom of press, funding of political campaigns and power (Abdallah, 2001:162).
An emerging common understanding in the field is that the path to sustain peace leads through conflict transformation and social change and finally a set of building blocks needs to be in place when positive peace is approached. There is still debate about what peace is and how it can be achieved; such debates have proved to be an obstacle for evaluations in peace building. Achievements in conflict prevention and peace building cannot be evaluated without a clear vision of what kind of :peace should be built- making it all the more important for those planning, implementing or evaluating peace work to be clear about what meanings or implicit definitions are in use. Making implicit understandings of peace explicit will be useful to both evaluator and planner will help coordination (Development Assistance Committee & OECD, 2008:15).
In its publication titled World Development Report: Conflict, Security and Development the World Bank in 2011 has brought forth what it calls the top five lessons to be considered in programme design during post conflict situations; the first the Bank lays emphasis on programmes that support bottom-up state-society relations in insecure areas. These include community- based programmes for violence prevention, employment and associated service delivery, and access to local justice and dispute resolution (World Bank, 2011). The Bank cited instances of community policing in a wide range of higher-, middle-, and lower-income countries like the Afghanistan National Solidarity Programme, and Latin American multisectoral violence prevention programmes (World Bank, 2011:18).
Again in the second programme design the Bank talks of complementary programmes for institutional transformation in the priority areas of security and justice. According to the Bank early reform programmes should focus on simple basic functions (like criminal caseload processing, adequate basic investigation, and arrest procedures; including civilian oversight, vetting, and budget and expenditure transparency to dismantle coverts or criminal networks; thereby linking the pace of reform between the police and the civilian justice systems to avoid situations where increasing police capacity results in prolonged detentions or the release of offenders back into the community without due process (World Bank, 2011:18-19).
In another development, the Bank reiterated in its report on the involvement of women in security, justice and economic empowerment programmes, such as those in Nicaragua, Liberia, and Sierra Leone for reforms introducing female staffing and gender-specific service in the police force; economic empowerment initiatives in Nepal, which going by the Bank's assertion addressed issues of gender roles that had previously been divisive in insecure areas through the provision of financial and business training to women's groups (World Bank, 2011:19).
Focus on anticorruption initiatives that demonstrate that new initiatives can be well governed. To the Bank views tools that can be used include; the use of private-sector capacity to monitor functions vulnerable to grand corruption, as with the case of Liberia's forestry inspection and Mozambique's customs collection combined with social accountability mechanisms that use transparent publication of expenditure and community/civil society monitoring to ensure funds reach their intended targets (World Bank, 2011:19).
Finally, in conclusion to its series of programme design is what the Bank has called “back to basic” job creation programmes. These programmes include large-scale community-based public works such as in India and Indonesia that are used throughout the country, including in marginalised and violence-affected communities; private sector-regulatory simplification and addressing of infrastructure bottlenecks (in particular electricity, which is the number one constraint for businesses in fragile and violent areas); and access to finance and involvements to bring producers and markets together, as Kosovo's and Rwanda's coffee, dairy, and tourism initiatives (World Bank, 2011:19).
Rothstein (1999) has highlighted that peace building is ignoring the introduction of a “peace structure” (a structure that builds peace) and associated progresses for carrying it out (Rothstein, 1999:18). The argument of Basic Human Needs suggests that institutional changes are absolutely inevitable (Jeong, 2000:27) when dealing with the root causes of violent conflict, as they often stem from structural inequalities. Combining a short-term approach to creating long-term peace is problematic in that mingling the causes of conflict (such as short and long term factors or those of tangible and intangible issues) can lead to a perception of weakness or inaction, as parties involved can often ignore the larger “mosaic and how each factor or approach can help address the situation (Rothstein, 1999:20).
Jeong (2005) goes further, outlining the importance of an “implementation time frame” to provide guidelines for levels of peace building programmes (Jeong, 2005:29). Every action within a post-conflict effort must be understood in terms of its temporal requirements, be they dependent on other actions, or able to run synchronised with others. The long term approaches aim to change the root causes of conflict and influence parties perceptions, while short term approaches are effective at responding to the emergency needs of communities to increase short-term survival (Jeong, 2005:29-30). Jeong and Rothstein have both demonstrated the importance of conceiving appropriate time frame and acting within the optimism of potential opportunity rather than waste the euphoria following a peace agreement.
Sundrum (1982) wrote that ultimate targets of development strategy should expand education and infrastructure and to improve economic institutions so that these facilities are available to all members of the society. For example, one of these targets may be defined as the provision of education to all members of society to the fullest extent that each can absorb it. Another target would be to provide modern infrastructure, such as transport, communications and power, so that is available to all members of the population and all sectors of the economy. Finally, all members of society should have access to modern economic institutions, especially to efficient market for all goods and services (Sundrum, 1982:70).
Ikejiani-Clark & Ani (2009) portray a philosophical framework that divides peace into a duality of equals which has as its levels, the dialectics of social justice, equality and welfare of members of a particular society. Peace is seen as both negative and positive in embodying these dialectics of development or lacking them in all essentials. Peace is described then as a society in which justice reigns, where the equality of humans obtains, and the pursuit of the welfare and happiness of the greatest number become the ambition of leaders (Ikejiani-Clark & Ani, 2009:6). Furthermore, they added positive attributes- peace, harmony, economic growth and increasing well-being of the civil society. This has implication for global and national peace, especially where leaders of African societies are involved in the challenges of governance and poverty reduction. They concluded maintaining that negative peace there is presence of vibrant conflict and injustice, which is perpetuated as exploitation and oppression of the poor and certain groups or corruption among the leadership (Ikejiani-Clark & Ani, 2009:6-7).
Security Sector Reform (SSR) is an important means of strengthening the state and helping to counter exclusion and deprivation by enhancing people's access to security and justice. In its evidence Department for International Development (DFID) says that the effective peace building encompasses a wide range of security, political, social and economic initiatives including SSR and Disarming, Demobilising and Reintegration (DDR). DFID also states that it is currently leading a process within the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) to develop international guidance on how to implement programmes in the security and justice sector (DFID, 2006:41).
Also, the same Committee insisted that those countries and regions affected by conflict are best placed to address peace building and post-conflict reconstruction. Peace building needs to be home-grown, rather than imposed by outsiders. Successful outcomes are most likely to occur where peace building has the support of those affected by the conflict. This is because regional organisations operate in close proximity to conflict they have a greater stake in the outcomes and are often much more willing to become involved. In addition, many internal conflicts have significant regional dimensions and as a consequence, require regional solutions (DFID, 2006:48).
Lie et al. (2007) in their article “Post-Conflict Justice and Sustainable Peace” has contributed in the peace building discourse by providing an additional strategy of postconflict reconciliation is to offer some reparation or compensation to victims and helping them to recover from past brutality. Such reparations may entail economic compensation, provision of health service, symbolic restoration, public apologies and efforts to advance social integration at the community level (Gloppen, 2004:18). Such efforts at reconciliation stand in stark contrast to notions of retributive justice solely based on notions of punishment (Kalmanovitz, 2006 cited in Lie et al., 2007:7).
According to Gloppen (2004) the presumption is that the physical, psychological, and social damage caused by past injustice must be acknowledged and repaired before reconciliation can be accomplished. But as long as the purpose of the measure is reconciliation, not repression and the deterrence of rebels, one should therefore expect the influence of reparation to victims to be most important in post-conflict democratic regimes: “restitution of victims through material or symbolic reparations leads to a stable and durable peace in post-conflict democratic societies” (Gloppen 2004 cited in Lie et al., 2007:7).
Gloppen (2004) and Nalepa (2006) claim post-conflict action constitutes purges. Lustration or purges can be seen as retributive type of justice, because they lock former perpetrators and collaborators out of jobs and positions. However, they may also be a forward looking strategy seen as part of an institution reform. They form a break with the former regime. Purges and other types of institutional reforms should, therefore have a positive effect on the ability to restore lasting peace; regardless of whether the new regime is a democratic or more autocratic one. They made the following proposition: purges in the administration lead to a stable or more durable peace in autocratic as well as democratic post-conflict societies (Gloppen & Nalepa cited in Lie et al., 2007:7).
Obidegwu (2004) while presenting on “Post-Conflict Peace Building in Africa: the Challenges of Socio-Economic Recovery and Development” encapsulates that economic revival is a major instrument for building peace and enhancing social recovery. For him if the restoration of peace is a priority as is often the case, then, the initial efforts should target on meeting the needs of people. The priority for most people would be the management in income generating activities to support their families and restore their living standards. Social services are essential but access cannot be sustained without households' earned income. The resettlement of refugees and displaced people and the provision of survival assistance to vulnerable groups are always crucial to rapid socio-economic recovery (Obidegwu, 2004:25).
Spence “the process of peace building calls for new attitudes and practices: ones that are flexible, consultative and collaborative and that operate from contextual understanding of the root-causes of conflict”. To him it is a transformative approach based on terminating something undesired (violence) and the building of something desired through the transformation of relations and construction of the conditions for peace. It is consistent with the perspective enunciated by Ryan that the task of peace building “involves a switch of focus away from the warriors with whom peace-keepers are mainly concerned, to the attitudes and socio-economic circumstances of ordinary people... so whereas peace-keeping is about building barriers between the warriors, peace-building tries to build bridges between ordinary people”(Spence & Ryan in Lambourne, 2004:4).
Emerson (2013) in his article titled “Peace and Reconciliation: How Culture Makes the Difference- the Role of Culture in Peace and Reconciliation” says for a post-conflict area have to demonstrate evident of genuinely sustainable peace must uphold the dignity of every man and woman; it must be nurtured by observing their rights and fulfilling their aspirations. And at the same time, however, development is not sustainable if societies are not at peace with themselves and with their neighbours and living in environmental balance with the planet and its resources. Thus, peace and sustainable development complement and are mutually reinforced each other (Emerson, 2013:2).
On another light, culture emerges as an essential factor for both sustainable development and lasting peace. In fact neither equitable progress nor social cohesion is truly possible if culture is left to one side. On the contrary, the road to inclusive social and economic development, environmental sustainability, peace and security is firmly grounded in culture, understood in its spiritual, material, intellectual, and emotional dimensions and encompassing diverse value systems; traditions and beliefs. Culture informs and influences people's relation to sustainable development, conflicts, and reconciliation in a distinction, but direct manner. It determines and creates paths for lasting conflict-resolution and healing. Thus, as “a repository of knowledge, meaning and values that permeate all aspects of our lives, culture also defines the way human beings live and interact with each other and their environment (Emerson, 2013:2-3).
Emerson therefore concludes that encouraging cultural activities and creativity in conflict areas or areas affected by disasters will enable the affected communities to reconnect with their identities and regain a sense of normality, enjoying art and beginning to deal with the scars of war. Cultural programmes may also help foster appreciation of cultural diversity and appreciation of the “universal element” in all cultures, helping to “humanise' the other and hence paving the way towards mutual understanding (Emerson, 2013:6).
Halle (2009) says in the process of peace building, it is therefore critical that the environmental drivers and impacts of conflict are managed, that tensions are defused, and that natural assets are used sustainably to support stability and development in the longer term. Indeed, there can be no durable peace if the natural resources that sustain livelihoods and ecosystem services are damaged, degraded, or destroyed. Therefore Halle concludes that conflicts associated with natural resources are twice as likely to relapse into conflict in the first five years. Despite this, fewer than a greater of peace negotiations aiming to resolve conflicts linked to natural resources have addressed resource management mechanisms (Halle, 2009:19).
Call & Cousens (2008) they maintained that the most ambitions measures are those that expect peace building to redress so-called “root-causes” of conflict. This is essentially the standard implied by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (2001) in a Presidential Statement on peace-building in February 2001:
The Security Council recognises that peace building is aimed at preventing the outbreak, recurrence or the continuation of armed conflicts and therefore encompasses a wide range of political, development, humanitarian and human rights programmes and mechanisms. This requires short and long-term actions tailored to address the particular needs of societies sliding into conflict or emerging from it...focus on sustainable development, eradication of poverty and inequalities, transparent and accountable governance, promotion of democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law and promotion of culture(UNSC, 2001 cited in Call & Cousens, 2008:13).
In the words of the former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, speaking at the World Bank to endorse then-Bank president James Wolfensohn's call for integrating conflict prevention into development operations, Mr Annan said “if war is the worst enemy of development, healthy and balanced development is the best form of conflict prevention” (Annan, 2001cited in Bhargava, 2006:330). This issue has prompted development agencies to begin reviewing their policies and activities in conflict-prone countries in order to align their actions so as to contribute to conflict prevention. The development community has come to contribute to conflict prevention. The development community has come a long way since the time when the phrase “conflict and development agenda” implied conflict and development was an either- or proposition, and that development could occur or resume only after the conflict was over (Kuroda cited in Bhargava, 2006:330).
Kuroda (2006) wrote that in many post conflict countries, open conflict may have been replaced by a generalised insecurity, often with criminal elements exploiting weak security institutions such as the police and the judiciary. These countries may find themselves in a “security trap” from which they cannot escape on their own: without security, the development process cannot take root; yet without development, insecurity persists. In response, development bodies are becoming involved in the reform of the security sector, and are examining the development implications of the proliferation of small arms, other light weapons, and landmines, and the needs of ex-combatants, for example, in disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration programmes (Kuroda cited in Bhargava, 2006:332).
At the UN World Summit in September 2005 on the Peace and Security agenda, following recommendation by the Secretary General Annan in his report, In Larger Freedom: Towards Security, Development and Human Rights for All, the UN established a UN Peace building Commission (UNPBC). The achievement recognises the ongoing need of post conflict countries to be provided with assistance in a concerted manner after the departure of peacekeepers. The inaugural meeting of the Peace building Commission was held on 23 June 2006. The international community and in particular people of post conflict countries are eager to see how the commission will improve on current practice so as to contribute more effectively to peace and sustainable development (Alli, 2008:14).
At the intergovernmental level, at the OECD, the Development Assistance Committee Network on Conflict, Peace and Development Cooperation is bringing together experts in conflict prevention and peace-building from a range of bilateral and multilateral development agencies, including the UN system, the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank (WB), to define and develop common approaches in support of peace. The group has so far issued guidelines on “Security Sector Reform and Governance” and “Helping to Prevent Violent Conflict,” underscoring the importance of conflict prevention as an integral part of poverty reduction efforts. Something now used by donor governments and development agencies using the guidelines (Kuroda cited in Bhargava, 2006:334).
The World Bank's role in post conflict reconstruction goes back to its origins: the Bank's very first loans supported the reconstruction of Western Europe after World War II. For most of the period since then, the Bank has focused more on traditional development projects in infrastructure and later on structural adjustment lending to developing countries.The 1990's, however, the Bank became once again much involved in post conflict reconstruction, first in the West Bank and Gaza and then in places like Bosnia and Herzegovina, where it was asked, along with the EU, to manage the post conflict reconstruction efforts followed too in El Salvador, Mozambique and of recent in Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Haiti, Iraq, Kosovo, Liberia, Sudan and Timor-Leste ( Kuroda cited in Bhargava, 2006:334-5).
From the literature examined above, it is clear that a lot has actually been documented on post-conflict studies and strategies of enabling long and everlasting peace. But it is important to note that most of the authors wrote mostly peace building measures but had failed to take into considerations what can really be done to foster a good relationship with other nationals who also live in such communities. Coming to the case of the Cameroon-Nigeria border dispute this aspect of post-conflict and durable peace has been touched as it is important to note that this study has demonstrated that Cameroonian authorities in the Bakassi have not only being carried away with ensuring post-conflict management of Cameroonian citizens in the area only but the government of Cameroon is also managing other foreign nationals living in the area which is an aspect that has been missing in previous research on the Bakassi which is where this current study departs from the existing writings. In addition to management of the welfare of foreign nationals resident in the bakassi peninsula, the study too focused on; investigating the policy lapses that characterised Cameroon's administration in the past that led to neglect of the Bakassi area and the post Bakassi peninsula conflict scenario with presentation of major post-conflict policies implemented by the government of Cameroon in order to ensure a sustainable and lasting peace in the Bakassi peninsula. This is considered very vital for the relationship between the people of the Bakassi peninsula and the government for the neglect the area has experienced and even after the GTA most of the inhabitants of the area still posed resistance to the agreement. It is obvious for the government to build on a reconciliation relationship as a means of building a stable and trusting relationship between the two.
1.6. Theoretical Framework
The study makes use of the Liberal Peace building or better still known as the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) rooted in the writings of Kant, especially what he termed “Perpetual Peace” in 1795 (Kant, 1795 cited in Pugh, 2005:2). The forerunners of the Liberal Peace Theory are scholars such as Newman, Paris, Richmond, Doyle, Russett, and Maoz who based their notion of liberal peace on the idea that peace can be developed and consolidated in a country by the promotion of “liberal democracy, liberal human rights, the integration of societies into globalisation and the centralisation of secular state” (Newman, Paris & Richmond 2009:4). Chandler (2010) argues that in essence, the “liberal peace” is held to go beyond traditional approaches of conflict prevention, or “negative peace; toward the external engineering of post-conflict societies through the export of liberal frameworks of “good governance”, democratic elections, human rights, the rule of law and market relations” (Chandler, 2010:1-2).
