Death, an inevitable aspect of human existence, presents a profound challenge as individuals and communities grapple with the loss of loved ones. This study delves into the linguistic expressions of grief in Ghana, exploring both verbal and non-verbal communication, particularly at funerals.
This research aims to contribute insights into how Ghanaians articulate their emotions during mourning. The study, with 30 participants, analyzes linguistic responses to death, shedding light on immediate reactions and evolving expressions associated with grief.
The background discusses death as a universal phenomenon, emphasizing the inevitability of this experience and the predominant role of health-related factors in mortality. Aligning with Halliday's systemic functional linguistic theory, the study employs register analysis to dissect linguistic expressions during the stages of grief.
This research fills a gap in the existing literature by providing an in-depth examination of grief in Ghana, emphasizing the linguistic nuances in how individuals communicate their emotions during mourning.
Abstract...................................................................................................................... 2
Dedication.................................................................................................................. 2
BACKGROUND TO STUDY................................................................................... 2
PREVIOUS STUDIES IN LINGUISTIC ON DEATH............................................. 4
Previous Studies on Death in Ghanaian culture......................................................... 5
Register analysis...................................................................................................... 10
Non verbal communication...................................................................................... 10
The stages of grief.................................................................................................... 11
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY............................................................................. 12
Analysis of data........................................................................................................ 13
First reaction............................................................................................................ 13
Secondary reaction................................................................................................... 14
Non verbal communicaton....................................................................................... 15
FUNERAL POSTERS AND BROCHURES.......................................................... 16
Conclusion on research findings.............................................................................. 17
REFERENCES........................................................................................................ 18
ONLINE REFERENCES......................................................................................... 21
Abstract
Death is an inevitable aspect of human life. Nonetheless, dealing with the loss of a loved one is not easy. It is very difficult to deal with the pain associated with dealing with the death of a loved one. This study examined the lexis of grief in Ghana. The study also examined non verbal communication during grief, especially at funerals. The study did not have a high pool of participants. Participants involved in the study were 30 in number. Nonetheless the research findings are relevant . The research found out that a high number of respondents used interjections(Oh, Aww, Eiih, ) to respond immediately to death of a loved one. While others used either names or address terms, the name of Jesus(deity) or sentences that express disbelief. As time went on, data from respondents showed that they uttered recurring statements that showed their denial or depression stage of grief. Crying was a key non verbal way of communicating grief especially at funeral grounds.
Dedication
This work is dedicated to the late Samuel Michael Asiedu-Bentum. His death inspired this study. May his soul rest in peace. Gone but not forgotten
BACKGROUND TO STUDY
Death is an experience that has intrigued human societies for centuries. Great men that have lived on this earth have also died. Just, around a year ago Queen Elizabeth, the longest reigning British Monarch died. Both poor and rich die. Just as animals die so do humans also die. Pallis (2023) in the online version of Encyclopaedia Britannica defines death as the total cessation of life processes that eventually occurs in all living organisms. There are four well-known causes of death. These are homicide, suicide , accidents and health reasons. The World Health Organisation in their 2019 report declares the main health causes of death. This report cites 7 non communicable diseases as the main health causes of death. From the data it is obvious that health reasons account for more causes of death than accidents, suicide and homicide do.
As already discussed in the first paragraph, death is inevitable. This study seeks to examine how Ghanaians react to death. The main focus will be on the words or phrases or sentences used in the earlier stage of grief. Words , phrases used will fall under verbal communication . The study will also briefly then examine non verbal communication in the grief process. Thus, the purpose of this study is to simply understand how Ghanaians express themselves during the initial period of grief.
The study will draw on Halliday's systemic functional linguistic theory. In his theory a way of analysing discourse is propounded. The discourse analysis method propounded by Halliday is known as register analysis and it is relevant for this study . There shall be a paragraph dedicated to this theory and how it will advance the course of this study.
