The text explores the dynamics of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions, particularly focusing on the overrepresentation of military personnel from the Global South (Africa, Asia, Latin America) compared to their lower financial contributions. It delves into concerns raised by countries from the Global South regarding potential Western-centric peace enforcement doctrines being imposed on the UN, potentially leading to the exploitation of troops from developing nations as 'cannon fodder.' It poses the question of whether UN peacekeeping missions are subject to structural racism, viewed from a postcolonial perspective.
The text is divided into three main parts. Firstly, it introduces postcolonial theory and its perspective on power relations, contrasting it with other theories in International Relations. Secondly, it explains the general organization and conduct of UN peacekeeping missions, highlighting key actors involved. Lastly, it examines power relations within UN peacekeeping operations, utilizing the United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) as a case study to explore how postcolonial structures might contribute to the overrepresentation of Troop Contributing Countries (TCCs) from the Global South.
Ultimately, the text aims to deconstruct power dynamics within UN peacekeeping missions and analyze their implications, specifically addressing the impact of postcolonial structures on the disproportionate presence of Troop Contributing Countries from the Global South in missions like UNAMID. The conclusion summarizes the findings derived from applying postcolonial theory to the case study, seeking to answer the research question posed throughout the text.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Postcolonial theory
2.1 Theoretical framework
2.2 Power in postcolonial theory
3. How does the UN generate force?
3.1 Who decides what?
3.1.1 Security Council
3.1.2 Secretary General
3.2 Troop Contributing Countries
3.3 UNSAS
3.4 UNPCRS
4. (Postcolonial) power relations in UN peacekeeping
4.1 Troop contributions and the Global South
4.2 Case study UNAMID
4.2.1 Nigerias role
4.2.2 Rwanda's role
4.2.3 Egypt's role
4.2.4 Summary
5. Conclusion
Objectives and Research Focus
This paper aims to investigate why countries from the Global South are disproportionately represented as troop contributors in United Nations peacekeeping missions, specifically focusing on the UNAMID mission in Darfur through the lens of postcolonial theory to determine the influence of structural power imbalances.
- The intersection of postcolonial theory and International Relations in peacekeeping.
- Mechanisms of UN force generation and the influence of powerful states.
- Economic and political motivations for Global South nations to provide troops.
- The case study of UNAMID and the roles of Nigeria, Rwanda, and Egypt.
- Structural inequalities and the debate over "cannon fodder" in peace operations.
Excerpt from the Book
4.1.1 Nigerias role
Nigeria was the biggest troop contributor to UNAMID. Overall, it sent 3,700 Nigerian personnel (including four military battalions, one military hospital, military observers and staff officers) to serve in the UNAMID force. Before UNAMID took place, Nigeria had gradually contributed approximately 2,000 troops to AMIS. Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo had also been involved in the Darfur peace talks as elected chairman of the African Union. Nevertheless, neither Nigeria’s AMIS deployment nor its involvement in the Darfur peace talks fully explains why Nigeria decided to make the largest force contribution to UNAMID. In fact, Obasanjo’s first steps as AU peace broker for Darfur had reflected a pro-Khartoum rather than pro-Darfur attitude. Nigeria’s attitude only began to change because of US involvement (Henke 2016, 481). US diplomats first approached the Nigerian Government in pursuit of Darfur in mid-April 2004 to step up in assisting and providing military assets. However, the Nigerian military simply had no troops nor equipment, despite the fact that the Nigerian public was supporting President Obasanjo’s anti-intervention attitude. Over the summer of 2004, the situation in Darfur became increasingly violent and AMIS proved to be utterly inefficient. US diplomats thus approached the Nigerian Government once more. The United States, however, was aware that Nigeria would not volunteer any more forces. Instead, it required an additional incentive. US diplomats knew that President Obasanjo’s top foreign policy priority in the autumn of 2004 dealt with debt relief. He had declared the relief as a key foreign policy goal of his presidency. Most of Nigeria’s US$33 billion debt was held by the Paris Club. It had been accumulated by military governments preceding Obasanjo’s presidency. This debt, Obasanjo had concluded, was a major cause of Nigeria’s failure to develop. Getting rid of it would represent a fresh start, a second chance for a new Nigeria (Campbell 2011, 17–18).
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: Presents the research problem regarding the high percentage of troops contributed by the Global South and defines the research question based on postcolonial power relations.
2. Postcolonial theory: Establishes the theoretical foundation, discussing the significance of postcolonial approaches in IR and defining power through this lens.
3. How does the UN generate force?: Examines the structural procedures of UN peacekeeping, identifying key actors like the Security Council and the Secretary General.
4. (Postcolonial) power relations in UN peacekeeping: Analyzes the overrepresentation of Global South contributors through the UNAMID case study and the specific roles of Nigeria, Rwanda, and Egypt.
5. Conclusion: Summarizes findings, noting that while postcolonial structures are significant, they are not the sole explanation for troop contribution patterns.
Keywords
Postcolonial theory, UNAMID, Peacekeeping, Global South, Troop Contributing Countries, International Relations, Structural Power, Nigeria, Rwanda, Egypt, Foreign Policy, Debt Relief, Force Generation, Security Council, Colonialism
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the primary focus of this research?
The research examines why the vast majority of military and police personnel for UN peacekeeping missions come from countries in the Global South, analyzing this phenomenon through a postcolonial perspective.
Which theoretical approach is applied?
The study utilizes postcolonial theory, which emphasizes hierarchy, the history of imperialism, and the construction of power relations in International Relations.
What is the central research question?
The central question is: "What impact do postcolonial structures have on the overrepresentation of Troop Contributing Countries in the Global South in the UN peacekeeping mission UNAMID?"
How does the UN generate troops for missions?
The UN relies on an ad-hoc "pull" system where it requests voluntary contributions from Member States, as it lacks its own standing army or pool of resources.
What is the key case study of the paper?
The paper focuses on the United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) as a primary case study to illustrate the dynamics of force recruitment.
Which entities are identified as major troop contributors?
The top contributors mentioned include Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Rwanda, India, Pakistan, China, Indonesia, Ghana, Tanzania, and Egypt.
What role did the United States play in the UNAMID mission?
The US acted as a powerful broker, utilizing financial incentives, such as debt relief for Nigeria, to secure troop contributions from target nations.
Was colonial history a factor for Egypt's participation in Sudan?
Yes, the historical context of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium suggests that Egypt had its own strategic and intrinsic interests in Sudan, complicating the narrative of simple victimhood.
- Quote paper
- Florian Lehmann (Author), 2020, Peacekeeping for the "United" Nations? UNAMID and how the UN generates force from a postcolonial perspective, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1430094
