In this paper, I will analyze Lyman Beecher’s A Plea for the West with regard to his attitude towards immigration. In particular, I want to examine in how far the author supports the idea of nativism.
On this account I will start by giving a definition of nativism and pointing out its different motivations; chapter 2.2 then shows the development of the concept as well as its political expression from the very beginning of the United States until now. Chapter three contains some background information, both about the author and the time he lived in, which I consider necessary for a deeper understanding of the primary source. The main part of my work, the analysis of A Plea for the West will follow in chapter four: At the beginning, I will describe what great potential the author sees in the American West and what problems he sees it faced with. Then, I will continue by investigating what attitude towards immigration in general and, in particular, towards Catholic immigration the author expresses in his work. What makes him support nativism, and which of its complex ideas does he support at all? Finally, I will point out what solution Lyman Beecher proposes for the problem of immigration in the American society with regard to the understanding of democracy he promotes in his work.
Table of Contents
1 Introduction
2 Nativism
2.1 What is Nativism?
2.2 History of Nativism
3 Background Information
3.1 The Historical Background
3.2 Biography of Lyman Beecher
4 Analysis of A Plea for the West
4.1 The importance of the West
4.2 The Danger of Immigration
4.2.1 Immigration in general
4.2.2 Catholic Immigration
4.3 Proposal to Handle Immigration
5. Conclusions
Bibliography
1 Introduction
In this paper, I will analyze Lyman Beecher’s A Plea for the West with regard to his attitude towards immigration. In particular, I want to examine in how far the author supports the idea of nativism.
On this account I will start by giving a definition of nativism and pointing out its different motivations; chapter 2.2 then shows the development of the concept as well as its political expression from the very beginning of the United States until now. Chapter three contains some background information, both about the author and the time he lived in, which I consider necessary for a deeper understanding of the primary source. The main part of my work, the analysis of A Plea for the West will follow in chapter four: At the beginning, I will describe what great potential the author sees in the American West and what problems he sees it faced with. Then, I will continue by investigating what attitude towards immigration in general and, in particular, towards Catholic immigration the author expresses in his work. What makes him support nativism, and which of its complex ideas does he support at all? Finally, I will point out what solution Lyman Beecher proposes for the problem of immigration in the American society with regard to the understanding of democracy he promotes in his work.
2 Nativism
2.1 What is Nativism?
“Generally, nativism was a defensive type of nationalism, but the defence varied”[1] both in a historical way and in a geographical sense. But nevertheless, a certain set of ideals was maintained throughout the centuries and in all parts of the United States. It mainly can be described as White Anglo Saxon Protestant (WASP) Americans’ hostility towards immigrants and the foreign influence they exercise on their society. This hostility was motivated either religiously, politically or socially, or, in many cases, a mixture of them.
Although America has been a nation of immigrants from the beginning, native Americans have always tried to restrict the waves of strangers arriving at their country. And although immigration was one of the predominant preconditions of the country’s increasing prosperity, there have always been attempts to sort out those who didn’t seem to fit into society. It is important to note that nativism was never directed against immigration as such, but only against certain groups of foreigners.
First of all, the immigration of criminals and paupers caused severe resistance in the American society. The poor people lowered the wages of American workers because of their great number and willingness to work for less, and those who didn’t find a job soon depended on public charity[2]. The general belief that England sent all of their convicts to America was certainly not true, but it is an undisputable fact that foreigners were often involved in criminal actions[3]. It was a general belief that Catholics were especially likely to commit crimes, because they could gain absolution for their deeds through confessionals[4].
Another motivation to reject certain groups of immigrants was an alleged lack of morality, which was, among others, justified by the pretext of over average consumption of alcohol. Especially the Irish had to suffer from prejudices defining them as drunkards unable to fulfil their duties as self-governed citizens[5]. In times of an augmenting temperance movement the consumption of hard liquor was regarded as a neglect of civil duties.
