Generational Change in Vietnam from Female Point of View

An empirical analysis of differences in family and education patterns


Research Paper (postgraduate), 2011
50 Pages, Grade: 1,0

Excerpt

Table of Contents

List of Figures

1 Introduction to generational change

2 Context of the Research Question
2.1 Vietnamese families, gender and development
2.2 Education system, work patterns and poverty

3 Methodology
3.1 Women in Tra Que as sample of the research
3.2 Dimensions of generational change
3.3 Reflections facing divers cultural backgrounds

4 Empirical findings to generational change in Vietnam
4.1 Formation and function of families, gender role
4.2 Generational differences in education and work patterns

5 Concluding remarks to the generational change in Vietnam

Reference Sections

Literature

Internet sources

Appendix

Interview guideline

Genograms of the families of the respondents

List of Figures

Figure 1: Education landscape

Figure 2: Interview guideline at a glance

Figure 3: Overview of evaluated family values

Figure 4: Survey statement: One of main goals in life

Figure 5: Survey statement: Being a housewife just as fulfilling

Figure 6: Survey statement: University is more important for a boy than for a girl

Figure 7: Highest educational level attained in per cent

Figure 8: Characteristics of women education

Figure 9: Belonging to a social class

1 Introduction to generational change

All over the world, social, economic as well as political systems change over time. At present, a lot of developing countries in Asia achieve remarkable progress in social plus economic development spheres. These come along with measurable changes on micro level. In addition to that, inculcated skills and attitudes passed down generations in an unusual way. According to Hugo (2005: 61 ff.), there are two dominant trends in demographic transition across the region with fundamental implications on the economy as well as on society. First, there is a function change of families along with in family formation. This means that the family is much less the unit of economic organization, besides being even more a social institution. Furthermore, the family formation, for example, marriage patterns of young Asians, varies from their parents (Hugo 2005: 61, 74). Secondly, there are also differences in education and work patterns of younger generations (Hugo 2005: 75 f.). This covers, for example, the male-female differential in education and changing job opportunities, concerning structural changes.

Vietnam is one part of Asian’s success story. Last year it grew from the World Bank’s classification of a low income country to a middle income[1] (Vietnam Business News 2010; World Bank 2011a). Nevertheless, it seems as if the rich and the poor respectively the urban and the rural population are ripped apart. That is why this paper’s topic is to examine the dominant trends in demographic transition described by Hugo (2005: 61 ff.) with the following research questions:

How have the function and formations of families changed for young Vietnamese compared to their parents and grandparents? What kinds of differences in education and work patterns of younger generations can be seen?

To further exemplify these aspects, the focus group is clearly defined as a low income woman, living in rural areas, because this definition covers multiple common disadvantages on the topic of the household’s financial situation, gender and living area. What’s more, the focus group covers three different generations of a family (grandmothers, mothers and daughters[2] ).

The research’s key construct is socialization, for according to McLeod & Thomson (2009: 108) generation can be seen “as an analytic lens for understanding processes of social change”. Since socialization is not an obvious term and the way of understanding and using this expression differs greatly (McDowell 2004: 5 f.). Most social scientists in addition to psychologists come along with defining socialization as “the inculcation of the skills and attitudes necessary for playing given social roles” (Mayer 1970: 13). For the reason that the special meaning of family is a corner stone of Vietnamese culture and society throughout history (Dean 2011), it is necessary to enlarge the key construct. According to Putney & Bengtson (2002: 165 ff.), the focus will be shifted to family socialization. This implies a wider perspective by extending the analysis frame to multigenerational families, which means influence and transmission flows between shared generations, but also family socialization can occur throughout the adult years. Therefore, this broader perspective allows a better understanding of individual change and continuity across the life course.

Socialization’s foundation is the existence of human’s basic needs of safety and harmoniously, because this is one way in which these needs are fulfilled (Grusec & Hustings 2007: 1). Throughout socialization, a person acquires the entire knowledge, skills plus character traits needed to act as a correct part of society (Berns 2006: 5). It is a dynamic, interactive process throughout many generations (Putney & Bengtson 2002: 166). A chief part of socialization is the fact of learning that there exist dissimilar roles and morals in a society. These roles and morals are what primarily raise a structuralized and well ordered society. So socialization is a way of producing as well as reproducing social orders (Berns 2006: 6 f.). Yet, it occurs within the following issues:

- interaction with others
- in emotionally significant processes
- leading to a certain outcome, which is defined by society

Family socialization also covers learning of any new social role (Putney & Bengtson 2002: 167), for this might be necessary, when social changes comes along with changing values, attitudes or customs, or, if social roles alter during the course of life, for example, adults redefine their roles as co-partners in their youth, rather than playing the proxy role as planners and decision-makers (Putney & Bengtson 2002: 167; Atal 2005: 19).