Newman, Paris and Richmond (2009) observe that international peace building in recent years comprise of ‘security, development, humanitarian assistance, governance and the rule of law' (Newman, Paris & Richmond, 2009:5). They argue, in addition, that a majority of peace building operations have involved “elections or broader democracy-assistance activities, market economics...and a broader range of practices and values, including secular authority, capacity-building, centralised governance and institutions of justice” (Newman, Paris & Richmond, 2009:10-12).
Newman, Paris & Richmond (2009) equate contemporary peace building to liberal peace building and argue that the concept is based on the notion that liberally constituted societies “tend to be more peaceful, both in their domestic affairs and in their international relations than illiberal states are” (Newman, Paris & Richmond, 2009:10). In essence, the idea of liberal peace, thus, is based on the premises that liberal societies tend to be peaceful and prosperous, at least similar to Western states and their replication in conflict-prone or post-conflict countries likely to bring about similar results.
However, despite the enormous contributions of the Liberal Peace Theory, the approach has been criticised on different grounds:
Chandler (2010) argued that the main cause behind the criticism of this approach is based on the assumption that the focus of the liberal peace approach is to reproduce and impose Western models along the ‘winner-takes-all elections; and neo-liberal free market economic programmes' (Chandler, 2010:1). He, however, broadly categorises such critics into two lines as power-based and idea based critiques. The power-based critiques question the authenticity of Western rhetoric of freedom and democracy and see the approach policies as power-based and political, thereby merely represent Western self-interest. The idea-based critics while supporting the values of democracy and the free market argue ‘against the theory on the basis that it is unsuitable in the context of post-conflict states and their situations of state failure' (Chandler, 2010:5-6). According to them “attempt to universalise Western models in non-liberal contexts, will merely reproduce, and may be even exacerbate, the problems of conflict and instability” (Chandler, 2010:8).
Similarly, the liberal peace approach has been criticised for its inability to accommodate and ensure local people's participation in peace building. For instance Roberts (2012) argues that the approach suffers elite hijacking and is affected by its own illiberal character and indifference to local people in determining their own fate (Roberts, 2012:366-368). He further elaborates:
The problem lies here: local people do not direct the nature of the Peace built in peace building: they are excluded from its design, a process commandeered instead by national and international policy makers (Roberts, 2012:368).
Oliver Richmond, another fervent critic of the liberal approach, accuses liberal peace building of focusing too much on international or regional instead of an everyday form of peace. He further criticises the approach for its ‘lack of social welfare frameworks', ‘failure to mediate cultural differences' and the “tendency towards assimilation rather than local cultural engagement' (Richmond, 2009:566). Newman, Paris & Richmond in their 2009 work outline that liberal peace building and some “international interventions are counterproductive because they in effect “freeze” conflicts in place rather than allowing these conflicts to burn themselves out” (Newman, Paris & Richmond, 2009:16).
Liberal Peace Theory, despite the doubts of its critics, is still a very active and robust set of theories and research programmes. In the light of this study the theory (Liberal Peace Theory) portrays Cameroon and Nigeria as democratic nations and it guided them to follow peaceful procedures and provided trust toward each other to the signing of the GTA. This is still supported by the peaceful withdrawal of Nigerian Civil Administration and replaced by that of Cameroon which simple goes to support one of the tenets of the theory for it maintains liberal states would hardly go to war with each other or among one another. This theory finds relevance to our study as it does not only provide us with the notion of relationship existing among democratic nations but has added impetus on strategies of maintaining lasting peace with public policies such as full participation in governance activities, electoral monitoring, respect of human rights, encouraging economic growth and sustainable development to once neglected societies. Cameroon since gaining partial and full control of the Bakassi has tried in implementing such policies recommendations and it is hoped that this will improve further in the nearest future which has been possible with the creation of the Technical and Coordination of the Follow-up Committee for the Implementation of Priority Projects in the Bakassi peninsula in 2007 charged execution of projects and taking into consideration the rights of foreign nationals in the Bakassi peninsula. The criticism of the theory mostly focused on questioning the validity of interpreting causal relationships from limited empirical data, not on the actual lack or presence of war between democracies. Every year that passes which democracies behave peacefully toward one another simply reinforces the validity of Democratic Peace Theory (Pugh, 2005:17).
1.7. Methodology
This study made use of both primary and secondary data.
1.7.1. Primary Sources of Data
The data for the study were obtained from the field; that is the Bakassi peninsula and its environs. Some of these data were collected in Mundemba from some Divisional Delegations and other government services that are involved with the implementation of government's post conflict policies in the Bakassi Peninsula at the divisional level. In all a total of 27 persons were interviewed; Kaffo Jean Faustin , Mounchigam Olivier, Sone Nzille Julius, Gildas Bongong, Ngeme Wang Alphonse, Esale Amos, Babila Derrick, Wepnje Aaron Njini, William Elangwe Itoe, Morfaw William, Humbu Marcus Elim, Abunaw Ayuk, Tokembong Augustine Ngalla, Elangwe Victor Sakwe, Musongo Culvert, Ambai Valentine, Etonde Yvette, Okenye Patrick, Felicia Njweng Ndong, Ntimi Oliver Akan, Amabo Blessing, Ngwa Elvis, Ngwane George, Kah Henry, the Divisional Delegate for Secondary Education for Ndian, Maxwell Lea Ekame and Ekangaki Tabe. These interviewees came from some Divisional Delegations for Ndian, Municipal councils of Isangele, Kombo Abedimo, Kombo Itindi, Idabato and Bamusso, Social workers, corporate worker and scholar. Primary data were obtained with the use of a Semi-structured interviews conducted through the use of purposive sampling techniques from all the above mentioned respondents. It is also of essence to note that the researcher also made use of observational method in the collection of primary data which was in the form of descriptive account. These data were obtained during the period when the researcher was in the field.
With the target population being the Bakassi zone, the researcher was able to meet with the locals who live the daily experiences of the area who could provide the researcher with concrete information from the questions being posed during the researcher's stay in the field. This was possible with the help of a letter of introduction to conduct academic research obtained from the Department of Political Science University of Buea, a permit to conduct research from the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation which later placed the researcher under the competent authority of the Senior Divisional Officer for Ndian.
1.7.2. Secondary Sources of Data
This study also made use of secondary materials. These data were obtained from published and unpublished works, radio, and television as well as internet sources. The bulk of the secondary data were obtained from the University of Buea Library, the West Cameroon Archives Buea and the Library of the Pan African Institute for Development-West Africa (PAID-WA). The GTA laying the final transfer of authority of the Bakassi Peninsula from Nigeria to Cameroon form the main blue print of this study. This study made use of concrete documents from the Bakassi Peace Letter-an AFRIC Aphonie Publication, Capitalisation Report; Women working for women's Rights and building a culture of sustainable peace the case of Bakassi Cameroon by Reach out Cameroon and Ensuring Fair and equal representation of Bakassi Women in Local Governance funded by the African Women Development Fund-a publication of Changing Mentalities and Empowering Group.
1.7.3. Method of Data Analysis
The data that were obtained in this study made use of content analysis and any use of statistics would be derivative of secondary data, which fall under the qualitative technique in order to obtain responses from the various questions raised. This was done with use of detailed review of information available on the Bakassi case and other case studies in other post-conflict zones. All these analyses were obtained from both primary and secondary sources of data used above with the use of a descriptive method of data analysis. The main analyses of issues in this study are the procedures that were put in 2006 by Cameroon and Nigeria during the Green Tree Agreement under the aegis of the then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and most importantly the projects carried out in the area. To make the study understood, the Liberal Peace Theory has be used which provides the reliance of aspects of reconciliation, good governance, enabling full participation of citizens in decision making process and sustainable development, with economic growth in former conflict areas. These modalities set in place were to lay down steps that will help in establishing post conflict relations between Cameroon and Nigeria in the area and to be served as an example worth emulating by other states plagued by conflict and to seek for peaceful settlements of their disputes.
1.8. Scope/Significance and Limitations of the study
1.8.1. Scope of the study
The time frame for this study is taken from 2002 to 2013. This period is chosen because it was on this year 2002 that the ICJ delivered its verdict on the Bakassi dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria that served as foundation for future peace talks and other negotiations and to 2013 because it marked the end of the five year special transitional regime that had been established for the Bakassi peninsula given Cameroon full sovereignty,
It is also of essence to note that geographically the study covers the Bakassi Peninsula. Here, the study covered localities such as Isangele, Kombo Itindi, Bamusso, Idabato, and Kombo Abedimo Subdivisions. The choice of these localities is because these are the areas that made up the Bakassi peninsula and where the government of Cameroon had carried out some investments and thus harbour most of government's personnel. It should be added that though this research is based on Bakassi, information were also obtained in Mundemba the Headquarters of Ndian Division and elsewhere.
1.8.2. Significance of the study
This research work is of relevance to the academia and the social community as a whole:
To the Academia
> After winning the peace in the Bakassi what transformations in the socio-economic and political aspects are needed in the welfare of Cameroonians and other foreigners resident in the bakassi peninsula and provides a new dimension in assessing the post-conflict execution of the GTA in the Bakassi, where little has been published. This study shall serve as indispensable tool in filling the existing gaps in the previous literature on Bakassi.
> The study will help in adding impetus of knowledge and keeps scholars at constant debate of the manner of which judgement and diplomacy was conducted and providing a critique to the GTA and will open a new dimension for future research on the Bakassi peninsula and other disputes across the globe.
To peace building Actors
S The peaceful settlement only goes a long way to portray how Cameroon and Nigeria have all been matured hence helps in improving relations between Cameroon and Nigeria as it helps in restructuring the foreign policy dimension of the two countries consolidating peaceful international relations.
J To Cameroon again, it acts as a wake- up call to fulfil its responsibility as a state in carrying out of socio-economic, civil and administrative duties in the Bakassi and ensure proper decentralization of administrative machineries, thus keeping her own bargain to the GTA this is carrying activities to open the area from enclavement and measures of effecting a friendly, mutual trust and understanding relationship among her nationals, the Nigerian residents and the government itself.
S To Nigeria it serves as a respecter to international agreements and conventions. It also increases Nigeria's credibility in bargaining internationally and as a promoter of peaceful relations in the sub region and for the support and cooperation she has provided to Cameroon in ensuring effective peace building in the Bakassi.
S To the social and development actors it reinforces their roles as vital for building the mental capacity of the inhabitants on numerous fields which the government might fall short of; Human Rights, gender empowerment, socio- cultural biases, and capacity building forums and other stereotype mentality among the people in order for development and sustained peace to take place.
1.8.3. Limitations of the study
The study encountered a number of problems which affected the collection and analysis of data.
❖ Severe administrative hurdles for accreditation for conducting research in the Bakassi peninsula acted negatively on this study as the government civil administrators were not ready to release any information on government activities in the Bakassi coupled with security stakes involved. However with the authorisation from the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation, the researcher was opportune to be placed under the supervision of the Senior Divisional Officer for Ndian who later with his external collaborators were able to give some facts through interviews conducted.
❖ The unwillingness for most people cooperating with the researcher posed as another obstacle in the course of the study. To build the confidence and cooperation between the researcher and the interviewees, the researcher pledged to keep any information as discrete as possible and to be used for academic purposes only. The letter of introduction to conduct the study and the researcher's professional card further added impetus in data collection.
1.9. Organisation of the study
The study is divided into five chapters.
Chapter one is the introduction of the study, which comprises of nine elements namely; background to the study, statement of problem, objectives of the study, hypotheses of the study, review of related literature, theoretical framework, methodology, scope/significance and limitations of the study and the organization of the work. This introductory chapter is where the technical aspects of the study have been established.
Chapter two pays focus on policy lapses that existed in the Bakassi peninsula leading to neglect from the state of Cameroon. Here, these lapses have been presented under sub headings like; economic, administrative lapses of policies in the past before the advent of the Bakassi border dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria.
The third chapter deals with policies aimed at enabling effective presence of Cameroon. The policy used now in developing the area have been classified under economic, socio-cultural and administrative/political and security developments of the area.
Chapter four examines special measures in winning the hearts of the various Nigerian nationals in the Bakassi and various challenges face by peace building actors in the part of searching for a sustainable peace in the Bakassi. The chapter still goes further in enumerating the various challenges faced by actors involved with the peace building in the peninsula.
Finally the concluding chapter of the work which is chapter five dwells on summary of research findings, conclusion and recommendations.
CHAPTER TWO CAMEROON'S POLICY IN THE BAKASSI PENINSULA BEFORE THE SETTLEMENT
2.0. Introduction
This chapter has as main focus to elucidate the lapses that existed in Cameroon's state policies in the past that led to its ineffective presence in the Bakassi Peninsula. The lapses shall therefore be examined from the aspect of economic, political/administrative, security, legal and the social aspect of state neglects and the conclusion of the chapter:
2.1. Economic Lapses
Cameroon policies in the past were characterised by lots of lapses which caused its ineffective control of certain areas of the country with a good example being the Bakassi Peninsula with such lapses having some consequences to future question over the ownership of the maritime area. These economic lapses in Cameroon's policies are the following:
First and foremost Cameroon's economic policies in the Bakassi were characterised by lots of inadequacies in the planning approach in the domains of urbanisation, popularisation and the economy aspect of the zone. In the past the government policies did not encourage the growth of the economy of the Bakassi area since commercial structures were not put in place that would have facilitated economic activity; there were lack of markets, that did not encourage the rate of development in this area. The importance of commercial centres in the growth of every community cannot be overemphasised (Musongo Culvert interviewed, 12th April 2017 at 10:06 GMT). This motivated Nigerians who later moved into the area and established petty trading ventures and paying revenues of such activity to the Nigerian government making them feel more as Nigerians and owing allegiance only to the Nigerian government and not Cameroon.
The government population census system in the Bakassi just like in other areas was never properly conducted. It should be emphasised here that the importance of appropriate census in every aspect of life cannot be under looked. For good and proper statistics of an area is the first step to its development. This is so because census helps the government in the drafting of policies since it will be able to determine what sorts of projects are needed in a particular area. Put differently, the government will be able to ask the following production questions like; who needs what, when and why? The government failing to conduct accurate census has therefore failed in answering these production questions and has only carried out white elephant projects in the Bakassi Peninsula (Musongo Culvert interviewed, 12th April 2017 at 10:06 GMT). Going by Konings on this aspect, he said the latest Cameroon census in 1987 had an estimated population of 8563 inhabitants (Konings, 2005:289).
In another development, the monetary system instituted by the government of Cameroon was very lacking in the Bakassi. After the independence of French Cameroon, the Plebiscite conducted in British Southern Cameroons and the subsequent reunification between the two Cameroons; in 1962 the Federal government at the time instituted the CFA franc as the legal tender in the whole country was not implemented in the Bakassi zone where the Nigerian Naira has dominated economic activity from then even till date. This only shows that economically government was not in Bakassi. How could it control the Bakassi when a major instrument of state grip of an area is the economy? So the inhabitants of Bakassi found no state presence in their lives (Humbu Marcus Elim interviewed, 19th April 2017 at 11:18 GMT).Therefore conducting their economic activity with the Naira which usually brought them under serious harassment from Cameroonian Gendarmes who most often were bent on seeing that taxes were paid with the CFA franc currency.
Meanwhile added to these policy lacunas was the taxation and customs systems practised in the area. The rigid and very cumbersome tax and customs control practised in Cameroon has always been a challenge to enterprisers' especially petit traders who felt the government taxation and customs policies were never friendly to businesses, which had made most of the inhabitants of the Bakassi to rather do their entire trading activity towards Nigeria rather than Cameroon. This has made most of these traders who happen to be Nigerians to consider the area as “a no man's land”. This, most often had brought serious confrontation between the locals and tax enforcement officers from Cameroon due to tax harassment that the inhabitants are usually subjected to (Humbu Marcus Elim interviewed, 19th April 2017 at 11:18 GMT).
Furthermore, the land leading to the Bakassi zone was never exploited as the Government of Cameroon in its quest for constant economic development lagged behind as it only focused its attention from the production and manufacture of agricultural cash and food crops like cocoa, coffee, rubber, tea, cotton, wheat, rice, cocoyam, maize, all in complete neglect of the fishery sector. It was paradoxical that the prices of these products experienced lots of fluctuations in the world market while maritime areas like the Bakassi Peninsula were virtually abandoned without any attention of carrying some developments in the area. Nigerians who happened to be there at the time felt it was Nigeria since most of the little economic ventures that happened to be present then were established by Nigerians ( Humbu Marcus Elim interviewed, 19th April, 2017 at 11:18 GMT).
Equally the inability of the government to ever think of means of making the CFA franc convertible with the Nigerian Naira made it presence in the area far from being felt. This because with the convertibility of the two currencies, Cameroon would have been able to instil its presence in the Peninsula since it currency would have helped in creating awareness in the minds of the inhabitants that were there and acted as a means of revenue generation from the used of the CFA franc in doing business in the Bakassi (Ngwane George interviewed, 4th May, 2017 at 11:40 GMT).
