Economic relations between the EU and ACP countries have a long tradition. After Yaoundé
conventions in the 1960s, 1975 the first Lomé Agreement was established between ACP
countries and EC member states. Between 1975 and 2000 EU and ACP countries ran four
subsequent Lomé conventions replaced by Cotonou agreement now. Lomé was concerned to
be an agreement providing ACP countries better access to European markets in order to push
economic development and build up domestic production. The emergence of WTO in 1995
changed the regulatory framework for regional trade agreements in such a way, that Lomé IV
could not pass into a fifth version. In order to be compliant with WTO measures, a new
agreement was worked out 2000 in Cotonou. It came into power in 2002.
The complete establishment of that treaty it is still far from becoming reality, as a
considerable number of ACP countries have still not negotiated EPAs. A crucial issue in these
negotiations is the division of ACP countries in six groups for regional EPAs. This division
does not merge with other regional trade and political networks in Sub-Saharan Africa and
does not include all ACP countries.
With ‘good governance’ having emerged as a ‘vital’ issue in international politics and
especially in EU’s agenda, a relevant number of non-economic issues found their way into
Cotonou agreement. By linking trade agreements and development aid with the spread of
European or Western democracy ‘standards’ those different fields were brought into contact.
The major question of the following research shall be, whether EU trade policy towards ACP
countries is supposed to be an instrument serving the diffusion of human rights and democracy
or rather a ‘smoke screen’ for a hidden economic agenda.
This research will work with different approaches rooted in political science following the
basic assumption EU-ACP cooperation has always been a political relationship. In the
following theoretical chapter (neo-)realist interpretation will be put in contrast to Ian Manners’
‘normative’ power approach using Lisbeth Aggestam’s framework of role model theory.
Further on, the research chapter will discuss characteristic matters of EU-ACP relations and
put into focus chances and perils of conditional economic cooperation and development aid.
At a glance
- Grade: 1.0 (1.0 is the best grade)
- Applies Aggestam’s role theory to realist and normative interpretations of EU policy
- 25 sources in the bibliography
Table of Contents
1. INTRODUCTION
2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 ROLE MODEL THEORY
2.2 CONCURRENT THEORIES
2.2.1 EU AS A REALIST ACTOR
2.2.2 EU AS A NORMATIVE ACTOR
3. EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
3.1 THE NATURE OF EU-ACP RELATIONS
3.2 IMPLICATIONS FOR ACP COUNTRIES WITH FOCUS ON AFRICA
3.3 WTO COMPLIANCE AS A ‘REALIST’ ELEMENT
3.4 POLITICAL CONDITIONALITY AS A ‘NORMATIVE’ ELEMENT
4. CONCLUSION
Objectives and Topics
This paper examines whether the European Union’s trade policy towards African, Caribbean and Pacific countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, promotes human rights and democracy or serves as a cover for economic interests. It considers the Cotonou Agreement and Economic Partnership Agreements through contrasting realist and normative accounts of EU foreign policy.
- EU–ACP relations from the Lomé conventions to Cotonou
- Role theory and competing interpretations of EU power
- Regional Economic Partnership Agreements and their implications
- World Trade Organization rules and reciprocal trade preferences
- Political conditionality, democracy and human rights
Excerpt from the Book
1. INTRODUCTION
Economic relations between the EU and ACP countries have a long tradition. After Yaoundé conventions in the 1960s, 1975 the first Lomé Agreement was established between ACP countries and EC member states. Between 1975 and 2000 EU and ACP countries ran four subsequent Lomé conventions replaced by Cotonou agreement now. Lomé was concerned to be an agreement providing ACP countries better access to European markets in order to push economic development and build up domestic production. The emergence of WTO in 1995 changed the regulatory framework for regional trade agreements in such a way, that Lomé IV could not pass into a fifth version. In order to be compliant with WTO measures, a new agreement was worked out 2000 in Cotonou. It came into power in 2002.
The complete establishment of that treaty it is still far from becoming reality, as a considerable number of ACP countries have still not negotiated EPAs. A crucial issue in these negotiations is the division of ACP countries in six groups for regional EPAs. This division does not merge with other regional trade and political networks in Sub-Saharan Africa and does not include all ACP countries.
With ‘good governance’ having emerged as a ‘vital’ issue in international politics and especially in EU’s agenda, a relevant number of non-economic issues found their way into Cotonou agreement. By linking trade agreements and development aid with the spread of European or Western democracy ‘standards’ those different fields were brought into contact. The major question of the following research shall be, whether EU trade policy towards ACP countries is supposed to be an instrument serving the diffusion of human rights and democracy or rather a ‘smoke screen’ for a hidden economic agenda.
This research will work with different approaches rooted in political science following the basic assumption EU-ACP cooperation has always been a political relationship. In the following theoretical chapter (neo-)realist interpretation will be put in contrast to Ian Manners’ ‘normative’ power approach using Lisbeth Aggestam’s framework of role model theory. Further on, the research chapter will discuss characteristic matters of EU-ACP relations and put into focus chances and perils of conditional economic cooperation and development aid.
Chapter Summaries
1. INTRODUCTION: The introduction traces the transition from Lomé to Cotonou and sets out the question of whether EU trade policy advances political values or economic interests.
2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: The chapter introduces Aggestam’s role theory and contrasts realist interpretations of EU action with accounts of the EU as a normative power.
3. EMPIRICAL RESEARCH: The author examines EU–ACP relations, the implications of Economic Partnership Agreements for African countries, WTO compliance and political conditionality.
4. CONCLUSION: The conclusion returns to the competing interpretations and assesses the relationship between the EU’s stated values and its economic and strategic interests.
Keywords
European Union, African Caribbean and Pacific countries, Cotonou Agreement, Lomé conventions, Economic Partnership Agreements, normative power, realism, role theory, trade policy, WTO compliance, political conditionality, human rights, democracy, development cooperation
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the paper about?
It examines EU policy towards African, Caribbean and Pacific countries through the Cotonou Agreement and proposed Economic Partnership Agreements.
What are its central topics?
The paper addresses EU–ACP trade relations, normative and realist theories, WTO rules, development cooperation and political conditionality.
What is the main research question?
It asks whether EU trade policy primarily promotes human rights and democracy or provides cover for economic interests.
What research method does the author use?
The author compares realist and normative interpretations within Aggestam’s role-theory framework, drawing on academic literature and policy documents to examine EU–ACP relations.
What does the main analysis cover?
It considers the nature of the partnership, potential implications for ACP countries, WTO compliance and the use of political conditions in cooperation.
Which keywords characterize the paper?
Key terms include normative power, realism, the Cotonou Agreement, Economic Partnership Agreements, WTO compliance and political conditionality.
How does role theory inform the analysis?
It provides a framework for comparing the EU’s stated role with its foreign-policy actions and their context.
Why are WTO rules relevant to the Cotonou Agreement?
The paper discusses how the earlier non-reciprocal Lomé preferences faced challenges under WTO and GATT rules, and how the proposed agreements address reciprocity.
How does the paper approach political conditionality?
It examines the connection between cooperation and requirements concerning democracy, human rights and good governance, including the agreement’s provisions for sanctions.
- Quote paper
- Christoph Vogel (Author), 2009, The Africa Policy of "Normative" Power EU Considering Cotonou Agreement and Promotion of EPAs, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/181556