To analyze the generational change in Vietnam from a female point of view, this paper is built up in five steps. First, in the introductory part, the deduction from the general problem area to the research questions took place with country-specific background information. Additionally, socialization as the research’s key construct was explained. The second chapter concerns the research questions’ context to explain the theoretical background about the cultural context in Vietnam and its attendant function of family plus family formation. What’s more, country-specific aspects are elucidated about education and work patterns. But this chapter also covers theories about gender and development, education and development in addition to the concept of transmission of poverty.

The third chapter is about methodology. At first, the sampling procedure specifications are explained to describe the appropriate used sampling method on top of the population and sampling frame. Building on this, the measurement section for the qualitative plus the quantitative part follows to be sound: First, the interview’s guideline construction and secondly the collection procedure. Afterwards, there are reflections of the research group in front of the different cultural backgrounds. The fourth chapter points out the results’ statement. In the first step, the findings are explained about the family’s function and family formation, including the transition of gender role in addition to the gender relation. Afterwards, the results about education and work patterns are demonstrated. In every case, the research findings are discussed, related to the research questions and their context. Furthermore, they are embedded in the theoretical background of development theories. In the fifth and last chapter, there are concluded remarks to the generational change in Vietnam from the female point of view and advices for additional research.

2 Context of the Research Question

2.1 Vietnamese families, gender and development

In Vietnam, family is seen as a “foundation of culture and society” (Dean 2011). According to Pham (1999: 7 ff.), the freedom of marital partner selection was established through the influence of the French during the colonization. This goes along with the improvement of women´s status in- and outside the family. Momentarily, more and more Vietnam marriages are based on love. Thanks to “contraception and birth control […] families can invest more […] on improving their living standards and their children´s education” (Pham 1999: 229), in spite of women in Vietnam being traditionally subservient to men: their father, their husband and their oldest son (Dean 2011). This is one reason, why Vietnamese women moved to their husband´s family after marriage. In this new family (related by marriage) the daughter-in-law is a part of the family (Dean 2011). What’s more, relationships between siblings are characterized by gender and birth position.

Different changes in family patterns were instigated by the state, for the state protects mother and children as well as marriage and family. According to Pearson (2000: 383 ff.), the importance of family as well as the women’s role as wives and mothers are quite crucial. That was also considered by the Vietnamese state because “womanhoods have been imagined and promoted to serve both revolutionary and national development goals” (Werner 2004: 115). But also the equality of raising boys and girls is regulated by law. According to Article 2 about “Basic principles of the marriage and family regime” of the Vietnamese “Law the marriage and family”, sons and daughters should be treated equally since 1986 (Civil Law Network 2010a). Gender equality was and still is a key component in the political agenda. It is characterized in terms of incorporating women along with men as citizens in a new political community. But the social reality in Vietnam differs from the defined gender rights. According to the World Bank (2000: 9), recent empirical studies argue that “relations between men and women within households and in society are increasingly unequal both empirically and symbolically”.

The collectivizing of land plus agriculture during Doi Moi reforms was “one of the most radical changes the family has ever undergone” (Pham 1999: 231). The author understood this as a strong imbalance, because peasant families are working as a productive and economic unit, yet the land is owned by the state. Dean (2011) added that “the institution of the family has come under intense pressure throughout Vietnamese civilization”.

According to the socialization’s chief construct and the transmission of Confucian values from one generation to the next one, family and society were fairly similar (Pham 1999: 235). Both were defined by filial piety, which means to hold their parents in high esteem as well as the elderly in general. “A Vietnamese person who neglects this responsibility is ostracised by both their family and the community” (Dean 2011). Even Maccoby (2007: 13) pointed out this intergenerational broadcast:

“[…] culture is transmitted from each generation to the next, including training for specific roles in specific occupations”.