Still, the government policy was lacking in the aspect of building the human capital development in the Bakassi area. That is the human population of Cameroonians was near empty as the area was predominantly made up of Nigerians who were about 85-90 percent of inhabitants of the Bakassi. The reason for low Cameroonian population in the area (was) is because the Bakassi area is swampy and made of large mangroves. This has made fishing the sole economic activity. In fact the Cameroon citizens are not use to the type of lifestyle since most Cameroonians prefer to live in comfortable zones. The government would have created avenues where it could have encouraged Cameroonian farmers with special incentives to motivate them to go to the Bakassi to carry out agriculture there. With that, the area would have been heavily populated by Cameroonians since most Cameroonians with about 70 percent at the time relied on agriculture for survival (Ngwane George interviewed, 4th May, 2017 at 11:40 GMT).
Having enumerated the economic lapses of Cameroon's state policy; the next section of this chapter is the political/administrative lapses involved in Cameroon policy which are elucidated below:
2.2. Political/Administrative Lapses
Administratively, the government policy in the Bakassi in the past also had lapses as the administrative unit managing the Bakassi peninsula was too large to cater for the needs of the people in the Bakassi. It should be noted that the Bakassi peninsula is made up of five sub-divisions; Isangele, Kombo Abedimo, Kombo Itindi, Bamusso and Idabato which were all under the administrative control of Mundemba sub-division. This was far too large to be managed under a single sub-divisional jurisdiction. Hence this made government's presence in the Bakassi completely or near absent since the impact of the government was never even felt by the people of Bakassi. However, these places that are Isangele, Kombo Abedimo and Itindi, Bamusso and Idabato now exist as independent sub-divisions (William Elangwe Itoe interviewed, 18th April, 2017 at 15:00 GMT).
Again, the government policy was considered as having a deliberate attempt of assimilating the entire administrative system from what the British had established during colonial era to completely French system of administration. For every attempt was made in suppressing the English values as a result, government policies were highly centralised with the main focus of developing on certain areas in complete neglect of some areas. With this type of policy attempting to assimilate a particular community rather than investigating on the potentials of the said locality, Bakassi was abandoned with the government even failing to review pass documents especially like those usually published during the colonial days on the potentials of Bakassi Peninsula where Nigerians who had longed been in the area had been exploiting the rich potentials of the zone while Cameroon neglecting attitude towards Bakassi started changing only as it was revealed that the area is heavily endowed with aquatic and mineral resources (Kah Henry interviewed, 11th May 2017 at 12:05 GMT).
There was the absence of civil society participation. The political leadership failed to promote social capital, and is largely indifferent to the role of civic engagement. Likewise, the government frequently ignores civil society. This is also made possible due to the generally weak mobilisation capacity of respective groups, with some trade unions in the education sector and church-related groups being the most notable exceptions. Consultation with civil society groups throughout the process of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) presented by the World Bank was not systematic and remained selective. In early 2015, the Minister of Economy, Planning and Regional Development promised to strengthen participation of elected representatives and of the civil society at all levels (local, departmental, regional and national) in the execution of the budget, but this signifies only that it was weak (Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index (BTI), 2016:25).
At the same time, a major policy lapse that hinders the state of Cameroon effective presence in some areas is the process of over centralisation of government's services. The decentralisation process which officially started with the January 1996 local elections is being obstructed by problems of transferring funds and by lack of trained people. The central authorities have also retained substantial power to intervene and have replaced mayors elected by government representatives and even postponed for a year the local elections due in January 2001 (African Economic Outlook, 2002:80). This is the greatest policy setback facing Cameroon; how to devolve some powers to local councils to ease smooth and swift execution of projects. Of recent in a Press Conference Mr. Issa Tchiroma Bakari- Minister of Communication announced that the process of decentralisation is almost complete with 96 percent of the procedure already realised (CRTV 3:00PM News on the 19th April, 2017).
The administration in Cameroon treated Nigeria more as a competitor in the Bakassi rather than as a partner in promoting sub-regional integration. This was very paradoxical taking into account for the period of the federal system in Cameroon series of development plans were drafted that were guiding the country in carrying out it socio-economic and cultural developments of Cameroon, focus was usually based too on promoting sub-regional integration with Cameroon's neighbours like Chad, Central Africa Republic and the southern neighbours. If Cameroon had thought of promoting sub-regional integration with Nigeria, it would have acted as a melting pot between Nigerians resident in the Bakassi and few Cameroonians there too. This strategy would have promoted economic activity with Nigerians, who are mostly involved in business venture (Kah Henry interviewed, 11th May 2017 at12:05 GMT).
Furthermore, it would rather seems the federal system operating in Cameroon then did not have mastery of what the state of West Cameroon was doing as far as development of the federated state was concerned. For if the Federal Government were aware of the stake of affairs in West Cameroon then it would not have neglected the area for during the federal days the government of the state of West Cameroon usually forwarded reports on its activity and most especially security reports on the happenings in the state of West Cameroon at the time. Thus during those days before the crisis started Nigerians in the area were making huge economic proceeds from the vast potential of resources the zone offers. What Cameroon was doing then was sending tax officials to the locality to go and collect taxes from the inhabitants. This lack of knowledge on what the Bakassi Peninsula had to offer made Cameroon to be less focus on the activities of Nigerians in the area (Kah Henry interviewed, 11th May 2017 at12:05 GMT).
In another development one of the most peculiar lapses associated in Cameroon's public policy in the past and even in current times is that developmental projects are usually carried out in an ad hoc manner. That is to say the execution of projects in Cameroon is carried out with little idea of sustainability. Meaning Cameroon's administrative policy was rather short-lived since projects were hardly implemented to last for durable period of time but projects were geared toward temporal basis. For even till date in an attempt to reintegrate the Bakassi to the entire country the government's presence is still not really felt by the people since most of the development projects are just imposed on the people without seeking to know their priorities. More so, most of these projects are hardly properly executed with some collapsing within a short period of time (Kah Henry interviewed, 11th May 2017 at12:05 GMT).
Cameroon's administrative policies in the past most especially during the late 1980's and the early 1990's were focused on rather imported principles and values from the west call “democratisation”. This preoccupied the state most and the government was never ready to allow the possession of a few fishing villages to stand in the way of neighbourliness. Most particularly at a turning point in her history that liberalisation and democratisation were the most essential tools for most Third World countries then fighting for economic and regime survival. In fact even when Cameroon decided to nurse interest to the Bakassi Peninsula in the early 1990's, it was not because the government was interested in enforcing its presence in the zone, but it was a strategy used by the regime to divert both national and international attentions away from the failure of domestic policies towards the Peninsula (Funteh, 2015:41).
Institutional failings in government policies combined with very poor organisation of civil society and concentralisation of power at the centre. Despite the ten thousand or so officially acknowledged Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in Cameroon, there is no body that represents them. This is partly because of the nominal nature of many of them, which are therefore not very active. In Cameroon civil society is not encouraged to be a significant partner of the state because the authorities fear their power will be watered down (African Economic Outlook, 2002:80). It would seem this was/is still a huge policy setback from the government's side in the sense that if the government had made NGOs veritable partners for development, it might had helped in enforcing government's presence in areas where the government machinery cannot reach. Ever since the GTA and the handing over of full administration to the hands of Cameroon one has come to realise that there have been an effective improvement on civil society's presence in the Peninsula helping the government in capacity building initiatives there.
To the views of Che (2007), Cameroon was more or less not very interested in the predicament of the Bakassi indigenes. Cameroon even though largely saw Bakassi as its own, but failed to do anything to develop it. Worse still, Nigerians were tolerated to inhabit and even create their institutions there without any serious form of control by the Cameroonian government except in terms of sending tax officials to the zone for arbitrary tax collection. It was not until it became clear after the discovery of large deposits of crude oil in adjoining offshore waters around Rio del Rey area in the late 1970s and early 1980s that Cameroon realised that the Bakassi Peninsula may indeed be a treasure of immeasurable economic value (Che, 2007:14-15 as cited in Shaibu et al 2015:37).
According to the ICJ, the occupation of the disputed borderlands in the Lake Chad area appears to have very recent, perhaps within the last three decades. The ICJ estimated that by 1987, the lakebed villages that were only ‘beginning to be established received yearly administrative visits by administrative arrangements of Cameroon (ICJ Report, 2002 cited in Juluku, and 2012:92). It was only around then too that evidence exists of the population there taking part in political (especially, elections and census) activities in Cameroon. No evidence was gathered of any Nigerian government activities, before this period. Nigerian settlements and organisation within them of village life became supplemented from 1987 onwards with administrative outfits and Nigerian troops (Juluku, 2012:92). So in essence, neither was Cameroon nor Nigeria taking effective care of the Bakassi.
Still, the disputed area of the South have had organised community life before the advent of European imperialist intervention at the close of the 19th century. These itinerants' dwellers of the past became more sedentary with time. Owing to the easier access from Calabar, long historic commercial activity and greater population pressure or what Robert North has described on another occasion as the “logic of historical process-unevenness in human population growth, advances in knowledge and skills, access to resources and derivative capabilities within and among states” (North,1990:18 cited in Juluku, 2012:92). Most of the incoming population was of Nigerian provenance. Most of them as well maintained a double domicile on mainland Nigeria and the Peninsula. When these people who mostly considered themselves as Nigerians came under pressure from Cameroonian authorities who operate on the rule that “if you step on my territory, you must dance to my tune” (Nweke, 1990:30 cited in Juluku, 2012:92), they appealed to kith and kin in their place of origin (mainly Cross River and Akwa Ibom states) (Juluku, 2012:93).
Meanwhile, it could be said that Cameroon government's control evident mainly in the disposition to send tax officials backed by troops, police or paramilitary gendarmes and these forces have not discarded their repressive colonial mentality in dealing with the people. The combination of a history of resistance to taxation (without representation or for the simple reason that there is nothing to show in the miserable, social amenities offered to these fishing folks that they have been doing so), together with poor integrative policies by the Cameroon authorities and high-handedness on the part of tax officials and the troops, created flashpoint for disagreement with Nigeria and a Casus belli for Nigeria's intervention. Such appeals for intervention prior to 1993 eventually evolved alongside Nigeria's strategic thought into a shooting war in 1994 (Fombo, 2011 cited in Juluku, 2012:93).
Accommodation policies too on the government part were lagging due to failure of thinking of appropriate means of seeing on how to integrate the inhabitants of the Bakassi who happen to be of Nigerian majority. It should be recalled that most of the hotly disputed boundary region, in fact, voted against integration with French-speaking Cameroon, because even before colonial intervention most of their social and economic activities were rather inclined towards their western than eastern neighbours with whom many shared ethnic affinity(Fombo, 2011:72).This can be mentioned as being a greater lapse in Cameroon's for knowing that this was a portion of British Southern Cameroons who voted against reunification with La Republique in 1961 plebiscite, it would have been expected from the government's side to use appropriate administrative strategies of sensitising the people of Bakassi and assuring them of their proper wellbeing under the new administration back then.
Again, Fombo (2011) said in Cameroon there was existence of a gap over the tier of government responsible for patrolling the coastal waters that fell within the state of West Cameroon. The Federal Inspector of Administration, Jean-Claude Ngoh, in a memo, drew the attention of the Prime Minister to the problem. The First Secretary to the Prime Minister of West Cameroon stated in a reply (No. 75/SEC/CC541) that the State had no means like boats, at its disposal to carry out patrols, even though this maritime zone actually was within West Cameroon (Fombo, 2011:75-76). According to him (First Secretary), it was the responsibility of the Federal Navy of Cameroon to patrol the maritime region with Cameroon and not West Cameroon police and customs. It should be noted that this response from the First Secretary to the Prime Minister of West Cameroon to the Federal Inspector of Administration came on the heels when the Federal government had ordered for the retreat of all army and soldiers to the central government in 1965 (Va/c 1965/4 -West Cameroon House of Assembly Security Report 1965).
On the media, it can be said that the government of Cameroon failed to encourage media organ in the Bakassi. Can anyone try to undermine the importance of the media in creating awareness? In history one has seen the essence of press jingoism on vital state issues. The people of Bakassi remained closely attached to Nigeria as compared to Cameroon because most of the inhabitants enjoy sources of communication from the Nigerian press and receiving information from Nigeria meanwhile the people did not look themselves as Cameroonians since they knew virtually nothing about Cameroon and their existence into the Cameroonian society was not felt since information of Cameroon's activities to their area was not known. The government could have ensured to encourage some Newspaper organs to carry their write-ups to this zone with information about Cameroon activities in their area and how the government was involved with projects of integrating them (interview, 4th May 2017 at 11:40 GMT).
The next section in this chapter shall look at how the government failed in providing social developments in the Bakassi in the past before the peaceful resolution:
2.3. Socio-cultural Lapses
On the provision of education in the Peninsula in the past it can be clearly seen that the Government of Cameroon educational policies was greatly neglected for according to the ICJ Report of May 1999, the provision of public education was clearly exercised by Nigeria. In fact in a Note dated 15th September 1969, the said Report shows that Cameroon only protested when a primary school was established at Abana (that is Jabane) by the Catholic Mission based at Oyo(ICJ Report, 1999:251). Whilst, the school was not supported by public funds, the Government of Cameroon clearly regarded this development as evidence of a form of Nigerian State activity. Going by the report, in the days before Cameroon's claim over the Bakassi, there were nine schools in total established on the Bakassi prior to 1994 that when Cameroon took the case to the ICJ. These schools were located in the following settlements;
Table 1: showing the schools in the Bakassi and their settlement before 1994
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: ICJ Report May, 1999
From the domain of provision for Public Health it has been discovered that Cameroon healthcare policy was also lagging in the zone. The ICJ Report still portrays that since 1959, the existence of the Nigerian authorities in Bakassi have established Health Centres for the benefit of the communities on Bakassi, and, these have been built with rather the assistance of the local communities. These health centres are supplied from Nigeria, and the resident public health workers are trained in Nigeria. The Report added that there were currently ten such health centres across the Bakassi Peninsula providing wide healthcare and programmes (ICJ Report, 1999:252). At no stage had the Cameroon authorities made provision for health care in the Bakassi region on the contrary in the course of 1994, Cross River State from Nigeria made provision for the equipping of health centres in place like; Archibong Town, Atabong West and Abana.
Table 2: list of the foundation dates of some Health Centres
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: ICJ Report, May 1999.
There was the absence of civil status for identification purposes. In the yesteryears inhabitants of the Bakassi who are mostly Nigerians but considered by the government of Cameroon as nationals of the Republic of Cameroon did not possess any national identification document that showed that they were Cameroonians. For the legal instrument that could have enabled them obtained these were not put in place. Most of the inhabitants who residence in the Bakassi did not have Cameroonian Identity Card, Passport and even Birth certificate of a child born in any territory were not in existence. All this was because of the poor immigration policy. With this it even affected the inhabitants negatively on most of their marital lives with some being engaged into early marriages or what is commonly referred to as “come we stay” since the state was not present in the lives of these people in putting to checks their marital lifestyle under appropriate marital system according to the law of the land (Ngwa Elvis interviewed, 2nd May 2017 at 10:05 GMT). Going by Konings (2005) he added that as proof of its postcolonial exercise of sovereignty, it refers to a number of practices on the peninsula including the collection of taxes, the widespread use of Nigerian currency, the possession of Nigerian passports by Bakassi residents only goes a long way in demonstrating how lagging Cameroon's policies were on civil and legal status in the Bakassi (Konings, 2005:290).
Furthermore, as it is popularly said “where a road passes, development follows” but this has being the contrary in the Bakassi as one of the greatest neglect by the government as far as the peninsula is involved was the; transport and communication network facilities. Though this might be argued as being a general problem, the road accessibility of the Bakassi has been an area where government from independence has never seen the need of improving on the road network. Bear in mind that the Bakassi Peninsula happens to be largely a maritime area. In fact even till now the situation has not really changed that much for access to the Bakassi is still very tedious for people who want to go there. Though there is a motorise road from Mundemba the divisional headquarters for Ndian to Isangele and Akwa, the other areas of the maritime zone are still completely cut-off from the rest of the area. This problem of inaccessibility to the area in the past caused the near absence of government administrators and others working in the area found it very difficult when travelling for their duty posts. Thus even if there were government administrative units there in the past, but the usual presence of those acting on the state were not present in rendering state services to the people since most used to and even now still live out of the zone only travel to the zone on occasional visit especially if a hierarchy from Yaoundé happens to be visiting the area (Musongo Culvert interviewed, 12th April, 2017 at 10:06 GMT).
In this chapter the task has been on exploring on the state policy lapses that characterised Cameroon's administration in the Bakassi Peninsula since gaining full independence from colonial role in 1960 and 1961 respectively; these lapses that were involved in Cameroon's state policy in the Bakassi have been expatiated from the economic, administrative and social aspects. From the lapses on economic domain the issues of failure of making the CFA francs currency with the Nigerian Naira for trade being aware that most of the inhabitants were Nigerians and trading activities was mostly conducted with Nigeria and Naira was the main currency used in the peninsula then and even now in most communities in the zone with the exception of the Isangele sub-division where the CFA franc dominate to some extent, failure of promoting regional integration between Cameroon and Nigeria in the western part of the border where lies the Bakassi peninsula. On the administrative area; poor administrative setup, absence of the news and other information media in creating awareness and consciousness in the minds of the inhabitants, a lacklustre civil status registration system and no establishment of educational facilities so most of the inhabitants went to school in Nigeria, failure to disenclave the area. All these have however experienced slide improvement since the signing of the GTA in 2006 handing full control of the peninsula to Cameroon and setting an administrative responsibility of developing the area.