The study is particularly influenced by the researcher’s recent experience of grief. This death inspired me to look at the linguistic level of grief in relation to the five stages of grief. The study is limited to Ghana because of the location of the researcher and the literature does not show a linguistic study on death in Ghana . Subsequent paragraphs will discuss what other scholars have written about death
PREVIOUS STUDIES IN LINGUISTIC ON DEATH
Gustafsson’s (2007) essay is a corpus based study, aimed at determining which euphemisms for death American and British English have in common. He also researched which of these euphemism might be more specific for either of these two varieties of the English language. Six euphemisms concerning death and dying were selected out of numerous available expressions. These expressions were “deceased, pass away, perish, demise, the departed and fade away”. In addition, the word die was also included in the investigation with the purpose of determining if euphemisms are more common. The analysis concludes that the use of euphemisms for death is not very common, which implies that people in our day of age are not as afraid of death as what is claimed to have been the case during earlier years.
Chaudhry et al 2014 also examined the issue of gender discrimination in the post death scenario of obituarial discourse. The aim of the research was to identify the way Pakistani newspaper obituaries recognize and project males and females after their deaths. After examining 601 paid obituaries published in a year’s time span in Pakistani English newspapers , the conclusion was that the differences in the death reportage of both genders do not purely fall in the line of gender discrimination. They reported that males get situational advantage due to the factors like familial traditions, religious beliefs, cultural traditions and socioeconomic environments.
Gathiga et al (2018) investigated euphemistic metaphors of death in six languages. The languages are Chinese, Spanish, Russian, Gikuyu, Swedish, and Farsi. The key finding of this research was that the most common metaphor of death is , " death is a journey" . This they argue holds across linguistic groups regardless of gender and age factors. This study also discusses the role of embodied cognition theories in accounting for how metaphors of death are created and their role within cognition in general.
Erard (2021) investigated language behaviour at the very end of life. Erard references an older study, the act of dying and comes to the conclusion that some patients tried to speak but were unable while others use words , phrases or sentences. The study thus shows that language remains active at the final stage of life though in a limited manner.
Erard (2021) in his study , " The death of Gregory Bateson, or why linguists should study language at the end of life" argues that linguists should research the language of dying patients He argues that the goal of such an endeavor would be to respectfully contribute a linguistic perspective to a core and truly universal human experience.. Erard argues that it has long seemed natural for the language-minded scientist to document the language development of their offspring or babies and children in proximity but language at the final stage of life has been ignored. Thus studying the language of the dying, could seed a new field of study that would expand our notions of language, enable us to track the impact of changes to how and where we die, and inform our practices of care.
Barlet et al (2022) researched what language is used to discuss death in family meetings for critically ill infants . The research came to the conclusion that words like 'die, death, dying, or stillborn ' were rarely used to refer to death in family meetings with clinicians; Families used coloquialisms to reference death and clinicians used medical jargons.
Previous Studies on Death in Ghanaian culture
Grindal (1977) examined washing away the hand as a later life rite of passage of the Sissala. The paper analysed these rites in terms of both Sisala concepts of socialisation and the social and political institutions of the society, and concluded by showing that these rituals function to mediate conflicts between the concept of vitality inherent in the growth process and the principle of seniority inherent in the political process.
Chukwukere et al (1981) researched the importance of coffins in the Fante society. They argue that the custom lies in its dramatic symbolic statement or restatement of a fundamental principle of Akan social structure. Thus this article demonstrates nature of the rite of coffin exchange , called nkaansa. They research reinforces the seriousness generally attached to funeral in Ghana, especially the Akans.
Mato (1994) writes that Akans in Ghana acknowledge the recently deceased during ceremonies of remembrance held on the eighth day after death. They also hold forty and eighty days after death celebration. This is then climaxed with the one year anniversary. He posits that Akan funerals are a celebration of the dead and thus are grand in nature. Though mourners are expected to wear black or red cloths , their cloths are embedded with adinkra and other symbols. Mourners dress elegantly
Kwakye–Nuako (2000) argues that traditional Akan teachings consider death to be an extension or phase of life. He contrasts Akan beliefs about death with Christianity. He posits that Akan customs does not talk of a hell for sinners . his research shows that Akans believe in a life after death or the land of the dead and this aligns with their funeral practices found in the literature.
