Prostitution is known as the worlds’ oldest profession and dates back to Sumerian times. “World wide an estimated 300 million women regularly have sex with 5 to 10 partners during a typical “working “ day (International Labour Organization, 1998, quoted in Rhawn,2004, 154). Throughout history men in positions of power, or those in the public eye have kept mistresses or have had dealings with prostitutes, from Presidents Carter, Jefferson, and Kennedy of the USA, to Mitterrand of France, Mussolini of Italy, and Prince Charles of Great Britain. Great writers such as Charles Dickens have also been guilty of keeping a mistress. So why should the phenomenon of enjo-kōsai in Japan be a matter for concern and public outcry? Enjo-kōsai has been translated as ‘schoolgirl prostitution’ and in this paper I intend to answer the above question and to illustrate that it does indeed warrant public outcry as it involves, in many cases, sex between adult males and adolescent girls, sometimes as young as 13.
At a glance
- Reanalyses Fukutomi’s 1997 survey of 600 responding high school girls
- Examines Japan’s 1999 law on juvenile prostitution and child pornography
- 127 sources in the bibliography
Table of Contents
1. INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1.
1.1 What Is Enjo-kōsai?
1.2 How Has Enjo-kōsai been translated into English?
1.3 When Did Enjo-kōsai become an Issue?
1.4 Is Enjo-kōsai a Social/Moral or a Health Issue?
1) Enjo-kōsai as a Social/Moral Issue
2) Enjo-kōsai as a Health Issue’
1.5 Prevalence of Enjo-kōsai
1.6 Data on Enjo-kōsai
1.7 Who Has Commented on Enjo-kōsai?
1.8 Policy Responses to Enjo-kōsai
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
3.1 Effects of Pornography
3.2 ADULTS
1. Addiction
2. Escalation
3. Desensitization
4. Acting Out Sexually
3.3 CHILDREN
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1 Women’s Role in Japanese Society
CHAPTER 5
5.1 The Role of the Internet and Mobile Telephones
5.2 THE MASS MEDIA
6. CONCLUSION
Aim and Topics
This dissertation examines enjo-kōsai in Japan and asks why it became a matter of public concern. It investigates the social, economic, cultural and technological circumstances associated with the phenomenon, as well as its implications for young people and public policy.
- Definitions, translations and estimates of prevalence
- Social, moral and health perspectives
- Economic change, family life and education
- Pornography and representations of young people
- Gender roles and women’s position in Japanese society
- Mobile phones, the Internet, media coverage and policy responses
Excerpt from the Book
When Did Enjo-kōsai become an Issue?
The phenomenon of Enjo-kōsai “emerged towards the end of Japan’s 1980s economic boom.” (Herbert, 2004, 1), although (Morrison, 3, quoted in Nguyen, 2004, 1) writes, “The number of teenage prostitutes began to climb around 1974. By 1984 the number reached alarming levels and is still increasing.” The author does not define what he means by ‘alarming levels’ but in the same article he informs the reader that “National Police Agency statistics for 1995 show that 5,841 female minors were involved in telephone club liaisons or other sex-related activities.” According to the article, this figure is an increase of 16.2% from the previous year. If these figures are correct, then the levels are indeed worrying, not only to the young girls involved, but to society in general as they indicate that although media hype focusing on enjo-kōsai has diminished, the phenomenon has not disappeared, but instead is becoming more uncontrollable.
The exact origins of enjo-kōsai may be difficult to ascertain, but the media began covering it in the early to mid 1990s. As (Herbert, 2004, 2), writes, “It was not until the mid 90s that enjo-kōsai was recognized by the Japanese press and they compensated for this sluggishness with an amazing bout of hysteria.” After the collapse of the bubble economy, young girls could no longer depend on their parents to provide them with a source of income, and at the same time, in many instances, were prevented by their parents from being engaged in part-time employment whilst still at school. The arrival of telephone clubs gave these girls a place where they could go and wait to be contacted by middle-aged men who would call the club and request to speak to the girl. If the conversation went smoothly, the couple would agree upon a price the man would ultimately pay to recruit the services of the girl as his date for a particular evening, hence the term ‘compensated dating’. This arrangement suited men who were on the prowl for young girls, as it meant that they did not have to hang around outside schools or other places where young girls often congregated; this would be liable to draw the attention of the police, teachers, or other adults in the community.
Chapter Summaries
INTRODUCTION: The author introduces the subject and outlines the questions, sources and arguments pursued throughout the dissertation.
CHAPTER 1.: This chapter considers definitions and translations of enjo-kōsai, estimates of its prevalence, health and social concerns, and policy responses.
CHAPTER TWO: The author discusses economic change, family life, education and health, drawing on published statistics.
CHAPTER THREE: This chapter examines pornography and competing claims about its effects on adults and children.
CHAPTER FOUR: The author considers women’s roles in Japanese society, including education, employment and international travel, in relation to changing gender relations.
CHAPTER 5: The final chapter discusses telephone clubs, online dating sites, mobile phones and media representations.
CONCLUSION: The author brings together the factors discussed and considers policy, education and the limitations of the available evidence.
Keywords
enjo-kōsai, compensated dating, Japan, child sexual exploitation, gender roles, consumer culture, sex education, public health, pornography, mobile phones, Internet dating, mass media, social policy
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the dissertation about?
It examines enjo-kōsai in Japan, focusing on its social context, possible contributing factors and public responses.
What are its central themes?
The main themes include economic change, gender relations, education, health, pornography, communications technology and media coverage.
What is the primary question?
The author asks why enjo-kōsai became a subject of concern and explores the circumstances associated with it.
What research method does the author use?
The dissertation primarily reviews existing literature, news reports, surveys and official statistics. The author describes the practical difficulties of conducting fieldwork on the subject.
What does the main discussion cover?
It considers definitions and prevalence before examining economic and social conditions, pornography, women’s roles, telecommunications and the mass media.
Which keywords characterize the work?
Key terms include enjo-kōsai, compensated dating, child sexual exploitation, Japanese society, consumer culture, public health and media.
How does the author approach the translation of enjo-kōsai?
The dissertation discusses both “compensated dating” and “teenage prostitution” and considers how each term frames the activities described.
Which survey does the dissertation discuss?
It discusses Mamoru Fukutomi’s 1997 survey of high school girls, including the number of respondents and their reported experiences and reasons.
How are technology and media addressed?
The author examines the transition from telephone clubs to Internet dating sites and mobile phones, alongside the portrayal of enjo-kōsai in news and entertainment media.
- Citar trabajo
- Gerry Mclellan (Autor), 2005, Schoolgirl Prostitution in Japan, Múnich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/175398