CHAPTER THREE CAMEROON'S DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES IN THE BAKASSI PENINSULA AFTER THE SETTLEMENT
3.0. Introduction
Attention on this section of the study is based on elucidating the various developmental projects carried out by the Government of Cameroon in the Bakassi Peninsula in order to reinforce its presence in the area since haven gained complete control (according to international verdict). It should be added that the government in itself does not do this alone but does it with the support of local, national and international partners of development. These stakeholders carry out developmental activities that range from socio-economic, administrative/legal to cultural promotion ventures. All this, would be discussed in details in the various sub-sections that form this chapter.
3.1. Economic Activity
Government economic programme in the Bakassi since gaining autonomy of the zone include:
Of great desire for economic growth in the Bakassi is the implementation of the yearly Public Investment Budget (PIB) where in the government has set out an emergency plan for the urgent realisation of certain projects in the peninsula. This is a Three Year Emergency Plan set out by the President of the country where some vital services for the wellbeing of Cameroonians which are lacking in most aspect of life. With such programme, the government seeks to carry out construction of infrastructural development in the localities of this once conflict zone especially with view of catching-up with the recent developmental ambitions taking place in the country under the Vision 2035 Development Plan (Kaffo Jean Faustin interviewed, 17th April, 2017 at 09:55 GMT).
Again, the most important economic development programmes the government has carried out in the Peninsula is engaging in partnership with the UN affiliated body of National Community driven Development Programme (PNDP). This agreement is involved with municipal councils of the Bakassi peninsula area such as Bamusso, Idabato, Kombo Itindi, Isangele and Kombo Abedimo where the PNDP has taken charge of employing financial and development officers for these councils and paying these officers 100 percent of their salaries for two years. With such economic partnership existing between the government of Cameroon and the PNDP, the latter has contributed in carrying out some micro projects for these councils thereby the councils themselves only have to incur meagre amount in executing most of their projects (Musongo Culvert interviewed, 12th April 2017 at 10:06 GMT).
Another economic development witnessed in the zone is the designing of a Communal Development Plan (CDP) of most of these councils. This has been possible with the assistance of bodies like the PNDP and Reach out Cameroon. These bodies organise workshops where municipal councillors of these areas are trained on how to develop better development plans for their respective councils. This gesture has been of great benefit to these councillors for it now aids them during consultation with the people and drafting of budget during the annual council sessions. With such initiative, these councils have been able to understand the most pressing needs of their people and even when making demands to the hierarchy (Musongo Culvert interviewed, 12th April 2017 at 10:06 GMT).
There is the creation of a two hundred hectare palm plantation in the Bakassi precisely in the Bamusso municipality. This is a project initiated in 2015 by the government and the PAMOL Estate to cost about 42,000,000 CFA Francs. It is hoped that with the completion of such a giant agricultural project, the population of Cameroon in general would be lured to this area for the employment opportunities that this project will offer not only to the residents of Bakassi but to the entire country as well. This will come to solve under population of this area since it will attract high population to the zone thus will urge need for further development of the area (Okenye Patrick interviewed, 13th April 2017 at 14:40 GMT).
In 2016 in a revelation made in a communiqué, the Cameroonian Company of Oil Depots better known in its French acronym as (SCDP) plans to extend its installations to the Bakassi Peninsula. The ambition of the SCDP to build a storage unit for oil products to the Bakassi is part of the development of this area, which the Cameroonian State is consistently developing and on which it is encouraging settlement by nationals (where the majority of the population is Nigerian). These actions have been taking place since The Hague Tribunal of October 10th 2002 (Business in Cameroon, 2016:40). These are all aspects of industrial developments that had been lagging behind in the past. It is therefore hoped that in the nearest future through its strive for economic growth, the government will effectively take control of the zone.
There has also been in existence the building of houses for livestock by the government. According to information from the Divisional Delegation of Fisheries, Livestock and Animal Industries-Ndian the government is focusing a lot of attention towards this endeavour taking into consideration the fact that fishing is the dominant activity among the inhabitants of the Bakassi Peninsula. Through this, the government has been able to encourage these fishermen who felt once neglected by their government now know that things would no longer be the same as it were in the past (Humbu Marcus Elim interviewed, 19th April 2017 at 11:18 GMT).
Meanwhile, the government has been able to establish zoo technical and veterinary centres in the zone in Akwa-Kombo Abedimo sub-division. The purpose of these centres is to help train officers in the aspect of livestock and other animal related schemes. Through this programme the government has been present in coordinating the fishing activity of the people by educating them on the proper means of doing their fishing activity and ways of conserving them for proper consumption void of any health hazards (Humbu Marcus Elim interviewed, 19th April 2017 at 11:18 GMT).
Furthermore, there has been the construction of a Main market and Beach market in Isangele sub-division. In order to encourage commercial activity among the residents of Isangele the municipal council has decided not to collect taxes in some localities in Isangele like Ijaw where very little selling takes but rather the form of trading that dominates in this locality is the barter system of trade. Here, people bring their items to these markets for exchange with other products depending on the value of an item one is in possession of. This does not however mean that the council is not able of generating income of any sort but the council collects minor taxes from small businesses operating in Isangele sub-division (Felicia Njweng Ndong interviewed, 13th April 2017 at 15:15 GMT).
Still, concerning construction of commercial avenues in the Bakassi the government and the local councils are not relenting their efforts in promoting economic growth in the Bakassi. In 2015 there has been the construction of modern periodic markets in Boa-Balondo with the aim of creating a conducive commercial avenue for both the maritime and continental parts of the municipality of Bamusso with the tune of 23,000,000CFA francs. Again in 2017, there has also been the construction of a semi permanent market at Kobe. The motive behind this semi permanent market is to boost trading activity between maritime community and the continental part of the subdivision this with the sum of 5,000,000CFA francs (Okenye Patrick, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 14:40 GMT).
As part of ongoing projects there are plans for the conservation of most of the mangrove in the Bakassi area. The idea of this project is to educate the inhabitants of the zone on the act of protecting their mangrove forest for alternative uses. This campaign is very necessary because most of the mangrove in the area has been highly used for smoking of fish since the dominant economic activity is fishing. Therefore, as an alternative of using wood for the smoking of fish, the government has embarked on the construction of modern smoking houses to be used by these fishermen whereby very little wood is being used unlike in the past. Places like Bekumu, Barracks and Jabane all in Bamusso sub-division have these facilities already (Humbu Marcus Elim interviewed 19th April 2017 at 11:18 GMT).
Concerning sustainable initiatives in the Bakassi, there is now the Priority Programme for Sustainable Management and Development of Bakassi (PPSMD) is to ensure Cameroon took full responsibility of the Bakassi area which is part of Cameroon following ICJ verdict over the dispute. It applicability came with the signing of the GTA in June 12th 2006 by Cameroon and Nigeria in a form of a Joint administration. In August 2013 Cameroon gained full control. Therefore one of the key projects within the framework of the Programme is the project titled “Special project for the support of the development of fisheries and livestock production in the Bakassi area and Lake Chad” under the Ministry of Fisheries, Livestock and Animal Industries (MINEPIA). One of the specific objectives is to preserve and ensure sustainable natural resources management. The project is in second phase and already more than $4 million US Dollar have been invested and the same amount is estimated to be invested from 2013 to 2015. The Minister of Fisheries and Livestock has officially requested that the Global Environment Fund (GEF) project be complementary and incremental to the current project following a meeting held in Yaoundé on 31st January 2013 (GEF, 2013:7).
Furthermore, with the GEF baseline activities are currently supported by partners Civil Society Organisation (CSO) is planning to take part of responsibility of the project execution. Among those CSOs, there is CHEDE, which is currently working with the Cameroon government through MINEPAT on a major investment project on smoked fish to be produced in Bakassi and marketed with the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC) and the European Union (EU). This project which is amounted to $ 1.3 million US Dollar, is supported by a consortium comprising CHEDE as promoter and other partners such as Institute of Agricultural Research and Development (IRAD) with which the NGO has a partnership convention since 2008, CIRAD of France, CHEDE France, and Racine SA (Montpellier) (GEF,2013:8). Thus with such huge partnership, one would only hope expansion in fishing activity in the Bakassi in the nearest future.
Talking of environmental partnership as one of government's projects in the Bakassi, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has as specific baseline activities focus on integrating environmental sustainability in the United Nations Development Assistance Frameworks (UNDAFs) and the UN common country programming processes and some ongoing and planned projects. These projects include; the current work of UNEP Marine Branch in collaboration with UNEP/United Nations REDD (UNREDD) on the assessment of mangroves carbon pool in Central Africa in which the Bakassi area is one of the important site. The Marine Branch will also test the water resources and environment restoration objectives in the project site. The aim is to assess and show case how good water resources management activities can contribute to marine ecosystems restoration and reversely how good environment management can impact sustainable water management. The initiative will help to draw lessons both for enriching the envisage Integrated Ecosystem Services Management Plan (IESMP) for Bakassi and the international knowledge sharing (GEF, 2013:8)
Meanwhile, the Life Web initiative supported by the Spanish Government and being implemented through Cross River Gorilla Habitat Protection in the South Western regions of Cameroon. This is the 12000 kilometre square Cross River Gorilla landscape straddles the border of Cameroon and Nigeria and encompasses an important array of biological and cultural diversity. With aim of looking into REDD as a tool to provide economic incentives for the conservation of the Cross River Gorilla habitat. A new proposal amounting $ 400,000 US Dollar is currently under discussion with Life Web Initiative to support the GEF effort in Bakassi which will promote trade-off options for women fish smokers in support of creation of Protected Mangrove Area (PMA) in Bakassi, thereby avoiding habitat destruction (GEF, 2013:8).
Equally other projects earmarked worth CFAF 2.5 billion are the construction of camps for fishermen (and providing them with fishing gear), the construction of improved facilities for commercial fish smoking, the extension of oil palm plantation and the construction of camps workers, and the tarring of the Loum-Kumba-Ekondo-Titi- Mundemba-Isangele-Akwa road (Kendemeh, 2010). Other projects include mobile telephone relay antennas, a CRTV signal relay tower and a broadcast centre (Kendemeh, 2010 cited in Ngwane, 2015:7). This construction of the PAMOL Palm project is expected to occupy a surface area of five hundred hectares of land in the Bakassi in order to be able to create about five thousand jobs (Business in Cameroon, 2016:40).
The government and partners in empowering the inhabitants of the Bakassi economically with the use of local groups like the Bakassi Women's Forum (BWF) have been encouraging the use of shared indigenous practices such as shared and convertible currency trade by barter (fish and food crop swop) shared belief system, and mutual local language intelligibility between Cameroonian and Nigerian inhabitants as connectors for peace building. All these positive intervening factors help in increasing human development capacity and increase peaceful coexistence in personal space and peace dividend in social space (Ngwane, 2015:7-8).
According to Ngwane (2015) acting as a social actor with the government in Bakassi, AFRICAphonie from November 2009- December 2010 conducted training workshops captioned “Promoting Citizens peace building capacity workshops and Town Hall meetings in Bakassi communities” sponsored by the US Institute for Peace, America (IPA). The focus of this project was to provide the civil society with a complementary voice in peacemaking and peace building thereby promoting unofficial (Track II) dialogue on contentious issues. As in all societies, there exists a wealth of indigenous knowledge, norms, skills and practices which are relevant to establishing and maintaining peaceful relationships between individuals and groups and to deal differences and disputes (Ngwane, 2015:9). AFRICAphonie again from November 2010- February 2011 brought the five Mayors in the five local councils of Bakassi to a discussion with members of the local committees in order to draft a peace and development plan for their respective municipalities. The project dubbed “Enhancing Peace building capacity project in Bakassi Peninsula was funded by British High Commission in Cameroon (Ngwane, 2015:9-10).
As part of ensuring effective and successful celebrations during festive days, like Christmas and other merry making occasions, the government through the Ministry of Commerce usually organise Promotional Sales in the Bakassi where items needed in most households for celebrations are carried tothe area for sale at affordable prices. This is done with the main objective of ensuring that everyone is happy. For example in December 2016, the Divisional Delegation for Ndian organised Promotional Sales in some localities of the Bakassi zone notably Idabato and Akwa (Kombo Abedimo) Subdivisions (Ngeme Wang Alphonse, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 10:40 GMT). With such initiatives conducted by the government, there is no doubt that the government is slowly but steadily enforcing its presence among the people in the Bakassi.
The people of Bakassi are now involved in lots of wealth creation projects. This most especially involved the Bakassi Women for Peace Task Force (BAWOPETAF) an initiative encouraged by Reach out Cameroon with the aim of building the economic capacity of the women. This initiative has gone a long way in adding to the economic strength of the women whom apart from their regular fishing activity they happen to be engaged with, these women can boost of other alternatives for livelihood (Ngwa Elvis interviewed 2nd May 2017 at 10:05 GMT). These are projects needed in the peace building process in the Bakassi which one cannot afford to minimise their importance in the road for a lasting peace in the Bakassi.
3.2 Socio-cultural development
Government socio-cultural developments in the era of Post GTA include:
Creation of Youth and Empowerment Centres. These are structures for vocational training purposes located in Bamusso and Isangele Sub-divisions. The benefit of such structures is to build the capacity of young people in the zone. With such centres, the government identifies the talent embedded in youths and see on how to encourage in their socio-economic insertion of the youths to support and sponsor their projects. For instance like the Women Empowerment and the Multipurpose Youth Empowerment Centres erected in various localities across the Peninsula helps in reintegrating various youth in arts and craftsmanship activities like tailoring, weaving, hair dressing for girls which have added to the other economic activity (fishing and farming) in the Bakassi (Elangwe Victor Sakwe, interviewed 21st April 2017 at 10:25 GMT).There is also a programme call the National Civil Agency for Participation in Development which has equipped young people in Bakassi of their responsibility, volunteerism, mobilising and encouraging youths associations where training is given to them on the domain of agriculture and livestock activity. This training of these youths takes both the theoretical and practical form in the various aspects of the youths (Elangwe Victor Sakwe interviewed 21st April 2017 at 10:25 GMT).
Institution like the PAJER-U under the supervision of the Ministry of Youth and Civic Education has also assisted in empowerment of youths, trained and fund youths programme. This funding of such initiatives vary from 300,000 CFA francs to 1,000,000 CFA francs to be reimbursed depending on the nature of activity with aim of encouraging future youths who will also want to engage in business (Elangwe Victor Sakwe, interviewed 21st April 2017 at 10:25 GMT).As part of government programme in rehabilitating and reintegrating the Bakassi youth to the national society is EMAPUR. This is a programme that covers civic education within local communities. That is the programme focuses on building the moral rectitude in creating community groups for national values. Here, clubs have been created at the level of villages, schools and quarters in some localities such as Isangele, Akwa where youths during holiday programmes are usually trained on respecting and preserving the Republican and emblems of state values (Elangwe Victor Sakwe, interviewed 21st April 2017 at 10:25 GMT)
On education, the government of Cameroon has actually being doing a remarkable job in ensuring the greater scholarisation of the people of Bakassi. This can be substantiated with numerous primary, secondary and even vocational schools constructed in the Bakassi zone as a whole. Going by statistics of schools, enrolment of pupils and staff strength provided by the Divisional Delegations of Basic and Secondary Education for Ndian. There are a total of eleven Government Primary Schools, a total of 3303 enrolment of pupils and 33 teachers in Idabato Sub-division, for Isangele there are five Nursery and Primary schools with enrolment of 1079 pupils' and16 teachers. The situation of Nursery and Primary schools in Kombo Abedimo is thus; nine schools, a total enrolment of 1124 pupils and staff strength of 10and Kombo Itindi stands as follows; six schools, 411 as pupils' enrolment and 10 teachers (Divisional Delegation of Basic Education for Ndian on 19th April, 2017)
It should be noted that base on the divisional delegation organ gram MINEDUB for Ndian the Bamusso Sub division is placed under Ekondo-Titi Sub-division that explains why statistics have not been provided for schools in Bamusso. For post primary institutions there are a total number of 35 schools made up of Grammar, technical and teachers' training colleges spread across all the sub-divisions including Bamusso that makes up the entire Bakassi zone. The tables below give a detail of Nursery/primary and secondary schools in the Bakassi peninsula:
Table 3: List of Nursery and Primary schools in the Bakassi Peninsula
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: Divisional Delegation of MINEDUB-Ndian
Table 4: various post primary schools in the Bakassi
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: Divisional Delegation MINESEC for Ndian.
In an interview conducted by AFRICAphonie in 2010 to the Chief Executive Officer (C.E.O) DAP INCORPORATED LIMITED Mr. Defang Agbor Peter said his enterprise has carried out studies and did the construction of the provisional structure (office and residence) for the Sub-divisional officers of Kombo Abedimo (Akwa) and Idabato (Idemabassi) in 2006-2007 financial years. He added that in 2008 there was a successful realisation of definite structure (office and residence) belonging to the Subdivisional officer of Kombo Abedimo and his Assistant. Finally, in 2009 also constructed a residence for the Chief Medical Officer for Isangele (Bakassi Peace Letter, 2010:3). These projects as stated by DAP CEO have contributed so much in bringing Social peace in the zone by assuring the inhabitants of Government continuous commitment in the development of the area.