Nativists also considered the immigration of foreign radicals to be a further menace to the stability of the American state[6]. Although French revolutionists as well as the German 48ers shared the American value of democracy, they were still feared for their radicalism, disrespect for authorities and inclination to political overthrow.
Maybe the most vigorous resistance arose against Catholics. Apart from the obvious religious hostility in a country that has always defined itself through Protestantism, Catholicism also posed an implicit threat in a political way. The hierarchical structure of the Roman Church was believed to be opposed to the democratic principles of the United States. While Protestantism as a denomination encouraged values such as individualism and democracy, Catholics were subordinated to their superior. Applying these religious principles to politics, many Americans feared that Catholics would abuse the political freedom their host country granted them for a subversion of their democratic state on behalf of the pope[7]. They were especially alarmed about the Catholic block vote, because the great influence of the pope on his followers suggested a menace to the democratic principle of freedom of opinion. Because of this fact, Catholics were soon believed to have “attained political power disproportionate to their numbers”[8].
This overview of the main characteristics of nativism shows that it cannot be considered equivalent to racism. It was a result not of general xenophobia, but rather of a deep anxiety concerning the stability of the American democracy with all its preconditions like self government, morality and individualism.
2.2 History of Nativism
The idea of nativism developed long before the term was invented in 1840, because a certain hostility towards those who were regarded unable or unwilling to assimilate, had existed in the United States ever since its very beginnings[9]. The first vigorous opposition against foreign immigration appeared around 1790. During that time a great number of French immigrants, mainly Jacobins supporting Robespierre’s radical democratic and egalitarian ideals, were feared to endanger the political system of the United States[10].
The next period of nativism began when social problems in America concurred with heavy waves of immigration in the beginning and, more massively, in the middle of the 19th century. The failed revolution of 1848 in Germany and the potato-famine in Ireland resulted in excessive emigration from the countries concerned. This time is generally agreed upon as the peak of American nativism, because the resentment towards immigrants soon developed to a national movement. Several nativist organizations were founded, as for example the Native American Association (1837), the Native American Party (1845), the Order of the Star Spangled Banner (1950), and, most important, the American Party was founded in 1852.
This party, also called the Know-Nothings, aimed at limiting immigration and preventing political influence of the newcomers. On this purpose, they also advocated a probationary period of 21 years and a restriction of political office to native Americans. The religious motivation of nativism became apparent in the demand for a limitation of public schooling to Protestants and obligatory readings of the Protestant Bible in public schools. Apart from their immigrant policy, nativists also supported prohibition and, partly, the abolition of slavery[11]. Again, I have to point out that the nativist movement was by no means unanimous, so that Know-Nothings in different parts of America concentrated on different aspects. Abolitionism, for example, was only important for northern nativism, so that I will neglect this issue in my further depictions. In the election of 1856, the American Party reached the peak of its national success with Millard Fillmore as candidate, who could, though not winning the election, still gain considerable support in the population. Soon afterwards, the Know-Nothing Party was split apart by controversies about slavery and thus lost its impact as a national force[12].
[...]
[1] John Higham, Send these to me: Jews and other immigrants in Urban America (New York: Atheneum, 1975), 105
[2] Cf. Terry Coleman, Passage to America. A history of emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland to the United States in mid-nineteenth century (London: Pimlico, 1972), 220
[3] Cf. Maldwyn Allen Jones, American Immigration (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960), 152
[4] Tyler Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery. The Northern Know-Nothings and the Politics of the 1850s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 107
[5] Cf. Leonard Dinnerstein, Roger L. Nichols and David M. Reimers, Natives and Strangers. A Multicultural History of Americans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 113
[6] Cf. John Higham, Strangers in the Land. Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925, 2nd edition (New York: Atheneum, 1977), 7
[7] Cf. Jones, 148 f.
[8] Anbinder, 105
[9] Cf. Higham, Strangers in the Land. Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925, 3
[10] Cf. Higham, Strangers in the Land. Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925, 7
[11] Cf. Anbinder, 106
[12] Cf. Jones, 157 ff.
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