Table of Contents
1. Kosovo's past strategies and future challenges of European
2. Challenges after the war in Kosovo and European approaches to their solution
3. European Community efforts in building the Provisional Institutions of Self Government in Kosovo
4. Access to the OSCE and its mission in Kosovo since the war until 1999
5. The war on June 1999 and the establishment of NATO troops in Kosovo
6. Political processes to the political status of Kosovo (Rambouillet conference and it's Paris)
7. The prospect of Kosovo after war
8. Final remarks
1. Kosovo's past strategies and future challenges of European
The question is how we are aware in a state in pursuing the strategies that we continually address the EU, as we meet and how they are to meet other remedy that we are ready to seize the remedy as our institutions are accessible and Citizens tan to go to the EU's roads. Addresses that are EU offers to go to that golden gate, a lowest rate is not even old enough to leave free and late for us to have value at the same time called the EU standards. Kosovo still must follow the patterns of neighboring countries with economic reforms in these sectors bring together a good political and integrative. One thing should be very clear that without economic comedies of fishing development without a development standard is hardly where we will excited. The European Street address without a clear fulfillment of remedy as the correct remedy of the EU can hardly reach the required destination in the European approach should be in cognizance to the adherence of orders as we factorize the rules to the EU. Other strategies are human infrastructure and other aspects that are important to one who had to meet when we want to be as fast in the court of the EU, Kosovo has already begun to see perspective in this respect but not with enough concentration, bids in connection with increased street between Kosovo and neighboring countries ignite opening doors of Europe and vice versa by reducing costs to products and a Harry increasing standards of our products and external as import coming into our market. This would be a good two bias of economic and political situation that would benefit Kosovo. Other strategies make it necessary to attract foreign investiture in our country such a thing requires some areas within fields such as those guaranteeing political and economic cant no space left in defining and strengthening those aspects would bring a potential economic stabilization our country.
2. Challenges after the war in Kosovo and European approaches to their solution
The war of 1999 opened a new chapter of history to the citizens of Kosovo. We are forever grateful to the European Community's hand extended to us. They made it possible for us to live freely and have the right of sovereign decision-making as a new state. By the end of the war in Kosovo, one of the issues that were in the background to recover and return a new reality in Kosovo was necessary and the construction of many institutions to seek solutions to problems that led to full war in Kosovo. Were not defined building state moments that our country was how to move through the steps to capture the pace of development and improvement in all spheres of the social state, which left behind the war in Kosovo during the years 1998-1999.
Known that during the period 1998-1999, Kosovo was in a chaotic situation with regard to developments in the field of construction and stabilization of the whole territory, where the order and the lack of institutions was almost at ground zero. Such a need to build and stabilize the country was a challenge in itself to just the European Community addressed the latter to take the main burden in construction, development and stabilization of Kosovo in the future.
3. European Community efforts in building the Provisional Institutions of Self
Government in Kosovo
European Community in Kosovo after the war had continued and full commitment to the challenge to build self-governing institutions. These institutions are entities created by political developments and were assisted by the UN mission. Kosovo under Resolution 1244, was under the auspices of the Security Council of the United Nations, which meant the administration of Kosovo by the organization which made it her mission in Kosovo UNMIK familiar with the acronym. However, over time, according to Resolution 1244, UNMIK had a duty to help the locals to create the Provisional Institutions of Kosovo as they were called (PISG), which first formed the Interim Administrative Council, which were represented at that time all political groups and ethnic communities living in Kosovo. In 2001 the Constitutional Framework issued a document which was adopted by consensus among the international structures and UNMIK on one side and local Interim Administrative Council. Under the Constitutional Framework began building local institutions under the supervision of European and international community. These institutions, especially the OSCE, was entrusted with the right to establish self-governing institutions, for both levels of government as central and local, through direct elections and free.
Issues of concern to the international community during this time were in the background of building regulation and security, status and standards.
All three provide background to the development issues of local governance in Kosovo: efforts to establish security and rule of law, open question regarding the status of Kosovo and around standard operating policies of the Provisional Institutions [PISG].These specific parameters that address the European community in Kosovo sparked efforts to develop local governance and administration. Local democratic governance requires sufficient certainty to enable officials and citizens to continue with their daily physical security. It also takes part in the freedom of movement, assembly and political participation. Surely such a promising means police and judicial systems that have been established since 1999. And it seems that the Kosovo Police Service [KPS] has made amazing progress in support of local democratic governance. Often said KPS training have been reasonable effective in recruiting a force that is as ethnically balanced by gender, and subsequent field training. Further, a USAID study found that KPS respond professionally incidents in minority communities. Minorities are also represented in the police service and KPS officers seem to have been prepared to work in multi-ethnic patrols and willingness to speak a non-native language in certain situations. KPS belongs to succeed in implementing community policing service, which is basic for local democratic governance. (Community Police Service includes law enforcement, where police officers integrated into local communities to reduce crime and enhance community relations good. Not sure if all the KPS will be organized as an institution multiethnic northern Serb municipalities, whether to gain substantial additional investment for crime detection equipment necessary to improve the investigative capacity; if Vushtrri center will keep its quality high current when its funds to go out international sources in Kosovo budget in a very near future, if KPS wages will rise enough in order to enable individual officers to more easily resisting corruption, or if the KPS will win soon capacity to take on significant tasks that are currently part of the reserved powers of the SRSG in Pillar of Justice.