In the media sector the government is leaving no stone unturned as there will be an advent of Multimedia Centre soon in Bakassi. This will further connect the people of the area to the rest of the country and the World. The project is estimated to cost 100 million CFA francs and will be financed 80 percent by United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) with Japanese fund deposits and support from the Cameroon Government. This project will take off thanks to an implementation agreement recently signed by the Cameroon Government and UNESCO this was in presence of the Japanese Ambassador to Cameroon and the Coordinator of the United Nations System for Cameroon. The construction of the Bakassi Multimedia Centre according to President Biya was a fruit of request made in 2009 to UNESCO's Director General at the time Koichiro Matsura, when the latter visited Cameroon (Bakassi Peace Letter, 2010:7).
From the Bakassi Multimedia Centre Project, the Government of Cameroon is still tasting for more from UNESCO that explains why from that period onwards, UNESCO and Cameroon government officials have been working closely together, making several field trips to establish the project feasibility, know the people's expectations, and discuss with local authorities where to locate the Centre. Being convinced with the submissions of the technical team, the General Directorate of UNESCO approved the project proposal with funding from the Japanese Government. This Centre is to comprise a community radio and a telecaster. Therefore, finding it necessary for the local community to be closely associated to the management of the project, UNESCO's Resident Representative in Cameroon planned a capacity-building workshop for the inhabitants before the inauguration of the Centre (Bakassi Peace Letter, 2010:7). This is commendable and diplomatic play from the government as it is striving in the reintegration of these locals with the globalised world.
On the domain of health giant efforts have been done so far by government and the various stakeholders involved in the building of social peace in the Bakassi. As Reach out Cameroon is concerned it has proven to be a veritable partner in the fight for proper health condition among the inhabitants of the Bakassi. With the fight against Human Immunodeficiency Virus and Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) being one of its mission, this NGO has not relented its strive when it comes to combating this health malaise for ever since it extended its activity to the Bakassi in 2008, they have been involved in the prevention of mother-to child transmission of HIV/AIDS, educating young girls on their sexual reproductive health, encouraging women to go for antenatal care so as to reduce HIV/AIDS to its minimum (Ngwa Elvis, interviewed2nd of May, 2017 at 10:05 GMT).
The government on its part has created social facilities to deal with health problems. For there exist an infirmary health unit and the Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR) nursery unit at the DELTA (CRTV, documentary 13th April 2017 at 8:05 GMT). Apart from this, there are other Health Centres at Ndo Location, Kombo Amunja, Jabane, Idabato, and Akwa and in all localities of Kombo Abedimo Sub-division. It is also of note that at Jabane, services are rendered free of charge by the BIR DELTA. There is a permanent medical doctor with three Assistant Nurses at the Jabane Infirmary Unit. With these health services made at the disposal of the people, it is rather paradoxical that most of the people rather prefer traditional medicines. In fact even pregnant women prefer giving birth through traditional ways (Ngamfon, 2013:84). The government has endeavoured to establish health centres in all localities of the Bakassi Peninsula but most of these facilities happened not to be in used by the inhabitants.
Added to these measures, Dana Petroleum Company Limited (Ltd) as part of its Corporate Social Responsibility policy has been involved in the renovation of school in order to assist the government in her endeavour in effective peace in the bakassi peninsula. This is through the renovation of the Government Primary School at Iso-obo where the company provided learning equipment to the institution worth 5 million FCFA before handing it over to the government in 2014. Still in this 2014 the Company again organised a vaccination campaign in which all the financial cost of this exercise were bare by the company (Ekangaki Tabe, interviewed on 6th November, 2017 at 12:25 GMT). All this there is hope and assurance that such corporations will always come in to offer their support to the government in building a peaceful bakassi for all to live in.
Concerning the road network, there is the creation of a road linking Bakassi to Mundemba which is the Divisional Headquarters for Ndian. Apart from construction of roads, the government too carries out road maintenance scheme mainly on suspended footpath in some localities in the Bakassi especially on maritime areas of the zone like in Kombo Itindi, Bamusso and Idabato Sub-divisions. These suspended footpaths are very vital in the movement of the inhabitants residing in maritime areas of the Bakassi since the surface is very marshy and floods so movement in certain circumstances is by canoes to go from one home to another (Morfaw William, interviewed18th April 2017 at 12:35 GMT).
The energy sector is still to make its impact felt in the Bakassi. But despite that some municipal council in the Bakassi have been able to purchase a generator to be used by some few houses. This is most peculiar with Isangele council that has been opportune of purchasing a generator for the council and that equally serves some households in the municipality. As for ongoing projects, there is construction of a dam to generate hydro-electricity at Ekombe Waterfall estimated to cost 3,000,000,000 CFA francs to generate 12 megawatts of electricity with international support (Okenye Patrick, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 14:45 GMT). There are plans to improve the energy sector of the people of Bakassi by the government. This project will involve electrical installation especially solar energy. This project will be conducted through advertising and finally launching process in order to see this project come to be realised (Morfaw William, interviewed 18th April 2017 at 12:35 GMT).
Accommodation and lodging scheme of the government has witnessed a great improvement and growth as there has been the construction of Guest Houses, residences for staff most of which the occupants are using them for free and also construction of other homes for the resettlement of Cameroonian fishermen in New Beach (Isangele). The construction of a Guest House at Iloani Balondo was aimed at reducing lodging problems; in 2014 with the assistance of PNDP, the Bamusso council was able to realise this project with the tune of CFA francs 42,500,000 million (Okenye Patrick, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 14:45 GMT). The government has really established too many residences and other housing infrastructure to be used by government workers there but unfortunately most of these structures have been allowed to lay emptied without been occupied by the beneficiaries since most of them do not live in the peninsula.
Telecommunication aspect of development has not been left out for the Bakassi Peninsula now enjoys the presence of telecommunication companies like Nexttel , Orange, MTN services; even though most of these networks are still flip flopping depending in which area one happens to find itself. There is too an antenna for CAMTEL built and completed in Isangele even though the people are yet to enjoy the services of this network since the people are not able to receive CAMTEL signals (Felicia Njweng Ndong, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 15:22 GMT). It is hope that with time these networks will fully install their services in the Bakassi to boost competition and with plans taken by the government for CRTV (radio and TV) signals to reach the Bakassi area through Mundemba and Ekondo- Titi relay stations, shows brighter days ahead for the inhabitants (Bakassi Peace Letter, 2010:7).
Table 5: list of some of the construction projects carried out by the government from 2008 to 2017 in the Bakassi peninsula
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: Divisional Delegation MINPT for Ndian
From the table above clarification on some terms need to be made for easy understanding of the table. When the term provisional Acceptance is mentioned in any project it means that the go ahead that is usually given by the project owner to the contractor of a project at the initial stage of the project for its conformity pending the final completion of the project. Technical Acceptance comes to play during final evaluation of the project to see that the said project has been completed and Final Acceptance is that guarantee period that is given when a project is finally completed and is under used for a period after which if there happens there are no technical faults on the completed project the last financial allocation for the project will be disbursed to the contractor of the said project (Esale Amos, interviewed 20th April 2017 at 09:34 GMT).
3.3. Administrative/Political/Security Developments
Revisiting the lapses involved in its policies in the past toward Bakassi, the Government of Cameroon has therefore adopted appropriate measures in righting the lapses encountered in the administrative/ public security of the Bakassi peninsula. These measures are:
Unlike in the past when there was no clear-cut of government's administrative layout in the whole Bakassi, that has changed since the dawn of this century, the government has been doing everything in extending its civil administration in the Bakassi. The administrative map of the Bakassi has been improved upon by creating five new autonomous Sub divisions from what existed in the past when the entire Bakassi was administered as part of Mundemba Sub division which made the presence of Cameroon's civil administration not to be felt by the inhabitants since it was very cumbersome in administering the Bakassi peninsula as one sub administrative unit. There are now five administrative units which are Bamusso, Idabato, Isangele, Kombo Abedimo (popularly called “the Green Tree Municipality”) and Kombo Itindi all have their various Divisional Officers as their civil administrative heads and Mayors representing their communal areas. With all these authorities now living with the people there, administration will flow smoothly and the inhabitants will come to feel government's presence in their lives (William Elangwe Itoe, interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT).
Also after the preliminary transfer of the Bakassi to the Government of Cameroon by the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Government of Cameroon in taking full responsibility of the area in 2007 created the Technical and Coordination of the Follow-up Committee of Priority Projects in the Bakassi. This Committee is under the supervision of the Prime Minister's Office headed by Madame Ndoh Bertha Special Adviser to the Prime Minister's Office. The main role of this body is to conduct; feasibility studies in the zone for the earmarking of any project to be executed, a strict follow-up for the full implementation of all projects to be executed in the Bakassi area (William Elangwe Itoe interviewed 18th April 2017 at 15:10 GMT). In fact since its inception, this Body has ensured the execution of most projects on behalf of the government on different priority projects with the sum of over 30,000,000,000 CFA francs used in carrying out development projects in the Bakassi Peninsula. If in 2015, it were announced that over FCFA 30 billion had been invested in the area since 2008, more investments worth over FCFA 722 million have since been added in 2016. While chairing the 19th Session of the Coordination and Follow-up Committee for the Implementation of Priority Projects in the Bakassi Zone, in August 18, 2016, the committee's Chairperson and Special Adviser to the Prime Minister, Bertha Ndoh Bakata, declared that much indeed had been accomplished through the yearly Public Investment Budget and the FCFA 5.6 Billion for Special Mini Development Programme (Cameroon-Tribune.cm Friday19thAugust, 2016 accessed date 23rd August 2016 at10:30 GMT).
According to a survey report presented by Changing Mentalities and Empowering Group (CHAMEG) just like in any other locality in Cameroon where government tries in encouraging full and active participation in the political and administrative life of the country by all Cameroonians, the people of Bakassi through such drive by the government have begun to find their place too in participating in the political and administrative life of the country. Thus writing their story in the country's political and administrative life. Going by this Report out of the 05 Bakassi councils, 2 of the Mayors are women giving a percentage of 40%. It will also be of great interest to note that female representation at the local level of decision making is the highest in the Bakassi community despite some disadvantages in this area. It should be added that the Bakassi community also has 01 female Senator, in the person of Madame Ankie Affiong Rebecca Amah, a Deputy female Senator, Mama Mambe, and a female Parliamentarian; Honourable Mary Muyali Boya Meboka (CHAMEG Report, 2014: 10-11). Seeing women in full political and administrative role from the Bakassi is highly commendable as a giant strive toward sustainable peace in the Bakassi. This is how the situation looks like on figures:
Table 6: percentage of female councillors with their male counterparts in the Bakassi
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: CHAMEG-Buea Cameroon 2014
The table above simple paints the political and administrative life of the inhabitants of Bakassi. The figures tell the story all; the five municipal councils that make up the Bakassi all have the required number of councillors a council of such category is expected to have. On the gender end it shows that both men and women are fully involved in local government administration. This is a positive sign for brighter days for the inhabitants there.
Another political/administrative measure the state is now using in reinforcing it effective presence in the Bakassi is through its military presence in the area. The presence of the BIR Force in the area has come to assure the people of government's responsibility of guaranteeing them and their property appropriate security. The construction of a BIR Camp in Akwa in Kombo Abedimo Sub division, at Iso-obo, Rio Del Rey and another at the DELTA in Jabane, Maritime Gendarmes, Brigade & Compagnie headed by Company Commander only goes a long way in effecting government's security presence. This military in the Bakassi has a huge and enormous task to render to the people at all times. In fact this military is trained on building effective and cordial relationship with the civilian population there and that explains why these military officers most at times render free medical services and security guarantee to both people visiting the area and those living there. With this presence of the military it has gone a long way in eradicating some problems of insecurity usually faced by the people caused by pirates (William Elangwe Itoe interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT). What can one hope for in a relationship between the military and the people? The end result will be ensuring continuity in sustainable peace.
Meanwhile, in another development, on security matters regarded as very essential to the population of Bakassi located in the Gulf of Guinea and Lake Chad zone with high security worries, the government of Cameroon on June 25th 2013 hosted a Security Summit in Yaoundé with the other member states of the Gulf of Guinea. The purpose of this Meeting was to chat ways forward in instituting appropriate security techniques along the Gulf of Guinea and fighting Piracy and Maritime insecurity perpetuated by pirates on the high sea and thus hampering trade among the member states (CRTV radio News 15:00 GMT on the 25th June 2013).
The government has decentralised most government ministries to the area most especially those regarded as being of utmost necessity to the lives of the people of Bakassi. The government to ease administration with the people has created Sub divisional delegations of the Ministries of; Fisheries, Livestock and Animal Industries, Forestry and Wildlife, Social Affairs, Women Empowerment and the Family, Youth and Civil Education, Sports and Physical Education and that of Agriculture and Rural Development all involved in working in the Bakassi for their respective competent ministries and attending to daily worries of the people in the zone (Felicia Njweng Ndong, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 15:15 GMT). Bringing these services closer to the people, is bringing development to these areas as people now move to the zone for work and other purposes especially trade as a result of high influx of people creating boom in the social and economic lives of the peninsula.
Throughout this chapter the objective has been to investigate the various measures implemented by the Republic of Cameroon in ensuring effective control of the Bakassi Peninsula since haven gained full sovereignty over the zone according to the ICJ verdict in 2002 and the GTA of 2006 which has enabled smooth execution of the Court's decision. In the course of the analyses, it is clear that since 2008 till 2017 the government has been leaving no stone unturned in her efforts to see that the peninsula gets full attention in developmental strives. It has been realised that with the setting up of the Technical Committee for the Follow-up of Priority Projects in the Bakassi created in 2007 under the full supervision of the Prime Minister's Office, the government has been able to execute enormous projects in the area from economic, administrative reorganisation and the social aspects, the government has set in the provision of basic social amenities which were previously lacking in the area. This has been possible with the support of local, national and international partners; local and traditional authorities of the Bakassi, NGO's, Dana Petroleum Company Limited, PNDP, African Development Bank and the World Bank as well. With their various supports, Cameroon has been able to realise both mini-programmes and macro projects in the area.
CHAPTER FOUR INTEGRATION OF NIGERIAN RESIDENTS IN THE BAKASSI PENINSULA
4.0. Introduction
After the examination of government projects aimed at reintegrating Cameroonians in the Bakassi with the entire country in the previous chapter; this chapter has as objective to investigate the special measures used by the government of Cameroon in winning the hearts of most Nigerian nationals who are still resident in the Bakassi Peninsula. These strategies shall be our focus of attention in this chapter of the study and possible challenges encounter by development actors in executing the task in the peninsula.
4.1. Special Schemes used in reaching out to Nigerians in the Bakassi
First it is of essence to note that the administration which Cameroon set up on the peninsula is at the beck and call of the population. They are readily available whenever need arises from the local residents. According to Ngamfon (2013) in analysing the views of Colonel Lombat, Commander of the BIR DELTA forces, explained that a case was brought at the Gendarmerie that concerned a Cameroonian and a Nigerian, they treated it with utmost cautiousness. They even went as far as favouring the Nigerian because they were aware the eyes of the international community are on them. There is general consensus that with the coming of BIR to the area, the threat to insecurit y has drastically dropped. Cultic groups that existed in the areas such as the Black Axe, the Red Caps and the Yellow Caps as well as the Bakassi Self Determination Forces and the Niger Delta Liberation Fighters that came in from Nigeria, have been virtually repelled (Ngamfon, 2013:76).
Again, in reaching out to the Nigerians resident in the Bakassi in the post GTA era, the government of Cameroon has gone to an extent in its service delivery to not only Cameroonians but Nigerians there too. For instance in the Cameroon Military in the Bakassi has gone out of the traditional political stabilisation missions to support civilian action for peace; it is in this light that the BIR, supported without wavering the efforts of Reach Out Cameroon (REO-CAMEROON) in the course of the mobilisation process carried out in the Bakassi by not only providing means of transportation but had a good number of men accompany the REO team to protect villages and back. Outstanding amidst the contributions is that of Colonel Lombat Hilaire and his Team of dynamic collaborators (Reach out Cameroon, 2014:8). Such form of unwavering and total support from the government of Cameroon shows the state is ready to reach out to everybody in the Bakassi including Nigerian nationals this is by supporting all activities conducted by peace builders in the area.
Another scheme used in drawing Nigerian residents in the Bakassi towards the government is by exoneration of taxes to all Nigerians for a particular timeframe during the transitional period. In the course of the period the government of Cameroon decided that all economic activities carried out by Nigerians should be taxed free. That means Nigerians resident in the zone were still going about carrying out their activities smoothly without being asked for the payment of taxes for the revenue they were generating from their activities (William Elangwe Itoe, interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT). This only goes in demonstrating to these Nigerian nationals in the peninsula that they have nothing to be afraid of by accepting to be Cameroonians; this is contrary to the harassments perpetuated on Nigerians by Cameroonian Gendarmes and revenue collectors in the past. But rather is this same military that is involved in safeguarding the lives of Nigerians.