Gender studies plus theories are one vital part of the development studies. In this context, gender refers on one hand “to the categories of 'male' and 'female', but as well as the biological characteristics” (Willis 2011: 142). These categories contain norms and expectations regarding the men’s and the women’s behavior in society. On the other hand, the gender refers to the “socially-constructed category, and as such, changes over time and space” (Willis 2011: 142). The socially-constructed categories include, for example, the process to establish people´s behavior, the outcome of any social interaction, the participation procedure in cultural life as along with religious activities (Pearson 2000: 385). Since the 1980´s, the use of the socially-constructed categories is very common in social sciences, development programs as well as the policy analysis in general. “This shift occurred because of the recognition that development was not only about women, but also about how relations between men and women shape differential access to social services” (World Bank 2000: 10). These so-called gender neutral issues are vital and that is why data was evaluated about “insights regarding family planning programs, contraceptive use, and reproductive health” (World Bank 2000: 11).

The third of eight Millennium Development Goals (MDG) is to support gender equality and empower women. The first target to achieve this goal is to eliminate gender disparity in primary as well as in secondary education. According to the World Bank (2011c), the main causes for gender inequality can be seen in poverty. This is a major barrier to education, and therefore, even women are largely relegated to more vulnerable forms of employment or informal employment. Additionally, top-level jobs still go to men and women and are slowly rising to political power.

Researches about women along with human development are often focused on the “double burden” of women in relation to paid as well as domestic work. They work full time for a paid job and take responsibility for child care plus household. Due to this “they lack opportunities for play and for the cultivation of their imaginative and cognitive facilities” (Nussbaum 2001: 1 ff.). According to the National Committee for Advancement of Women “Vietnam is a nation where gender is in transition” (NCFAW 1999, quoted in World Bank 2000). Still, the social and economic development can change even gender issues in Vietnam.

2.2 Education system, work patterns and poverty

In total, the education system in Vietnam covers five steps. The basis is the early childhood education that starts at the age of 3 months and covers Crèche and Kindergarten. According to the Ministry of Education And Training (2006a), about 30 per cent of the total 0-6-year old children attend day care centers and Kindergartens. The enrollment rates increase drastically in association with the age: 95% of 5-6 year-old children attend Kindergartens. The second step is Vietnam´s primary education. According to article 22 of “Education Law”, it “is compulsory to every child aged from 6 to 14” (Civil Law Network 2010b). Primary education has achieved amazing results in quantity and quality. One pointer to calculate the last aspect is the decreasing rate of pupils dropping-out. Since the year 2000, it is universalized throughout the whole country (Ministry of Education And Training 2006a). Next to public primary schools are also private primary schools.

The secondary education encompasses two levels. First, pupils with primary education diplomas can attend the basic secondary education, which lasts for four years from the sixth to the ninth form. Secondly, for pupils in the tenth form, who have basic secondary education diplomas, goes the following: They can complete high school education in three years from the tenth to the twelfth forms. The Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) in Vietnam is a possibility to make secondary education much more relevant to the labor market. At TVET colleges and schools, mostly technicians and workers are trained particularly in agriculture, industry, health care, tourism, construction as well as in transportation (Ministry of Education And Training 2006a). There are several providers of TVET in Vietnam, such as public, semi-public and private (people-founded) institutions.

The fifth and last education step in Vietnam is the higher education, which means undergraduate and postgraduate studies that lead to diploma, bachelor degrees, master degrees, along with doctorate degrees. Higher education is offered at colleges plus universities. Research Institutes can offer doctorate programs, but also in cooperating with universities (Ministry of Education And Training 2006a). An overview about the whole education system in Vietnam is illustrated in the following figure:

Figure 1: Education landscape

illustration not visible in this excerpt

Source: Ministry of Education And Training (2006b)

Education can’t just be seen as a part of development, but to a certain extent it is the development’s cause (Kambhapati 2004: 221).

„Education yields benefits both to the individual (private benefits) and to the society (social benefits)” (Kambhampati 2004: 229)

“[…] it can be seen that both primary and secondary schooling offer individuals and societies great economic and social returns.” (Mageli 2003: 38)

Both quotations highlight the great importance of education, for human development as well as for economic growth. This can be based on the fact that education caught up positive effects on one hand for the individual person and on the other hand for the society. The benefits belonging to the individual person are the better job opportunities in addition to the increased income, while society’s profit is the economic growth and poverty reduction, which is implemented in the better career benefits, an educated self has (Kambhapati 2004: 229). However, the education benefits don’t lie only in economic ways. Especially educating women has a great effect on issues, such as health, fertility rate and child mortality (Mageli 2003: 39). Attending school and gaining knowledge gives the women the chance to “perform their vital role in creating healthy households” (World Bank 1993: 42). What’s more, an educated woman tends to pay more attention to sending her own children to school than an uneducated one (Mageli 2003: 39).