The development of local democracy in Kosovo was helped very much by International IDEA and executive authority for the police service is delivered by the International Police of UNMIK to KPS. From December 2004, 15 police stations have passed under the control of KPS. Police actions are becoming significantly more ambitious in scope. They will include efforts to eradicate international networks of organized crime, political violence against minorities’ spoilers, attacks on international and local officers of the police, ethnic violence and anti-explosive international accompanies spontaneous political demonstrations, corruption and economic crime ranking high in Kosovo. For this would require closer cooperation with international police and KFOR will remain in Kosovo for a possible future, although not clear if the KPS will gain the trust of KFOR. The complexity of these tasks is exacerbated by the obstacles to establishing an authoritative local judiciary, as well as organizational channels for coordinating the work of justice officials in Pillar I of the local administrators of Pillar II.
Municipal officials have no control and their word heard very little in the work of the police in their municipalities, even though 'crime prevention councils of government' formed in the second half of 2004 could give local officials little impact the local police service. It remains provisional Kosovo institutions develop the capacity to investigate economic crime, organized crime and public corruption, seen prominently in local government, for example, health service, education, local administration and land use decisions and for development. In a word, work harder for the rule of law and security lies before us in part, because it relates directly to the great uncertainty concerning the future policy and institutional effectiveness. The most important political issue central to democratic governance affects local development remains Kosovo's future status, which affects all aspects of social, economic and political development in Kosovo. Ethnic Albanian leaders put the achievement of independence and sovereignty in the center of all public activities, as Serbian leaders see maintaining links between Belgrade and Kosovo, a key political goal.
Although Kosovo's status was not formally on the agenda in the period since the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1244 in June of 1999, he has provided a backdrop for almost all political and administrative developments at local level in Kosovo:
- debates which flag (the UN or the Albanian one) should fly in public buildings;
- in the summer of 1999 the decision to rebuild the monument of the league that was destroyed by Serbs during the NATO intervention in 1999, or
- Resolution of 15 May 2003 the Assembly declared that the 1998-99 conflict in Kosovo was a "war of liberation of the people of Kosovo for freedom and independence '
Another issue for the European community was the development of local democracy in Kosovo. Standards were introduced in the first half of 2002 and was cited in any subsequent report of the Secretary-General. The status of Kosovo has directly reflected the ongoing discussion about standards. With parliament meeting in early 2002, UNMIK formulated a series of standards under its policy "standards before status', where government institutions are prepared for resolution of Kosovo's political status of the province through concrete achievements in seven areas:
1. functioning of democratic institutions,
2. law enforcement,
3. freedom of movement,
4. return and reintegration,
5. property rights,
6. Kosovo Protection Corps
7. dialogue with Belgrade.
Another aspect of the European community was the development of democracy and local government in Kosovo in parliament or in parliamentary committees to reform the constitutional framework at the expense of careful attention to capacity building in local government administration and to serve as the basis on which will establish a technical call for independence.
Acceptance of UN standards is hardly the end of this story. Some have argued that this was actually part of a strategy for addressing serious political crisis in Kosovo. It remains to specify the measurement methods for achieving the standards. For example, how would you know that 'the civil service is professional, impartial and accountable, that represents all communities in Kosovo', that 'all communities have equal access to employment in public institutions', or' there is a clear understanding between the vast majority of public sector employees for the demands of ethnic behavior. At a minimum, such uncertainty to weaken the standards of trust and fairness that is essential for local democratic governance, which can establish a real political obstacle to the achievement of goals for improving the administrative and governance techniques. Failure to resolve these issues will strengthen informal system parallel to the local authority's provisional institutions UNMIK were intended to replace, even though such institutions are not in favor parallel development of local democratic governance in Kosovo. PISG had a complex way to achieve the standards of operation due to continuous operation of parallel structures in Kosovo's local administration. Not surprisingly, recent reports have noted that the enclave Serbs complain that they have not taken any concrete benefit from participation in Kosovo's provisional institutions.
The effectiveness of local democratic institutions can be sustainable and self only when local institutions to function effectively and authority, be evaluated by the citizens of Kosovo and can adapt to changing needs. Under these standards, it appears that the administration in Kosovo has been hampered by the legacy of authoritarian government and multiple ethnic rivalry, from a dormant economy with little hope for improvement in the near future, from a state of uncertainty and occasional violence against minorities and policing of Kosovo from a deficient coordination between local and central government, and the difficulty of establishing progress towards political status of Kosovo.
In such a situation, local government remains fragile and deeply dependent on international missions that sometimes develop a worse type of limited stability at the expense of democratization. The roots of democratic governance in Kosovo remain hampered by the continuing politicization of public life, the increasing weakness of ordinary citizens, and persistent impunity of that have no impact or not accept thing for a democratic system and stable. And local democracy as Kosovo is not yet self-sustaining, and international officials have not been very efficient in their use of large real politico-economic to the most fruitful work with diverse groups toward a democratic future joint venture.