In another development, the state of Cameroon has been engaged in giving out of grants to fishermen to facilitate their activities. This has been in assisting the fishermen to always keep up to date of their fishing instrument. With such grants these fishermen are able to purchase fishing equipments like buying of fishing boat, nets and other instruments usually used by these fishermen. This gesture has gone a long way in boosting the fishing activity carried out mostly by Nigerians in the Bakassi. The fishermen now are seeing all actions taken by Cameroon in ensuring that all Nigerian nationals in the Bakassi live just like any other Cameroonian also living in the peninsula. Through these strategies, the government is in the road of winning the hearts of most Nigerian nationals who are resident in the area especially as they had previously staged resistance of the GTA transferring the area under full Cameroonian sovereignty (William Elangwe Itoe, interviewed18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT).
Furthermore, in the course of the transitional period, there were no laws that were set in the Bakassi. That is to say the government of Cameroon did not immediately start to implement Cameroonian laws in the area for it rather provided an opportunity for the Nigerian nationals in the peninsula to rather choose in which country they would like to be. This act has simply showed to the Nigerians that Cameroon was ready to be patient with them as they thought on which country they wanted to be as citizens. According to Ngwane (2015) the population of Bakassi is very large about 90 percent are Nigerians but only an insignificant figure of 2940 representing a negligible 1 percent. In fact even these numbers that accepted to return home (Nigeria) were still treated with laws bound by international standards.
Meanwhile, the government has reached out to the Nigerians resident in the zone by creating a people friendly relationship. That is making social services at the convenient of every Nigerian living in the Bakassi. The government of Cameroon has been urging all Nigerians in the peninsula of the necessity of living in a peaceful co-existence atmosphere. For all what the government was involved in doing is purposely for the general interests of all no matter the nationality. Cameroon therefore have been sensitising the Nigerians understand that the government has been doing all to ensure that Nigerians are saved and feel secure as far as living in the area is concerned. This has been through constant patrol by the BIR and the setting up of vigilante groups to guard the people from any form of disorder to be caused (Humbu Marcus Elim, interviewed19th April, 2017 at 11:18 GMT).
Still, the government has been very soft toward the currency to be used for economic transaction for the government still allow the use of two different currencies in the peninsula. There is the Nigerian Naira and the CFA Franc in the area. With this Nigerians are able to sell their goods even to fellow comrades who come from Nigeria to buy in the Bakassi. The currency that still dominates in economic endeavour in the zone is the Naira as compared to the Cameroonian currency used in most of the various localities of the Bakassi, with the exception of the Isangele sub division where the CFA Franc is dominant. All this measure is because the government does not want to impose the CFA Franc as the sole legal tender in the Bakassi with the aim of not alienating most of the Nigerians who make up a greater majority in the Bakassi population and also not to be accused by the Nigerian government of promoting bad faith in the peninsula and being discriminatory in her administrative approach in the zone (Felicia Njweng Ndong, interviewed 13th April 2017 at 15:15 GMT).
Equally, there has been the setting up of inter-cultural relationship for cohabitation and competition between Cameroonians and Nigerians. This idea is to promote a harmonious living between Cameroonians and Nigerians in the Bakassi. During such festivals, cultures from both countries are always displayed with the administration being actively involved. This way of showing solidarity among Nigerians usually makes them feel at home even though they are far away from home. Whenever such events are celebrated, there is only one thing that reins which is the spirit of love and togetherness and sharing of their problems involved in the day-to-day execution of their activities. With this, culture and other traditional norms Nigerians thought of losing would be safeguarded (Elangwe Victor Sakwe, interviewed 21st April, 2017 at 10:25 GMT).For instance the first-ever Fish Festival chaired by the Cameroon Minister of Livestock, Fisheries and Animal Industries held in Bamusso in April 2010 brought together local and foreign fishermen, traditional rulers and administrative and municipal authorities (Efande, 2010). This occasion is seen as promoting fishing in the Bakassi and as encouraging peaceful co-existence between natives and foreigners (Baye, 2010:31).
Provisions of special scholarship scheme to most Nigerian youths in order to encourage them go to school. This is a yearly routine perform by the government of Cameroon through the coordination of municipal councils of the Bakassi peninsula. This is a yearly exercise aimed at motivating the people of Bakassi to send their children to school and especially to schools in Cameroon thereby sparing them of the hurdles of having to go for long distances in order to receive their education from Nigeria. This will have a great effect of helping to transform the mindset most of these Nigerian residents have on the Cameroon government and enable them to be integrated into the Cameroonian society (Etonde Yvette, interviewed 12th April, 2017 at 11:55 GMT).
The government is also reaching out to the Nigerian residents in the peninsula through the creation of employment opportunities during the holiday periods. These are usually jobs provided for temporal basis as most of the young people during such times have the opportunity in keeping themselves busy. They are most often absorbed through council's holiday job recruitment and also in most of the empowerment centres in the Bakassi were these young people have the opportunity of learning other works of art apart from their routine fishing and farming activities. The little finances earned in these endeavours have always helped them in the provision of some of their basic and school needs (Etonde Yvette, interviewed12th April, 2017 at 11:55 GMT). Such gestures have really gone a long way in building that mutual trust between the government and Nigerian nationals' resident in the Bakassi.
The government has been engaged in the resettlement of most Nigerian nationals who have been affected by the transfer of Bakassi to Cameroon. To the likes of the Nigerian government and the international community, the government of Cameroon has since after the full transfer of sovereignty to Cameroon has embarked on extra measures in ensuring most of the Nigerian nationals who have decided to maintain Nigerian nationality by constructing new settlements to accommodate them. These settlement sites have been erected in localities like in New Beach in Isangele Subdivision. These resettlement schemes have actually built a good relationship between these nationals and the Cameroon government. This is a laudable achievement from the government of Cameroon in recognition for her compliance with the existing international humanitarian law (Humbu Marcus Elim, interviewed19th April, 2017 at 11:18 GMT). In fact going by the writings of Ingiabuna in his article “Migration and Resettlement Challenges of Bakassi Returnees in Yenagoa (2017)” where he maintained that since 2006 when the last batches of the returnees were relocated to the temporary camp along Azikoro road, in Yenagoa, the camp has become a permanent site because the Federal government is yet to fulfil the promises of resettling the returnees to their communities of origin (Ingiabuna, 2017:213). Therefore, one will not be wrong to conclude that Cameroon is doing all to ensure these Nigerian nationals finally come to accept the present reality of the peninsula.
There has been cultural tolerance from the Cameroon government toward the Nigerian and other foreign residents in the peninsula. In the Bakassi several cultures are on display with the most dominant being the Ekpe culture from the Atabong and Calabar tribes whom are even said to be in possession of a shrine in the Bakassi. There is high rate of cultural manifestations in the Bakassi with the example of the famous masquerades similar to that of the Efik of Calabar and with others from Nnabo, Agaba, Tinkoriko, Edem Obing, Ekpe, Ekiri Akata and the Offiong Anyang (Agba, 2010:52 cited in Ngamfon, 2013:82). These culture displays go with a lot of support and sponsorship from the government of Cameroon which have always enabled them in celebrating their cultural festivals. Even during national day's celebration in Cameroon like the Youth Day and 20th May celebrations in the Bakassi, most of these Nigerian nationals are usually integrated with their Cameroonian counterparts to join in the celebrations. In fact in 2010 during the 50th anniversary of Nigeria's independence, provisions were made by the local administrative authorities to see into it that Nigerians in the Bakassi had a wonderful celebration as well through arrangement with the Nigerian Consulate General for the North West and South West Regions (AFRICAphonie interview with Dr. Kenneth Nsor, Nigerian Consul-General, 2010:34). With all this, Nigerians in the Bakassi have been able to feel more at home even though not at home.
With the elucidation of various schemes established by the government of Cameroon aimed wooing the hearts of most Nigerian nationals still resident in the Bakassi, the following section of this chapter shall dwell on challenges involved with peace building process in the Bakassi peninsula.
4.2 Challenges Involved with Peace building process in the Bakassi
In the process of carrying peace building exercises in a former conflict zone, there are usually enormous challenges that actors involved in such a task encounter. These challenges may come from the internal or external setting. The Bakassi peninsula of Cameroon has not been spelled out from that too. The process of ensuring peace building exercise in the Bakassi has lots of challenges which have acted adversely in the full reintegration of the zone to the entire country. These challenges are discussed below:
The first major hindrance involved in peace building task in the Bakassi peninsula has to do with security problems. The security issues that usually characterised the peninsula before, during and after the implementation of the GTA have not really changed much. With the replacement of the DELTA Force with the Cameroonian BIR there are lots of security concerns that need to be addressed. The frequent pirates' activities that involved killing, and abduction of people for huge financial ransom has posed as a great development risk to the area as people still live in fear and those wishing to travel to the zone too have been very reluctant to embarked in such adventure trip. This has been a very big worry not only to the inhabitants of the Bakassi and the Cameroon government but also to members of the Gulf of Guinea Maritime zone whom have engaged in most of the time making security expenses in safeguarding the entire zone (William Elangwe Itoe, interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT).
The next problem is that of people-development oriented of the area. Most of the people in the- zone about 98.5 percent are still Nigerians. The reason is that there are no jobs available in the area apart from fishing that can attract most Cameroonians to the area. That means going by international rules and judgement, the ownership of the peninsula in Cameroon but population wise Bakassi is controlled by Nigeria. Therefore, Cameroon is developing and providing facilities that are enjoyed by other nationals of another country (William Elangwe Itoe interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT).
Another major problem with peace building in the area is the government way of executing projects in the area. There is no doubt that the government of Cameroon is spending huge capital in developing the area but at what expense? Most at times with it high level of centralisation policies, the projects erected in the zone are usually debated and finalised all in Yaoundé without conducting feasibility studies and sampling of the opinions of the inhabitants through their local administrative authorities who lived with the people and face the daily realities of the area. It is noted that most of the projects executed by the Bakassi Follow-up Committee are usually imposed on the locals without taking into consideration what the people really need. This explains why most of the projects executed in the area are not being put into use by the inhabitants since most at times these projects do not match the needs of the people (Musongo Culvert, interviewed 12th April, 2017 at 10:06 GMT).
There is the lack of confidence and mutual trust from Nigerian nationals in the Bakassi toward Cameroonian authorities. There is still the lack of trust exhibited by Nigerian residents to Cameroonians and their authorities in their day-to-day interaction. This aspect of no confidence has been demonstrated in various ways; since Nigerians happen to be those involved in commercial activities in the area, most at times turn to discriminate when it comes to selling of their goods to Cameroonians as compared to their fellow nationals. For instance they may deny selling their goods to Cameroonians especially when that same good is needed by their own national too or if it happens that they even accept selling the goods to Cameroonians, they turn to charge higher prices than the normal price. Again lack of trust has been experienced where most of them make lots of negative comments to project executors in the area by stating for example that “in Nigeria this is how this or that thing is done”. Thus down playing on efforts put to develop the area infrastructural wise (Kaffo Jean Faustin, interviewed 17th April, 2017 at 09:55 GMT). These are challenges for they act negatively on the psychological and physical efforts of actors engaged in peace building.
Most projects that have been carried out so far in the peninsula lack sustainability. The reason for this is that most of the projects are constructed under deplorable conditions and lack of proper technocrats when such projects are put in place. This problem is as a result of poor bidding and awarding of contracts which encouraged contractors with low technical-know in executing the projects. The end result of all this is some of these projects collapse after completion just within a short time when they have just been put to use. Some of these projects that have faced this fate were the fish market and a tunnel all found in Kombo Itindi that collapsed just after completion. Without proper edifices in the area, the government will merely be described as government good at carrying only “white elephant” projects (Ngeme Wang Alphonse interviewed 13th April, 2017 at 10:40 GMT).
Furthermore, the accessibility to the zone is very poor. This is one of the greatest challenges face by the inhabitants and other Cameroonians wishing to travel to the Bakassi. The road network to the peninsula is very deplorable. The only parts of the area that manage of a motorised road are the mainland area of the zone like Isangele, and Kombo Abedimo (Akwa) the rest is in the maritime zone. Even the motorised roads are very seasonal. It seems the government has not known the importance of the zone. With the poor nature of roads leading to the Bakassi, very little developmental process are accrue to the area for there is always difficulty when it comes to transfer of building materials to the various construction sites in the area. This difficulty has usually contributed to the delay of public projects in the area or at times projects are not implemented in some localities. The hurdles involved in transporting building materials on the high sea to the maritime areas of the peninsula can speak volume. So, inasmuch as the accessibility to the Bakassi is not improved, no level of project execution will attract people to the area (Morfaw William, interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 12:35 GMT).
In another development, the absence of some very important utilities likes electrification, pipe-borne water, telecommunication networks, and other basic facilities. Since 2006, when Cameroon regained full control of the area, the Bakassi peninsula though has witnessed some improvement in its outlook, the peninsula has greatly lagged behind when it comes to provision of basic social amenities which has been a factor that has not encouraged most workers to live in the area even with the “Bakassi Allowance scheme” given by the government to motivate workers who happen to work and live in Bakassi. Government though happen to have provided some modern residences for its staff, most of these staff live out of the zone especially in Mundemba and Ekondo-Titi where these civil servants reside. That means government put structures whose purposes are not maximised. The reason has to do with inadequate social facilities in the Bakassi necessary for their day-to-day livelihoods (William Elangwe Itoe interviewed 18th April, 2017 at 15:10 GMT).
Meanwhile, the development of Bakassi faces serious natural challenge of the hazard of approaching sea that is marked by over flooding that claimed some residents of the people. The poor environmental terrain of the area has not precipitated high development being foreseen by development actors. The high marshy surface of the Bakassi peninsula has impeded development strides earmarked to take place. With the terrain of the area being marshy, government has to incur extra cost in some projects since the sites of these projects need to be reclaimed before any structure is established. At times when these projects have been put in place, high water tides from the water wave cause the destruction of projects (William Elangwe Itoe, interviewed 18th April 2017 at 15:10 GMT). For instance in August 2016 few weeks before the resumption of the 2016/2017 school year, the building of Government Secondary School Idabato II was destroyed following high water wave that hit the structure causing its complete collapse (CRTV Hello! Cameroon 6th September 2016 at 8:00 GMT).
The government of Cameroon is still not considering NGOs as veritable partners in the process of sustainable peace in the Bakassi. Reports from most NGOs contacted as far as the research is concerned shows that there happen to be very little or no financial support from the government to these development partners. Most often the best of support government authorities either local or at national level have accorded to these partners is usually only in the form of administrative permit usually given to them as authorisation to go to the Bakassi to conduct their activities. However, the government may go an extra mile by providing the BIR Team for security assistance. These NGOs ironically are those who are mostly involved with the daily realities of the people for they happen to be present in building capacity and empowerment schemes to the inhabitants through the use of numerous Town Hall meetings (Ngwane George, interviewed 4th May, 2017 at 11:40 GMT). Lack of financial support from the government to these Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) has therefore hindered their efforts in one way or another.
Also, there is constant resistance from most Nigerians in the area who usually refuse to pay taxes which attracted harassment from Cameroonian security forces for them to pay their taxes. This has always prompted a call from their home government (Nigeria) for intervention on allegations of tax harassment from Cameroonian Gendarmes and custom officers. This is an act that is detested by most Nigerians in the area who at times have to side with pirates or giving them information on activities on the ground. This has made the military in the area not to know who to trust and who not trust. This simply means despite all special measures adopted by Cameroon toward Nigerians, these Nigerians have in some way acting adversely on government efforts in ensuring effective peace building in the Bakassi.
In another development, high mismanagement and embezzlement of funds intended for the execution of priority projects by those charged with carrying out such has made the bakassi peninsula will hardly see the type of development expected in the nearest future.This ills usually come during, the execution of projects in which most of the funds are siphoned from the project contractors by their project owners since such projects are usually awarded to the lowest bidder not minding their technical capability and under back door conditions. Thus with the end result being that such projects will never see the light of day or even when the projects are completed, they are not properly executed and the end result will be that such projects will not last long with a good example being the dyke that was built and later collapsed in Idabato (Ngwa Elvis, interviewed, 2nd of May, 2017 at 10:05 GMT).Hence, “old habits die hard”.
Equally, another great challenge involved in ensuring effective peace and developmental sustainability is that the bakassi peninsula economy is yet to be fully integrated with the rest of the country's economy and therefore the operations in the peninsula are still done with Nigeria. The reason for this is simple the bakassi peninsula is still highly inhabited by Nigerians and the government of Cameroon has still not been able to provide better avenues that actually motivate Cameroonians to go and make a living there. With Cameroonians mentality in living in comfortable areas, if greater measures are not taken in developing the peninsula, then Cameroon will be forever a landlord in the bakassi peninsula (Ekangaki Tabe, interviewed on 6th November, 2017 at 12:25 GMT).