Besides, education has an impact of democracy plus citizenship, since it gives the ability to read and write, to understand complex structures, to converse as well as to access information (Ansell 2005: 134). These named issues make it reasonable that education is an essential goal for nearly all development agencies and theories. The UN Millennium Declaration, for example, listed “achieving universal primary education” (UNPD 2003: 1) as one of their eight central goals. Not only in the UN Millennium Development Goals, but also several other international concerns have focused on primary education. It is thought to bring the best outcome and social benefits at very low costs (Ansell 2005: 132) and it’s the most effective way of overcoming absolute poverty (Kambhapati 2004: 229). In spite of those results, many developing countries have prioritized secondary, but also higher education to have highly educated people for skilled labor to promote economic growth (Kambhapati 2004: 229).

Besides this education impact on development, Rigg also explains the link between education and modernity (Rigg 2007: 97). Schooling is one aspect, which influences the way that rural people think about their life, about farming and about their children’s future (Rigg 2006: 189). This leads to the affinity that farming is seen more and more as a very unattractive profession, since it became a low status occupation. For that reason it can be said, that “education is […] instilling in people the attraction of modern life and modern work” (Rigg 2007: 97).

Since Vietnam belongs to the so-called developing countries, it is a common nation with a low level of material well-being (IMF 2011), which includes that poverty is an omnipresent topic. According to the World Bank’s definition (2000), “Poverty is pronounced deprivation in well-being”.

“[This] arises when people lack key capabilities, and so have inadequate income or education, or poor health, or insecurity, or low self-confidence, or a sense of powerlessness, or the absence of rights such as freedom of speech” (Sen 1987, quoted in World Bank 2000).

The first of eight Millennium Development Goals (MDG) is to reduce poverty. Following the recommendations of the World Bank, this can be done, for example, through investing in agriculture, creating jobs and expanding social safety nets. Like described above, even promoting gender equality plus universalizing education are seen as important steps to accomplish this goal (World Bank 2011b).

What’s more, even in the academic literature, different approaches to explain poverty are existing (Chambers 2006: 3; Thomas 2000: 10 ff.): In addition to poverty as a contested concept that is measured by income, it can be seen as a capacity’s failure or as a relative condition. In this paper it is understood as a multiple deprivation. This perspective includes the theoretical way of thinking about poverty from multiple dimensions: This means that an income is only one poverty aspect. Other aspects of poverty are the lack of education, poverty of time, place of the poor, physical ill-being, social relations or a lack of political clout, which reinforces each other (Chambers 2006: 3).

Vietnam´s success in rapid growth as well as in poverty reduction are discussed in a divers way (Klump 2007: 119 ff.). On one hand it seems like a miracle or model, because of beneficial external circumstances and the results of effective economic, sectoral plus regional policies. On the other hand it looks like that this is not a long-term sustainable strategy, like, for example, the so-called pro-poor growth approach, for poverty levels differ most widely among the country´s regions (Klump 2007: 123). Poverty dominates in particular in rural areas and among ethnic minorities. Still, in urban areas, income poverty had diminished to very low levels.

“Growth is pro-poor when it is labor absorbing and accompanied by policies and programs that mitigate inequalities and facilitate income and employment generation for the poor, particularly women and other traditionally excluded groups” (ADB 1999: 6).

Vietnamese women are more deeply concerned about poverty than men. Because of the traditional gender division of labor and responsibilities for household welfare, women have chiefly to deal with the attendant consequences. In addition, there is the burden of disparities in education, health care, and economic participation as well as in income. Because of this, women belong to the most vulnerable category in approaches to framing poverty (Parker & Wilson 2000: 75 ff.; ADB 1999: 12).

One aspect that is vital, concerning this paper’s focus and the research questions, is the relation of falling into poverty along with the phenomenon of transferring poverty between generations. The reasons of falling into poverty and remain on poverty pathways are often a mix of personal and local, regional as well as national circumstances (Rigg 2007: 73 ff.). The approach of intergenerational transmission of poverty (IGT) tries to outline poverty and its dynamics. According to Bird (2007), poverty is transferred as a “complex set of positive and negative factors that affect an individual’s chances of experiencing poverty”.