Boateng ( 2012) examined Akan funeral practices and made claims that the Akan belief of life after death plays a role in the respect accorded to the dead. Boateng claims that successful funerals are deemed prestigious. The nature of the funeral shows the worth of the dead.
Bonsu and Belk (2013 ) investigated theory on identity negotiations . They posit that a person’s identity construction project ceases upon death. They tested this proposition using death ritual consumption experiences of consumers in Asante, Ghana, West Africa. They came to the conclusion that bereaved Asante consumers engage in conspicuous ritual consumption in pursuit of newer social identities for their deceased and themselves, and that funerals involve a reciprocal and continuing relationship between the living and the dead. In addition, the study found out that terror management theory is limited in its relevance for non-Western context.
Nyamdai et al (2015) claim that amongst the people interviewed during their study, especially the aged category, the overwhelming view was that traditional funeral rites are a farewell to the dead. They believe that during the life of the deceased, all the possessions that he or she had while alive should not be denied when he or she is dead. Thus the research shows that animals such as goats, fowls, sheep and cows are slaughtered all in the name of goodbye to the deceased. Funeral rites erase public teasing, ridicule, and of course serve as a goodbye to the dead per their beliefs . Also, it is a belief by the people of Kandiga community that the deceased is qualified to be erected as a god to protect the household and the whole family when the deceased funeral rite is duly performed. In In the end , the research findings show that households spent deficit on traditional funeral rites thereby creating food insecurity in Kandiga community.
Addai (2016) investigated the end-of-life care, death and funerals of the Asante. Addai writes that the celebration of funerals, which starts when a person dies and is washed and laid in state, and passing through various stages until the anniversary of the death of the deceased, portrays vividly the dignity of the human person. It teaches us that when you die, you are not dead; you are going to another world, Asamando. Addai posits that traditional beliefs teach our people to lead good, kind, serviceable lives so that on their death, they too would have a place at Asamando. The funeral rites give the opportunity to the community to sympathize and console with those in the society whose life has been shattered by the departure of their beloved one. Death in the Asante tradition is not typically a cause for sadness. Funerals are usually large community events meant to celebrate the life of the deceased. The Asante believe that these events ensure that the soul is able to transition into the spirit world to become an ancestral spirit. While many Asantes are Christian, their funeral rituals are still largely traditional, although the burial may be presided over by a Christian minister and Christian hymns may be sung at the funeral.
Potočnik (2017) posits that rites of passage are found everywhere in the world and are life-cycle ceremonies that usually include religious transformations with a passage to the next stage of life. He argues that death and funeral rites represent the last rite of passage and the Ga ethnic group of Ghana. He posits that their traditional rites which existed for a long period of time in precolonial society have drastically changed under the influence of colonial intervention and modernization. He also makes it clear that other factors of change include the influences of the environment, ethnic conflicts, intermigration, religious transformation due to the impact of monotheistic religions such as Christianity and Islam, development of trade, merging of cultures, etc.
Owiredu (2020) analysed the metaphorical structure of the domains of life and death in Asante thought within the framework of the conceptual metaphor theory. The Asante data comes from metaphors instantiated in the burial rites of the Asante king. These are used to describe and analyse the rites of passage of the king’s first and second burial. Furthermore, it accounts for how the Asante people conceptualise life and death . One potential reason for the practice of secondary burial for the Asante king is their belief that life and death form a continuum instead of a break. Consequently, this gives rise to various metaphorical mappings that inform their thoughts, belief systems and funeral practices. The paper concludes that the Asante people believe that even in the king’s death, he must be treated as a living being since “the Asante king does not die.” Thus, the research like others agree that Ghanaians generally believe in a life after death.