There is still very low level of social cohesion existing between the local inhabitants and the military. This aspect can be accounted for by several factors; military intervention in the traditional laws of the people. For instance in some areas in the peninsula where the administrative authority cannot go, the military just intervene in the chieftaincy issue and appoint any person of their choice usually done by their Company Commander (Ekangaki Tabe, interviewed on 6th November, 2017 at 12:25 GMT). More therefore needs to be done in avoiding sour experiencesthe inhabitants have gone through in the hands of the military in the past and in order to ensure lasting peace especially as the two live together. Borrowing from Kah (2014) he says after the 2002 ICJ ruling, there was growing unease among residents of the bakassi peninsula, who continued accusing the Cameroonian military officials, especially gendarmes posted to work in the peninsula, of maltreating them. The many reports from these residents to their local authorities in the Cross River State brought the Nigerian military close to the bakassi even after the official withdrawal in 2008 (Kah, 2014:8). This has only proven that Cameroon military has not yet master the policy of co-habitation therefore social cohesion still very low.
Furthermore, to back the above statement from Ekangaki and Kah of military attitude in the bakassi, Tarlebbea & Baroni, 2010:206) portray that as early as 2005, the military started exhibiting unprofessional acts bringing clashes between Cameroon and Nigeria over the bakassi peninsula. This time though from the other side as Nigerian troops fired rocket-propelled grenade at Cameroon security posts, killing one Cameroonian soldier on June 21st 2005 (Tarlebbea & Baroni, 2010:206 cited in Kah, 2014: 14). The only reason for this attack was as a result of irresponsible behaviour from the military of having weapons and not using them was like idling in the peninsula, and the only way to use the stockpile of weapons was to foment problems and then justify their use against Cameroon military targets. This might be an attempt to jeopardise the peaceful process of the transfer of the bakassi peninsula to Cameroon, which had been agreed by the two leaders to begin in 2006 and end in June 2008 (Kah, 2014:14).
Equally, despite of the positive signs of a peaceful transfer of authority to Cameroon over the bakassi peninsula to Cameroon, an incident on November 12th 2007, threatened the success of this process. Unidentified gunmen launched a string of attacks against Cameroonian troops in parts of the territory already ceded to Cameroon. In their first assault using speed boats, twenty-one Cameroonian soldiers lost their lives at Ikang and the assailants got away with some military equipment and ammunition and many others taken place then with kidnapping and killing of even civilians (Mbachu, 2008; Atim, 2011:55 cited in Kah, 2014:15). My question then is; is a reality of all these happenings of demonstrating frustration and agony from Nigerians for the lost of the bakassi peninsula or is a particular group of persons not even from Nigeria who are out of portraying bakassi as a natural conflict zone for their own benefit?
Access to the bakassi peninsula is still very difficult; this time not only because of access road but the fact that any person or group of persons who want to travel to bakassi must obtain a military clearance before getting access to the area. All this only makes one wonder if the bakassi peninsula is still a conflict zone that people even development actors of Cameroonian nationality must always obtain clearance before travelling to a part of a country they reside in. This usually discourages actors from going there or even persons who might want to travel there for other experiences because of the cumbersome procedures involved in obtaining such clearance (Ekangaki Tabe, interviewed on 6th November, 2017 at 12:25 GMT).These measures have rather been acting adversely on peace building in the bakassi peninsula for peace does not only mean providing physical development projects but too capacity building and mental mindset of the people which is an aspect most non-state actor are mostly oriented.
One major challenge that has resurfaced of recent is the incursions of Islamic sect Boko Haram into the Far North region of Cameroon. The activities of Boko Haram have greatly acted negatively on the whole developmental process and that of the Bakassi peninsula which has merely come out of conflict just a few years now. The insecurity posed by this group has come to divert lots of the country's resources which have been used for economic and social lives of the country completely to the purchase and equipping of the military. This has diverted government attention away from the Bakassi peninsula to the Far North and even the East region country where as a result of the civil war in Central African Republic (CAR), huge number of people have been displaced thus finding refuge in Cameroon leading to high humanitarian responsibility to cater for these displaced persons. All this in one way or another has come to limit the resources the government now puts in developing the Bakassi peninsula (William Elangwe Itoe interviewed 18th April, 2017, at 15:10 GMT).
Apart from the advent of Boko Haram, the upsurge of the Anglophone Crisis may be described as adding more salt to the injuries. The recent strike plaguing the English speaking regions of the country will have its own damage too on diverting government's attention from the Bakassi peninsula in dealing with maintaining social stability in the upheavals which have caused the government some huge budget in financing its military in mainland Cameroon. The impact of these recent developments to sustainable peace in the peninsula is of two fold; firstly, it will act as revitalising platform for the Bakassi Movement for Self-Determination to come back to limelight as the government's security machinery are now focused on maintaining security in the mainland to the neglect of the peninsula and secondly, teachers on strike, and school boycott would rather pushed back the residents in bakassi peninsula to send their children to schools in Nigeria meaning schools erected in the peninsula will dilapidate in the foreseeable future. Thus hampering the agenda of providing Cameroonian system of education in the Bakassi peninsula.
So far the focus of this chapter has been directed toward examining the special schemes Cameroon has implemented in ensuring that the majority of the Nigerian nationals resident in the Bakassi get used to the new situation in the Bakassi. In the course of this chapter it has been discovered that the government of Cameroon alongside her development partners have adopted special schemes aimed at gaining the hearts of most Nigerian residents. In the later part of the chapter the study has analysed some challenges encountered by the government and other actors in building sustainable and lasting peace in the Bakassi. It has been noted that these challenges are from within and without of the Bakassi which have impeded some projects earmarked for development. Despite, these challenges enumerated above it is hoped that if the government solves the challenges from its policy, the other challenges too would be tackled.
CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0. Introduction
Here, the focal point of this chapter has been divided into three parts; the first aspect shall laying out of the summary of the research, drawing the cutting-lines from all that have been investigated so far and recommendations for policy makers and for future research exercises to be conducted.
5.1 Summary of Research Findings
This study has had as target to investigate what Cameroon has been doing after winning the peace over the Bakassi against Nigeria. The study has set to examine Cameroon post conflict policies in the Bakassi in order to ensure sustainable peace in time to come. This study has been guided by three research hypotheses; among which these have provided the study with the following analyses:
In the first hypothesis which interest has been elucidating the lapses that existed in Cameroon's state policy, which caused its ineffective presence in the area. In the course of the investigation it was discovered that economic, political/administrative policies of Cameroon caused government neglect of the zone and therefore could not detect the economic and strategic importance of the area. The study finds out that Cameroon economic policy had numerous lapses that led to its neglect from Cameroon. Such policy lapses were noted in failure of making the CFA Franc currency with that of the Nigerian Naira taking into consideration that the population was mainly Nigeria therefore the government attempt at imposing the CFA franc through the collection of taxes failed.
Administratively Cameroon was near absence in the years before the outbreak of the dispute due to it over centralisation policy and the inability of the government to open up new decentralised administrative units in the Bakassi peninsula. This made the people there felt they were under the Nigerian administration. The only administrative duty exercised by the government then was sending tax collectors and customs officers who usually went there for occasional periods and collected taxes that were it. With the absence of a civil administrator in the field, the inhabitants felt neglected.
On security Cameroon had virtually neglected to perform her security responsibility which encouraged the flow of pirates and other cultic groups into the area. Even with presence of the DELTA Force in past, security was still of great concern needed by the inhabitants.
Socially, the study reveals that before the dispute leading to the settlement, Cameroon had not thought of erecting any health centre and educational institution to cater for the social needs of the inhabitants. The only educational structure in existence was the Abana and Efiat mission school created by the catholic mission from Nigeria and most of the inhabitants here relied on Nigeria for almost all their basic necessities in life. Finally going by hypothesis one, the government institutional policies were not favourable in supporting the growth of CSOs as partners for real development. For the government will in most cases provide economic and civic rights to a people but these CSOs are there to ensure capacity building and empowerment of the mindset of the inhabitants especially on community living all this, the people did not have since the government was not encouraging NGOs as veritable partners for administration.
Hypothesis two of this study which is examining the measures taken by the Cameroon government in reinforcing its presence in the Bakassi. According to the terms of the GTA Cameroon was to fully and without delay carry out infrastructural development of the peninsula in all its forms. Based on these terms of agreement Cameroon wasted no time in resuming to these duties; where in 2007the government took a giant step to this with the creation of Technical and Follow-up Committee of Priority Projects in the Bakassi which is a body placed under the supervision of the Prime Minister's involved in debating and executing developmental projects in the Bakassi. The study has discovered that from the time the committee was set up till now, the government has spent over thirty billion FCFA in priority projects that range from institutional structures, economic development and socio-cultural developments; like the creation of schools, health centres, building of roads either by constructing suspending footpaths or motorised roads in mainland areas of the zone, building of residences for Cameroonian civil servants and building of multipurpose empowerment centres for training of people and detecting of talents.
Hypothesis three sets to present special schemes adopted by Cameroon in bringing a better and friendly relationship between her and the many Nigerian nationals resident in the Bakassi. The study has shown that Cameroon adopted numerous schemes aimed at accommodating most of the Nigerian nationals into the Cameroonian society. Since gaining full control of the area from 2006, Cameroon fully aware of the stakes and challenges involved in peace building endeavours, the government from 2006 to 2013 when the special transitional period was in place, set no Cameroonian laws in the area, provided tax exoneration to all Nigerian foreigners in the area, equally provided them with assistance to boost their economic activity of the people by providing them with fishing equipments like refrigerators, canoes through grants given to them by the government. Despite all the measures taken by Cameroon to build a brighter future for Bakassi and for the betterment of all, this ambition has been watered down because of numerous challenges face both internal and the external environment. Most of these challenges as stated have been internally accrue such as mismanagement and siphoning of most funds geared for the execution of projects in the area, poor feasibility studies carried out before projects are erected and inadequate cooperation and collaboration from all the actors involved in the development process in the Bakassi, resistance from most Nigerian nationals toward Cameroonian authorities and poor transportation system. The study has equally identified security challenges from pirates' activities on the Bakassi and the recent Boko Haram incursion into Cameroon that has somehow diverted a lot of attention of resources to the Far North which has impacted negatively on the drive toward building effective peace in the Bakassi.
5.2. Conclusion
Throughout the investigation the study has so far revealed that before being at the level Cameroon and Nigeria have come to with the Bakassi peninsula dispute both nations and the international community have had to sacrifice a lot. From the 1980's when the crisis started surfacing to the 1990's when the crisis drew lots of international attention and Cameroon subsequently laying a legal suit against Nigeria before the ICJ, in 1994, to 2002 when a legal solution was settled between the two, it is quite clear that something must have led to the other. That is the inadequacies involved in Cameroon policy toward the Bakassi in the past led to high influx of Nigerians into the peninsula and with the discovery of the economic potentials of the area it now became a hot spot for contestation between Cameroon and Nigeria since both needed this area in order to make use with the resources.
The study has also demonstrated that ICJ verdict in 2002 over the peninsula was not adequate enough in bringing about lasting peace in the area. There was therefore high level diplomatic negotiations and mediation to look for an appropriate tool that would have guided with the implementation of the ICJ ruling. Both Presidents Biya of Cameroon and Obasanjo of the Nigeria at the time with the statesmanship of then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan worked out those modalities which to the full transfer of authority from Nigeria to Cameroon on June 12th 2006 which are now known as the Green Tree Agreement providing both nations' responsibility on the future of the peninsula and its inhabitants and the support of the international community where need be.
Faced with these new duties placed on both nations, Cameroon on her part has been engaged in seeing that what has been given to her as a duty is fully executed. That explains why from 2007 till date Cameroon has to some extent been carrying out developmental projects. This aim to having full control has not come without sacrifices made by Cameroon especially as concerned the livelihoods of most of the Nigerian nationals resident in the Bakassi. For the government has had to perform extra duties as wooing the national community to its side. These have not been without challenges for in the course of this search for sustained peace in the area; there have been worries on harassment, insecurity coupled with Cameroon administrative flaws have made the peace building agenda a mixed blessing.
It is hoped that Cameroon and Nigeria through this agreement will continue to cooperate in other matters of their national lives notwithstanding the little misunderstanding that is still ongoing between the two over the area. This has been demonstrated from the real sense as both collaborate and share intelligence on matters of security, economic and diplomatic arrangements. Nations with similar scenario should follow in the footstep of Cameroon and Nigeria especially India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region where for close to seven decades has been a born of contention between these two.
One major investigation to be made as far as this current research is concerned is that based on the various respondents, there is no doubt that the Cameroon government is bent on correcting lapses in the previous years by engaging in effective development in the bakassi peninsula. But base on the findings, the government efforts toward this peace building agenda in the bakassi peninsula has been watered down by government peace emissaries to the bakassi peninsula. All the committees and subcommittees are engulfed with high level of massive corruption, embezzlement and mismanagement of development funds geared towards bakassi peninsula. With the creation of the committee for the full implementation of Priority Projects in the Bakassi peninsula and the over thirty billion or so of franc CFA invested so far in the bakassi, the level of expected improvement has not been commensurate the funds invested so far as much of the money has been siphoned by those charged with ensuring full realisation of projects. This however does not mean that there have been no improvements in the socio-economic and political/administrative lives of the bakassi peninsula for there has been some positive changes. But the line of argument from this study is that with the huge budget spent so far in the peninsula, the expectations from such expenditures have been really low.
5.3. Recommendations
The study thus far being keen to the efforts the government is taking to ensure sustained peace in the Bakassi and looking at some of the challenges faced in the government drive toward that peace building agenda, this study therefore tenders in some recommendations to the local population, the government and some development actors and for future researchers whom may find this piece of work of interest to them.
5.3.1. To the Local population
1. A New Day has dawn in the Bakassi Peninsula: The local inhabitants should get used to the present reality of the area and should rather give the government a tap on the back and the state engine for the development is out for their interest so giving a helping hand to the government would have eased development of infrastructure for the wellbeing of every living soul in their communities.
2. Need for mutual trust and collaboration: The local population should understand that it has to collaborate with the government and other development actors fully involved in giving their area a face lift and therefore high level of mutual trust and understanding is needed to be demonstrated toward peace building actors present in their area. For without these values, the local community would rather make the work of the government very tedious.
3. Tax as a tool for development: Developmental infrastructure and security needs are very important in their day-to-day livelihoods but the local inhabitants should bear in mind they equally have to contribute their own quota of all this ambition by paying their taxes to their municipalities because it is from this same tax revenue that the government is providing them with security protection and the provision of basic social facilities such schools, hospitals, pipe-borne water and for building of commercial centres. With this they will write their names down as haven contributed a significant milestone to peace building in the Bakassi.
5.3.2. To the Government and Her Partners
1. Organisation of a National event: The government in order to open up the Bakassi from it enclave nature should think of organising a national event in the Bakassi. Such events may be organisation of a national agro-pastoral show like the one which took place in Ebolowa or national fish festival; these are activities that should bring the highest top ranking officials of the country. The celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the Army in 2010 in Bamenda and the 50th anniversary of the reunification in 2014 in Buea respectively that witnessed drastic transformations in these towns.
2. The important role of NGOs: The government should understand that NGOs are veritable partners for development as far as peace building is concerned. The government should extend its hand of support usually given to these social actors from at times just giving them the authorisation to travel to the Bakassi for the project or according security to making some financial allocations to well known organisations involved in community development as a whole to building a sustained peace in the Bakassi. For these actors contribute a greater quota to such peace building initiatives but are at times seeing their objectives lagged behind because of inadequate finances.
3. Making allowances available to all working in the bakassi Peninsula: The “Bakassi Allowance scheme” put in place by the government to motivate civil servants working in the Bakassi is a commendable step to the right direction but this study would suggest that let the government extend this allowance scheme to all government workers in the Bakassi and not only to government teachers in the Bakassi as to what currently operates under the scheme for in a life cycle as one part is handicapped no matter how the other becomes sophisticated the most, that entity cannot perform the duty of the other entity. For such actions may rather leads to division among the various departments in the public service.
4. Sampling of Opinions: The government and partners also have as a responsibility to organise meetings like Town Hall meetings comprising of local civil administrators, municipal authorities and some handful of the local inhabitants where they will sit and present to the government and partners the direst needs of their people rather than people who do not know actually what is needed by the people of Bakassi. This will save the government from investing funds in projects that are not relevant to the people and the end result being abandonment of such structures for they are not being put into use.
5. Managing internal security misunderstandings in the Peninsula: In order for the government of Cameroon to succeed in winning the hearts of the Bakassi inhabitants, the government should send rather most of English speaking uniform officers who are capable of communicating with the same language used by most of these inhabitants. This is necessary taking into consideration the fact that most of these people are of English expression and sending of French speaking uniform officers will be a hindrance since they cannot speak the language spoken by most of the people there.
6. Developing of Cameroon's border areas: Cameroon should consider a rethink in her border policy. There should be development of all Cameroon border areas in order to link such places with the rest of the country. Nigeria moved into Bakassi because the Peninsula was not link at all with mainland Cameroon. If all this is done Cameroon will be capable of having a firm grip on all its border areas including the Bakassi Peninsula
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams, N. M. (2008). Peace building Theory in the Pacific Context: Towards creating Categorical Framework for Comparative Post Conflict Analysis (unpublished MA thesis). University of Canterbury, Canterbury.
Adebayo, A. & Paterson, M. (2009). Peace building in Post-Cold War Africa: Problems, progress and prospects. Centre for Conflict Resolution, 3.