In this understanding it is part of the socialization process, but it also influences the inculcated skills and attitudes for playing a social role. Furthermore, the criterion affects an individual’s probability of being poor, including the transmission of capital and transfer of resources from one generation to the next. This means that there is an effect concerning a transmission lack of capital in addition to a transfer lack of resources. The intergenerational transmission of poverty is one possibility to fall into chronic poverty, which means that people remain in poverty over a long period (Bird 2011).

3 Methodology

3.1 Women in Tra Que as sample of the research

In this chapter, the sampling procedure, but also the samples are described. To analyze the generational change in Vietnam from a female point of view, the focus group is clearly defined as low income woman, living in rural areas. This definition goes along with a cover of multiple common disadvantages on the subject of the financial situation of the household, gender and living area. Additionally, the focus group covers three different family generations (grandmothers, mothers and daughters[3] ). The idea to use a small sample of nine respondents that are characterized by multiple common disadvantages is to demonstrate the following things much more detailed: the changes of the family’s function, in family formation as well as the differences in education and work patterns compared to other generations.

In Vietnam, low income respondents living in rural areas are working chiefly in agriculture. This is also united with the expectation of focusing on traditional families, where it is possible to uncover stereotypes plus homogeneity of attitudes with a small sample. Furthermore, there was a defined age span of the third and youngest generation: they should be between 18 and 25 years old at the time of interviewing, otherwise it will be necessary to adapt the interview guideline.

The first and finally also the most practicable idea was searching for the respondents in Tra Que Village. It is in the central Quang Nam Province’s Cam Ha Commune, near Hoi An. According to Vietnam Industry & Trade Information Center (2006), the Tra Que Village has existed for at least 500 years and grows quite a lot of vegetables and herbs principally savoury as its most famous product. At the moment, Tra Que vegetables are sold to many restaurants and hotels in Hoi An, Da Nang, and Hanoi. Approximately 131 farming families are living in the village. Besides savoury, also cabbage, colza or rape, celery, kohlrabi, and herbs are grown in Tra Que. With time, the inhabitants implement a second main pillar: tourism. Because of unique features, the village has become an attractive destination for tourists, especially for foreigners. With a steady income from both farming and tourism, the villagers’ living standard has improved extensively over the last years.

The office of Cam Ha Commune suggested families with three or more female generations living in the same household. Fixing the appointments with the respondents was easy, because the first three families on to the received list of Cam Ha Commune were interested in participating in the empirical study. Time and location of the interviews were chosen by the respondents. So they decided to have the interview at their houses, where many family members can get together.

With choosing the women from Tra Que as the research sample, there is no possibility to generalize the sample’s results to a sampling frame. The respondents don’t represent all low income rural women. That is the reason why a sampling frame with a focus on low income woman, living in rural areas in Vietnam doesn’t seem useful. Because of the mix of job opportunities in farming and tourism, Tra Que is also the attendant mix of tradition and modernity, but not suitable for external validity considerations to a sampling frame or to a considered population. Regarding this, the following findings about the generational change in Vietnam from female point of view can just illustrate a picture about one small part of the society.

3.2 Dimensions of generational change

According to the approach of the Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC), it is necessary to collect the following qualitative and quantitative data, while evaluating generational change:

“life course, life history and family history analysis in seeking to move beyond an instrumental viewpoint, towards one that recognizes the hard choices that people often make in negotiating the trade-offs between present and future, personal and family well-being” (Behrman 2006: 1).

In this research project, a mixed-methods design is used. It consists of qualitative and quantitative methods to collect micro-empirical data about the respondents. For this purpose, an interview guideline was created with open-ended and closed-ended questions. So the interview guideline is the basis for semi-structured interviews and is available in the appendix of this paper.

The interview guideline covers four sections: (1.) sociodemographic questions about the family, including questions about age, education plus profession of the relevant family members; (2.) questions about the family’s function, family formation as well as gender role and gender relations; (3.) questions about education and work patterns, about the socioeconomic status of the household including poverty. The interview ends with (4.) questions about major challenges for household and family and amendment statements.

illustration not visible in this excerpt

Figure 2: Interview guideline at a glance

Source: Compiled by the authors.