CitiNewsroomOnline (2021) reported that the Osu Traditional Council have expressed a displeasure over actions by the media. In this case, the media had announced the death of the president of the Osu Traditional Council. To the elders , such deaths had to be announced only by the council . The website quotes one of the elders as saying ,”Where on earth in our traditional setting does a stranger bypass a child’s parents and announces his/her death ”. This article highlights the power the family has over a dead person.
Adom and Adu-Mensah (2022) researched traditional mortuary rites amongst Akans. They talk about pre-burial mourning when the body is laid in state. Then , they examine wake-keeping, the body is laid in the state late in the evening either in the family’s house or deceased’s own house or in a public space amidst mourning and wailing. They argue that this occasion is characterised by traditional drumming, drinking, and singing of funeral dirges/songs till the interment. Then the other aspects of the funeral continue. After the laying in state, the coffiin is covered . The bereaved decorate themselves with various items from strips of red, brown, and maroon clothes to demonstrate how grieved they are The spouse, together with close female relatives sits near the body and wails throughout the period the body is laid in state. While the body is laid in state, mourners from the bereaved community, sympathisers, friends, and the general public show solidarity and support for the deceased family and pay their last respect to the deceased by filing past the corpse The arrival of the mourners to the funeral grounds usually comes with wailing. Women, in particular, sing a lot of dirges during this period to express their emotions. Funerals are at the heart of Akan culture and social life because it is the time to express one’s condolence to the bereaved family and also to honour the dead . It is an indirect way of communicating to the living that by leading good lives, they will be posthumously honoured with a grand and memorable funeral. One significant feature of the funeral is the donning of mourning cloths Traditionally, all family members wear black clothes every day when a member dies up to the funeral day, and red clothes on the funeral day itself.
From all the works reviewed it can be argued that Ghanaians attach great value to funerals as it is seen as a means of ushering the dead into the world of the dead and also to celebrate the good deeds of the dead person.
Register analysis
Halliday (2002) views register as a semantic configuration. Halliday introduced systemic functional linguistic and its register based approach to discourse analysis.
Jeffery (2002) in his work on register argues that register is determined by situation-type. Also, Moore (2017) posits that register is a variety of language corresponding to a variety of situation.
Halliday posts that discourse can be analysed from three domains or angles. These are tenor , field and mode. Field deals with the words used by the interlocutors in the discourse. While tenor looks at the relationship that exists between the interlocutors. Mode on the other hand looks at how the message is transmitted, whether written or spoken.
Thus from the literature, register simply is the words used during a particular time in an interlocutor’s discourse. Thus it is expected that specific words are used in any situation. Medical register will definitely differ from Bank register.
This study will not do a full register analysis but rather take a corpus approach. This study will dwell on field (lexis ).
Non verbal communication
Jenefir (2021) posits that non verbal communication includes all other aspects of communication other than the words themselves. Non verbal communication helps us to establish our identity and negotiate relationships
Commgap (2022) , also define , nonverbal communication as communication that is produced by some means other than words (eye contact, body language, or vocal cues).
From the literature non verbal communication can be said to be more believable than verbal communication. Non verbal communication is also multichannel in nature. Non verbal communication can even replace verbal communication
During festive periods and sad periods, our body language plays a critical role in communication. This study will also analyse non verbal communication as a means of communication or expressing grief during Ghanaian funerals.
The stages of grief
Grief can be defined as a feeling of great sadness, especially when someone dies. (Oxford dictionary, 2023).
Professor Kubler- Ross examined five stages of death. She spoke about denial. Here, she claims the individual can not fully register the total pain , shock and disbelief over his or her loss. And thus this is a means of protecting ourselves from the hardship of considering an upsetting reality. This stage of grief is very relevant to the study.
The other stages she examines are anger , bargaining, depression and acceptance .
For anger , she says is a necessary stage of the healing process . Underneath this anger, she says, is pain.
On bargaining , she posits that the bereaved will do anything not to feel the pain of their loss. They remain in the past, trying to negotiate their way out of the hurt.
Moreover , depression is defined as a reaction to the emptiness we feel when we are living in reality and realise the person is gone forever.