Afeikhena, T. J. & Busari, D. P. (2008). The challenges of economic reconstruction in post-conflict, resource-rich African states: The cases of DRC and Angola. In K. Wohlmuth (Ed.), Reconstructing economic governance after conflict in resource- rich African countries. Learning from country experiences, Vol. Bremen: University of Bremen.
Aka, B. F. (2008). Reconstructing economic governance in Cote d'Ivoire after Conflict: A post crisis economic policy design for Cote d'Ivoire”: IWIM- Institute for World Economies and International Management, 15.
Alli, O. W. (2008). New perspectives on international peace and security. African Peace Review: Journal of the African Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, 4-8 (1).
Anthony, J. P. (Ed.) (1997). Hind Swaraj and other writings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Babatola, J. E. T. (2012). Nigeria-Cameroon boundary dispute: The quest for Bakassi Peninsula. International Affairs and Global Strategy, 4 (81).
Bamidele, J. (2006). Natural resource dependence and the political economy of civil conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa (unpublished PhD Dissertation). University of London, London.
Baye, F. M. (2010). Implications of the Bakassi Resolution for Cameroon. African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 10 (1), 9-34.
Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index(2016). Cameroon Country Report for 2016. Available at https://www.bti- project.org/fileadmin/files/BTI/Downloads/Reports/2016/pdf/BTI 2016 Camer oon.pdf.
Bhargava, V. (2006). Global issues for global citizens: An introduction to key development challenges. London: Oxford University Press.
Bhusal, M. K. (2014). Policy framework for sustainable peace building in South Sudan: A critical discourse analysis of South Sudanese peace policy document (unpublished MSc. Thesis). University of Helsinki, Helsinki.
Brown, A. & Langer, F. S. (2008). A topology of post-conflict environments: An overview. Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, Oxford University, Oxford.
Bryden A., Donais, T. & Hänggi, H. (2005). Shaping a security governance agenda in post-conflict peace building. Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) Policy Paper, 5 (11).
Burton, J. W. (1984). Global conflict: The domestic sources of international crisis. Brighton: Wheat sheaf Books
Business in Cameroon: a monthly publication of Cameroon Business Start-Ups, July- August 2016. No. 41-42. Available at https://www.businessincameroon.com/pdf/BC41.pdf.
Call, C. T. & Cousens, E. M. (2008). Ending wars and building peace: International responses to war-torn societies. International Studies Perspectives, 9.
Chandran, R., Jones, B. & Smith, N. (2008). Recovering from war: Gaps in early actions. A Report by the New York University Centre on International Cooperation for the UK Department for International Development. Available at http://www.betterpeace.org/files/CIC_Early_recovery_Gaps_1_Jul_2008.pdf
Chetail, V. & Jütersonke, O. (Eds.) (2015). Peace building: Critical concept in political science (Vol. 4). London & New York: Routledge.
Collier, P. (2007). Post-conflict recovery: How should policies be distinct. Journal of African Economies, 18. Doi:10.1093/jae/ejp006.
Collier, P., Elliott, V. L., Hegre, H., Hoeffler, A., Reynal-Querol, M. & Sambanis, N. (2003). Breaking the conflict trap, civil war and development policy: A World Bank Policy (Research Report). Washington, DC: World Bank and Oxford University Press.
CRTV Correspondence of 3pm News, 19th April 2017, 15:20 GMT by Lambo Mireille.
CRTV Correspondence of 7pm News, 25th June 2013, 19:05 by Arrey George.
CRTV Correspondence of a Documentary, 13th April 2017, 20:12 by Teke Julius.
Dertwiler, E. (2008). Iraq's cultural heritage: Preserving the past for the sake of the future. United States Institute of Peace Brief. Washington, DC.
Desiree, N. (2006). In the shadow of settlement: Multiple rebel groups and precarious peace. Uppsala: Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University.
Diehl, P. (1985). Arms races to war: Testing some empirical linkages. Sociological Quarterly, 26 (3).
Emerson, R. W. (2013). Peace and reconciliation: How culture makes the difference. The role of culture in peace and reconciliation. UNESCO paper. Available at http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/PeaceR econciliationENG.pdf.
Funteh, M.B. (2015). The Paradox of Cameroon-Nigeria interactions: Connecting between the edges of opportunity/benefit and quandary. International Journal of Peace and Development Studies, 6 (3), 30-48
Galtung, J. (1996). Peace and peaceful means: Peace and conflict, development and civilisation. New York: Sage.
Galtung, J. (2003). What is Peace Studies? In Introduction to Galtung's theory of peace. Grasping Peace for the 21st Century. New York: Sage
Global Environment Fund (2013). Participative integrated ecosystem services management plans for Bakassi post conflict ecosystems - PINESMAP-BPCE. Available at https://www.thegef.org/sites/default/files/project_documents/06-5- 13%2520PIF%2520and%2520PPG%2520Request%2520Document%2520Revi sed.pdf
Gloppen. S. (2005). Roads to Reconciliation: A Conceptual Framework. In E. Skaar, S. Gloppen & A. Suhrke (Eds.), Roads to Reconciliation. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
Halle, S. (Ed.) (2009). From conflict to peace building: The role of natural resources and the environment. Nairobi: UNEP.
Haugerudbraaten, H. (1998). Peace building: Six dimensions and two concepts. African Security Review 7(6).
Hello! Cameroon of 8th September 2016, 8:18 GMT by Ambe Manka'a.
Holsti, J. K. (1991). Peace and war: Armed conflicts and international order 16481989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Humphreys, M. (2005). Natural resources, conflict and conflict resolution. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 49 (4).
Ikejiani-Clark, M. (2009). Peace studies and conflict resolution in Nigeria: A reader. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited.
Ingiabuna, E. T. (2017). Migration and resettlement challenges of Bakassi returnees in Yenagoa. International Journal of Scientific Research in Education, 10 (2), 212220.
Jinadu, L. A. (2000). The political economy of peace and security in Africa: Ethno cultural and economic perspectives. Harare: Print Source (pvt).
Kah, H. K. (2014). The Bakassi Crisis: the role of the Nigerian and Cameroonian military, 1981-2013. Conflict Studies quarterly, 6.
Kalmanovitz, P. (2006). Responsibility and liability after civil conflicts. Paper presented at the Centre for the Study of Civil War. PRIO. Oslo.
Keen, D. (2000). War and peace: What is the difference. International Peacekeeping, 7 (4).
Konings, P. (2005). The Anglophone Cameroon-Nigeria Boundary: Opportunities and Conflicts. African Affairs, 104 (41).
Lambourne, W. (2004). Post-Conflict Peace building: Meeting Human Needs for Justice and Reconciliation: Peace, Conflict and Development”-Issue Four, April 2004.
Lie, T G et al (2007). Post-conflict justice and sustainable peace. Centre for the Study of Civil War, PRIO and Norwegian University of Science and Technology, 3 (5).
Maina, G. (2012). “An Overview of the situation of Women in Conflict and Postconflict Africa. The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes Conference Paper, Issue 1.
Mallett, R. & Slater, R. (2012). Growth and Livelihoods in Fragile and Conflict Affected Situations (Working Paper 9). Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium, London.
Napela, M. (2006). The road to reconciliation: Avoiding false conviction and false acquittal. Paper prepared for presentation at the American Political Science Association (APSA). Meeting, Philadelphia, PA.
Neethling, T. (2006). Pursuing sustainable peace through post-conflict peacebuilding: The case of Sierra Leone. Institute for Security Studies. African Security Review 16 (3).
Newman, E., Paris, R. & Richmond, O. (2009). New perspectives on liberal peace building. Tokyo, New York and Paris: United Nations University Press.
Ngamfon, F. N. (2013). Implementing the ICJ verdict over the Bakassi conflict: An appraisal of the Green Tree Accord 2006-2013 (Unpublished MSc. thesis Buea). University of Buea, Buea.
Ngwane, G. (2015). Preventing renewed violence through peace building in the Bakassi Peninsula. Available at http://jimbicentral.typepad.com/files/preventing-renewed-violence-through- peace-building-in-the-bakassi-peninsula-cameroon.pdf.
Obidegwu, C. (2004). Post - conflict peace building in Africa: The challenges of socioeconomic recovery and development. Washington DC: The World Bank.
Oda, H. (2007). Peace building from below: Theoretical and methodological considerations toward an anthropological study on peace. Hokkaido University Journal of the Graduate School of Letters, 2, 1-16.
OECD (2008). Guidance on Evaluating Prevention and Peace building Activities A joint project of the DAC Network on Conflict, Peace and Development Cooperation and the DAC Network on Development Evaluation. Paris.
Okereke, N., Onuoha, F. & Emmanuel, M. (2008). Nationalism and the struggle over Bakassi: The changing face of diplomacy between Cameroon and Nigeria. Africa Peace Review, 4-8 (1), 47.
Papp, D. S. (1984). Contemporary international relations: Frameworks for understanding. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company.
Paris , R . (2002) . International peacebuilding and the “ Mission Civilisatrice”. Review of International Studies, 28 (4), 637-656
Pugh, J. (2005). Democratic peace theory: A review and evaluation. CEMPROC Working Paper Series. Cumming: Centre for Mediation, Peace and Resolution of Conflict International.
Reach out Cameroon (2014a). Strengthening Local Power and Women's Rights through best practice Sharing and Capitalisation in Bakassi.
Reach out Cameroon (2014b). Women Working for Women's Rights and Building a Culture of Sustainable Peace: the Case of Bakassi Cameroon.
Report to the House of Assembly by the Committee of Finance, Development and Public Works on the Appropriation Bill (1969-1970). Law, 1969.
Security Reports: West Cameroon House of Assembly 1963-1971. Assembled and Classified by Mbain Henry. A. On 30th September 1994. Va/c 1966/3
Sundrum, R.. M. (1982). Development Economics: A framework for analysis and policy. New York: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Tarlebbea, N. K. & Baroni, S. (2010). The Cameroon and Nigeria negotiation process over the contested oil rich Bakassi peninsula. Journal of Alternative Perspectives in Social Sciences, 2 (1).
UNDP (2009). United Nations policies for post-conflict, employment, creation, income generation and reintegration. Geneva: United Nations.
United Nations (1995). Basic facts about the United Nations. New York: Author.
Wilton Park report on resolving domestic conflict in South East Asia: how to build a sustainable peace (2015). ASEAN Institute of Peace and Reconciliation, Jakarta, Indonesia Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Available at https://www.wiltonpark.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/WP1359-Report.pdf
World Bank (2011). World Development Report 2011: Conflict, security, and development. Available at https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/4389 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO.
Yakubu, A. M., Adegboye, R. T., Ubah, C. N. & Dogo, B. (2005). Crisis and conflict management in Nigeria since 1980: Causes and dimensions of conflict. Nigeria Defence Academy Book Series No.1. Kaduna: Baraka Press and Publishers Ltd.
Interviews
Abunaw Ayuk- Divisional Delegate of Women Empowerment and the Family for Ndian interviewed on, 19th April, 2017.
Ambai Valentine-former Development Officer for Kombo Itindi Council and presently Municipal Treasurer for Kombo Abedimo Council interviewed on, 12th April, 2017.
Babila Derrick- Chief of Technical Services of Divisional Delegation of Public Works for Ndian interviewed on, 18th April, 2017.
Blessing Amabo- Communication Officer of CHAMEG, Buea interviewed on, 21st March 2017.
Ekangaki Tabe- Public Relations Officer of Dana Petroleum Company Ltd, interviewed on, 6th November, 2017
Elangwe Victor Sakwe- Divisional Delegate of Youth and Civic Education interviewed on, 21st April, 2017.
Esale Amos- Chief of General Affairs Divisional Delegation of Public Works for Ndian interviewed on, 11th April, 2017.
Etonde Yvette- Municipal Treasurer for Kombo Itindi Council interviewed on 12th April, 2017.
Felicia Njweng Ndong- Council Development Officer for Isangele Council interviewed on, 13th April, 2017.
Gildas Bongong- Chief of Service of Divisional Delegation of Housing and Urban Development for Ndian interviewed on, 13th April, 2017.
Humbu Marcus Elim- Divisional Delegate of Livestock, Fisheries and Animal Industries for Ndian interviewed on, 19th April, 2017.
Kaffo Jean Faustin- Divisional Delegate of Economy, Planning and Regional Development for Ndian, interviewed on, 17th April, 2017.
Kah Henry, Senior Lecturer Department of History of the University of Buea interviewed on, 3rd May 2017.
Maxwell Lea Ekame- Regional Head of Unit in charge of Monitoring and Evaluation of PNDP for South West Coordination Unit interviewed on, 22nd May 2017.
Morfaw William- Chief of Service of Divisional Delegation of Public Contracts for Ndian interviewed on, 18th April 2017.
Mosongo Culvert- Finance Officer Kombo Itindi Council interviewed on, 12th April 2017.
Mounchigam Olivier- Chief of Bureau and Planning, of Divisional Delegation of Economy, Planning and Regional Development interviewed on, 24th April, 2017.
Ngeme Wang Alphonse- Divisional Delegate of Commerce for Ndian, interviewed on 13th April 2017.
Ngwa Elvis- Head of Human Rights and Governance, and also Communication Officer of Reach out Cameroon interviewed on 2nd May 2017.
Ngwane George-Peace Researcher and Executive Director of AFRICAphonie, interviewed on, 4th May 2017.
Ntimi Oliver Akan- Mayor of Idabato Council interviewed on, 24th April, 2017.
Okenye Patrick- Council Development Officer for Bamusso Council interviewed on, 13th April 2017.
Sone Nzille Julius- Divisional Delegate of Housing and Urban Development for Ndian interviewed on, 13th April, 2017.
Tokembong Augustine Ngalla- Chief of Service for Statistics and School Map of Divisional Delegation of Basic Education for Ndian interviewed on, 19th April 2017.
Wepnje Aaron Njini- Divisional Delegate of Social Affairs for Ndian interviewed on, 17th April, 2017.
William Elangwe Itoe-Divisional of Employment and Vocational Training for Ndian, interviewed on, 18th April 2017.
The Staff of the Divisional Delegation of Secondary Education for Ndian interviewed on, 17th April, 2017.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I: INTERVIEW GUIDE UNIVERSITY OF BUEA FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Dear Sir/Madame
I am ENOWSOUM KONRAD, a Masters student in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Buea. I am conducting a research entitled winning the Peace: Cameroon's post Conflict Policy in the Bakassi Peninsula from 2002-2013 I would be grateful if you assist me in this academic exercise by responding to the following questions.
Questions to scholars on Bakassi dispute
1 What level of project execution do you think Cameroon has carried out in the area?
2 Does one foresee an improvement on the lives of the people compared to the days under Nigeria?
3 What are the challenges do you think stand as impediment to Cameroon's public policy in Bakassi?
4 Are there any extra measures the government has done in winning hearts of Nigerians in the area?
5 Can one sometime expect to see a reversal of the GTA in the course of subsequent power change from both Cameroon and Nigeria?
6 What do you think can one day in history of the two countries bring about a reversion of the GTA?
7 How do you see the impact of Cameroon administrative system in the past in the Bakassi?
Questions to social workers/ Non-governmental Actors
1. How long has your organisation being working in the area?
2. What role has your organisation contributed in the lives of the local population?
3. How has the government assisted the organisation in carrying out its activities?
4. Which conflict of interest does your organisation face with the realities of the area?
5. What future does your organisation have in mind as concerned the zone?
6. What factors motivated your organisation to extend its activities to the Bakassi?
7. What special relationship has your organisation established with the locales especially the Nigerian nationals?
Questions to Local residents in the Bakassi
1. How do you people now regard this area as compared to before 2006?
2. What new things have you seen now happening in your area?
3. What is the relationship between you and the new administration?
4. Has there been an increase or a decline in your communal activities?
5. What can you say is the cause for this increase or decline in your activities?
6. Which are your most pressing needs at the moment needed to be redressed?
7. Are there any challenges you now face living in this area with a new status?
Questions to Municipal/Civil Administrators in the Bakassi
1. How long have you been working in this area?
2. How do you go about in building trust between you and the locals?
3. What activities has the government carried in this area?
4. What challenges do you as an administrator of the government face?
5. How do you feel working in this area?
6. What recommendations do you think you make to the hierarchy when earmarking projects here?
Questions to Cameroonian Administrators/Head of Services non-resident in Bakassi:
1. What were those administrative lapses that existed in the past that led to ineffective presence of the government in the Bakassi area?
2. What measures has the government undertaken in ensuring its effective presence in the area?
3. What special measures has the government used in winning the hearts of most Nigerian nationals still living in the zone?
4. What partnership has the government established with other organisations like the NGOs in Cameroon in contributing in this drive toward peace in the peninsula?
5. To motivate administrators to work in this zone what needs has the state put in place as a sign of encouragement to state workers resident in the Bakassi?
6. What are some of the challenges that stand in the way of effective peace building in the Bakassi?
APPENDIX II: Map of Bakassi Peninsula
Editor's note: the figure had to be removed due to copyright issues.
[...]
- Quote paper
- Enowsoum Konrad (Author), 2018, Cameroon's Post Conflict Policies in the Bakassi Peninsula. Winning the Peace, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1309054