The open-ended questions are inspired by theories along with academic research results described in the second chapter. The goal was to evaluate the personal perception of the respondents concerning the family’s function, family formation as well as differences in education and work patterns. The backgrounds of the chosen questions are described with the following examples in detail:

To evaluate the perception of the generational change of gender roles and gender relations, there is the question about the respondents’ daily life. That is to compare the tasks of everyday life of different generations (and of the described tasks of their husbands), but also to take a look behind the state defined role of women as wives and mothers (Pearson 2000: 383; Werner 2004: 115) by asking, if it is possible to be successful as a woman, even if you don't have a husband or children. Adapted from Article 2 about “Basic principles of the marriage and family regime” of the Vietnamese “Law the marriage and family”, sons and daughters should be treated equally (Civil Law Network 2010). Several questions are asked to evaluate the experiences of our respondents about differences between raising boys and girls: their own ones and - if possible - from their parental perspective. To focus on the generation change as well as to analyze our research question in detail, we will ask questions about differences from the respondents’ life to the life their mother has lived too.

On the subject of our research questions, there are also questions about differences in education. The idea is that education is the cause of development (Kambhapati 2004: 221). What’s more, education seems to be the first step to cut the generational transmission of poverty (Bird 2007; 2011). Next to the highest educational level is the evaluation of the significance of intellectual capabilities compared to physical capabilities plus their dependence on gender. Moreover, there is a question, if the respondents feel comfortable with their attending school years and if their children should attend school longer or shorter as they attend it herself. On top there was one question about the satisfaction with quality and relevance of education in Vietnam and if they perceive a relation between being a women, education and poverty. Afterwards, the respondents were asked about the importance of socioeconomic status and income to have a basis for their individual impression about changes in their family’s household economy as well as about the issues that have the great importance to this progress.

The closed-ended questions of the interview guideline are comparable to the questionnaire of the World Values Survey. The questions were used in the panel in 2006, which is also the latest version for Vietnam. The dates of the World Values Survey give the possibility to compare the answers of the respondents from Tra Que to representative data of the Vietnamese society at a macro level by linking them. Furthermore, in some cases, the data collection of the World Value Survey is comparable with the method used in this research project, for in each case the survey procedure was a personal face to face interview with a pretested questionnaire (Sample size: 1584) and 99% of the interviews with female respondents, they were conducted in Vietnamese (World Values Survey 2011a). The dates were collected by Institute of Human Studies, Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, Vietnam from 2006-10-01 to 2006-11-30 (World Values Survey 2011b). The closed-ended questions shall complement the open-ended ones.

According to Trochim (2006), there is an adoption of questions of the World Values Survey, based on level of measurement in detail nominal questions to measure the highest educational level and occupation of the respondents from Tra Que. The next number to each response has no meaning, except being a placeholder for that response. What’s more, dichotomous questions are used to find out, if the respondents approve or disapprove with a statement. Still, survey questions are used and they attempt to measure on an interval level with a traditional 1-to-4 rating without a neutral point. That means the respondents have to decide, if they agree strongly, agree, disagree or disagree strongly with some statements about gender role and gender relation. Other examples of questions, which attempt to measure on an interval level, are, for example, the question about the satisfaction with the household’s financial situation with a 1-10 rating of the question about belonging to a social class with a 1-5 rating.

[...]


[1] For operational and analytical purposes, the World Bank’s main criterion for classifying economies is gross national income (GNI) per capita.

[2] According to the Vietnamese understanding of the family unit the daughter-in-law is one of the family (Dean 2011).

[3] According to the Vietnamese understanding of the family unit the daughter-in-law is one of the family (Dean 2011).

Excerpt out of 50 pages

Details

Title
Generational Change in Vietnam from Female Point of View
Subtitle
An empirical analysis of differences in family and education patterns
College
University of Oslo  (Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences – OAUC)
Course
Development Studies - Vietnam
Grade
1,0
Author
Year
2011
Pages
50
Catalog Number
V183613
ISBN (eBook)
9783656362654
ISBN (Book)
9783656363040
File size
740 KB
Language
English
Notes
Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences – OAUC
Tags
generational, change, vietnam, female, point, view
Quote paper
Antje Reichert (Author), 2011, Generational Change in Vietnam from Female Point of View, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/183613

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