The last stage she mentions in her work is acceptance. Acceptance is about accepting the reality that our loved one is physically gone and recognizing that this new reality is the permanent reality.
(Kubler-Ross 1969, On Death and Dying)
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The study intends to discuss language used during grief and funeral rites. Nonetheless , the researcher is constrained in crisscrossing the entire country for the purpose of research. Thus the study will obtain data in a random sampling manner. A Google form questionnaires will be created and shared on social media, both facebook and whatsapp. Participants will follow the link and answer the questionnaire. It is not expected that all individuals who come across the questionnaire would answer it. Names of participants and their location will not be solicited. The researcher concedes that parts of Ghana may see its residents not answering the questions but these constraints will not in anyway change the research findings. Data gathering will take place within a three month period. After the three month period , data analysis will take place.
Questions for the questionnaire are:
1. What was the first word, phrase or statement you uttered when someone close to you died and you heard the news.
2. What other statement or comments do you recall to have made after your first lexis or utterance used.
3. What forms of non verbal communication do you recall showing at the funeral or the initial stage of this grief . Note : Non verbal communication is the way we use our body to speak without words. Like crying, like smiling, like frowning
Analysis of data
This section of the research will analyse data . The analysis will look at the frequency of lexis used by participants. Then the non verbal means of communicating grief will also be discussed. In all 30 participants answered the questions. Though Google form questionnaires were sent over the three month period., the participation in the research was not immense. Death is a difficult issue to discuss and thus this factor may have caused the low data gathered. Nonetheless, as the research did not solicit locations from participants nor was the research centered in particular region or location in Ghana, the research has some form of general representation. The last section of the analysis will not rely on data gathered but the researcher’s observation at funerals. The researcher spent around 6 months attending funerals to gather first hand information .
First reaction
From the responses from participants, the word "oh" occurred 10 times out of the 30 respondents . Two of the participants made mention that they added "no" to the interjection used above. Others(5) claimed that they mentioned the dead person's name or an address term(dad, Mama). "Aww" appeared two times. "Jesus" appeared twice, while "what "appeared twice. However "what" appeared twice in conjunction with other words to form a sentence. "Huh, Ei, " appeared once. Others responded that they used sentences, such as ," it is well, It can't be true " Two participants nonetheless responded that their first reaction to the death was silence or being speechless.
From the data a huge number of participants used exclamatory words or interjections. Their disbelief and grief were expressed with these interjections listed above
Then a number of participants also used names or address terms. Here, they tried to connect with their deceased relative. Names or address terms when mentioned must be accompanied with a sort of response but here, there is no response.
Two participants used the word "Jesus". The usage aligns with their belief and the shock they are in. Here, they call upon their deity to make what they are hearing false or wish the dead will come back to life. Since participants were high in number, the name of a deity being used as a response can not be said to be general. Yes there is a high likelihood of the name of deities appearing during grief but its use as the first lexis of response to grief is minimal here.
Aside speaking , the responses show that the bereaved can also remain speechless during the initial stage of grief.
But the overwhelming evidence is that the bereaved are more likely to use an interjection or mention the name or a popular address term of the dead . If this two are not used then participants may call the name of their deity or rather use a sentence to express their shock. Thus the responses can be grouped into four, " Interjection, Address terms(Name), A call to Deity and Sentences .
Secondary reaction
This section of the work will look at utterances made during the grief process. Here, the focus is on recurring statements made by participants. From the data, the utterances can be grouped into two based on the model of grief discussed earlier.
The first group will be sentences that reinforce denial and depression. These two stages of grief will be merged into one as the utterances are discussed ; the responses provided by participants that show their state of denial or depression. From the data , a high number of participants made utterances that showed that they were still in denial or were depressed. Such utterances include: "You could not wait for a while, i am confused, Oh my God, i cannot believe this, so is what I am hearing true, Is it true that you are dead "
Others, though a small minority , made statements that showed acceptance of the death. Such statements include, " May he rest in peace, Your suffering has come to an end, Your suffering and our financial constraints have come to an end, Is It this why you prayed for our unborn baby and me , I'm not broken; I’m strong"
Here, the data shows that a number of participants continued to be in disbelief or shock and denial. Their utterances showed that they still were not at peace with the death of their beloved one. On the other hand, a smaller number of participants were strong enough and moved pass the denial or depression and came to a form of acceptance. This is in line with Kubler-Ross' claims that the stage of grief is not same for everyone and some people will jump or not witness a stage or two.
Thus it is clear that the bereaved continue to be in denial and shock days after the death of their loved one. And their utterances are ways of dealing with the pain they are going through.
Non verbal communicaton
As explained earlier, non verbal communication is more believable than verbal communication. From the data, a number of participants stated that they cried severely on the day of the funeral. It is important to note that 2 participants made it known that they held their chest as they cried. Other participants mentioned that as their cried they tried to hold the coffin or in some cases clung to the coffin.
Over 14 participants stated crying as a non verbal communication shown at the funeral of their loved one.
2 respondents said that they frowned their face. While 6 participants responded that they showed some form of indifference ranging from having a straight face or standing still. Thus put together around 8 participants did not cry but rather were struggling to respond to the lost, especially on the day of the funeral. With two frowning and others showing some detached emotions it shows that when it has become clear that the dead is not coming back , the emotional turmoil within the bereaved can cause tears or in cases cited above, some form or level of indifference.
The literature mentions crying as a traditional way of mourning the dead but data gathered also shows that not all bereaved cry excessively on the day of the funeral.
One other response was that, the respondent mentioned that he or she was smiling while shaking the head.
To conclude this section, the analysis has shown that most participants cried at the funeral, to communicate their love for the dead while a smaller number did not cry but found another way of dealing with the pain.
The interesting thing about the crying is the holding of chest or holding of coffin. The researcher also observed at several funerals attended during the period that mourners also waved while they cried , as the mortal remains were carried away to be buried. In one particular scenario, a bereaved person while crying also held on to the tyre of the hearse. This action shows the intense grief she is in.
FUNERAL POSTERS AND BROCHURES
During the course of the research the researcher explored Ghanaian posters. In the Ghanaian context, funerals are mostly held months after the death of the beloved one. Thus, from the data gathered from scanning posters in Ghana. Key lexis used were : "home call , life transition, celebration of life , painful exit, gone too soon ,eternal rest, and , glorious exit." These are words used to communicate the grief of the bereaved. Funeral posters provide the date for the funeral and the specific venue. The words listed above are also seen on the funeral brochure, mostly distributed on the day of the funeral. Inside the funeral brochure are the biography , and tributes from loved ones. The tributes mostly are filled with sweet memories and the pain the bereaved are going through. From the researcher’s own observation at various funeral attended , tributes reading lead to spontaneous outburst of tears. Some tributes were read on behalf of the bereaved.
The overwhelming utterances used in these tributes are ones that highlight past events. Though these are the researcher’s observation from various funerals attended, it can be generalized that Ghanaians extensively use their funeral tributes to recall past events as they process their grief.
Conclusion on research findings
The aim of the research was to investigate the lexis of the bereaved in a Ghanaian context. The research also briefly examined non verbal communication during the grief process or stage.
The research concluded that the bereaved used interjections mostly as a reaction to the death of their loved one. Others also used address terms or names as a response. While others mentioned the name of "Jesus" or used a sentence as a means of expressing grief in the initial stage.
Also, the research found out that subsequently, participants mostly used recurring utterances that showed that they were in denial or depressed. A few participants however used utterances that showed that they had gone a step further in their grief and had accepted the death of their loved one
Moreover, the study also observed that crying was the most popular non verbal means of responding to death during funerals. Nonetheless, the study also came to a conclusion that a smaller number of participants did not cry but rather maintained a frown or sad face or straight face or were simply emotionless.
From observation, the research also found out that certain lexis was used on funeral posters and brochures. Also the researcher observed that at funerals, crying or spontaneous crying was evident in cases where the deceased was under 40. But at funerals of individuals above 60 years, the crying was less.
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