It seems that the solution to these dilemmas will depend on a broader political agreement, which will examine the success of legitimate concerns for self Popular Albanians and Serbs legitimate concerns about security, freedom of movement, protection of cultural monuments and return of refugees and internally displaced people. Such an arrangement could provide a political context in which administrators will be able to become technically proficient and begin to accept some general civic values, which would bring more narrow political interests.
A broader agreement between the Serbian government and the Provisional Institutions of Self Government would provide predictability and sense of completion that will guarantee all citizens of Kosovo a common future in peace, dignity and democracy. Such agreement may also bring a foundation upon which key stakeholders and Albanians could reach an agreement based on the values and principles of a sustainable political compact. Progress towards achieving these general goals and constructive will be strengthened where officials in Kosovo will take smaller steps to strengthen democracy and the local administration by increasing the degree of economic autonomy, social and political in the lowest level of government. And here international officials from the UN, EU, OSCE, KFOR and individual governments continue to command the entirety of authoritarian tools in the current round of bargaining.
It may be true that current efforts to reform the local government will lead to sustainable improvements in economic management, electoral legislation and legislative and administrative practice and that 'reform process' will bring effective programs that deal with needs of all groups of citizens in Kosovo. Will continue to be required for international officials that they learn to share 'political ownership' with local colleagues from Kosovo and colleagues go to these formal control over the growing local democratization process. This may present the biggest challenge faced by international institutions in Kosovo.
Deepening democracy, supporting the development of a culture of democracy at the local level that is open, transparent and inclusive is the best direct strengthening of democracy for all of Kosovo. Elected local authorities can act to promote municipal and forming public forums, working groups, committees and structures for the population and civil society and the strengthening of a professional and responsive civil service within the local administration towards sustainable local government in Kosovo. The attempt to establish local democratic governance began in the confusion that wrap the end of the war in June 1999 and has followed the dilemma facing Kosovo's postwar development.
Access to the OSCE and its mission in Kosovo since the war until 1999
OSCE mission of long-standing dates from the seventies years, the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was founded to serve as a multilateral forum for dialogue and negotiation between East and West during the Cold War. During two meetings in Helsinki and Geneva, the CSCE reached agreement for the adoption of the Helsinki Final Act, which was signed in 1975. This document includes a wide range of international standards and commitments conduct governing relations between participating states, measures designed to build confidence between them, particularly in politico-military field, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and cooperation in economic, cultural and scientific. With the end of the Cold War, the CSCE was given a new course and role of the Paris Summit, held in November of 1990, the management of historic changes in Europe are resembled. This new course and made the role of the CSCE in the permanent institutions and operational capacity. As part of the process of institutionalization of the CSCE, the name was changed to the OSCE, a decision that was adopted by Heads of State or Government of Member States during the Budapest summit, held in December 1994. The mission of the OSCE: Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is the largest regional security in the world, which provides comprehensive and cooperative security to a region that stretches from Vancouver to Vladivostok's. The OSCE consists of 56 countries in Europe, Central Asia and America. It provides a forum for political negotiations and decision making in the areas of early warning, conflict prevention and rehabilitation of post-conflict situations. Arms control, preventive diplomacy, and take measures to build confidence and security, human rights and minority rights, democratization, election monitoring, economic development and environmental protection are an integral part of the scope and mission of the OSCE the.
Known as the largest organization in the world regional security, the OSCE carries a wide range of activities in the field of security which include three key dimensions: the human dimension, politico-military and economic-environmental. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, but also because of the challenges and new forms of security risks, the OSCE's activities in the last decade have focused on these areas: the fight against human trafficking , arms and drugs, arms control, border management, fight against terrorism, military reforms, democratization of institutions, prosperity and economic development; education, electoral processes, activities for environmental protection, gender equality, human rights; media freedom, minority rights, the work of police, rule of law and in activities to promote tolerance and non discrimination.
The OSCE has a comprehensive and multidimensional approach to security issues. As a result of the expansion of its very wide geographical and because of political commitment of member countries, the role of OSCE in the field of safety and security building policies is extremely important.
The OSCE Mission in Kosovo is the largest operation in the field that is ever taken over the history of the OSCE action. The presence of the then currently had employed over 283 international staff and 716 local workers. The OSCE Mission in Kosovo was established in July 1999 by the Permanent Council of OSCE. As the third pillar of the International Mission to the United Nations in Kosovo, the OSCE mission in Kosovo is responsible for institution building and democracy and the promotion of human rights and rule of law.
The problem of interference of this mission in Kosovo by the European Union together with the international community since the early advantage of the time not to talk, at the time when the atmosphere in the region was staring at maximum, the trials were darkening, hostile feelings between Albanians and Serbs had peak, were almost daily attacks increasingly barbaric and anger in this situation both parties do not accept the concessions (in particular the Serbian). Kosovo became more and more European and international agenda aimed at monitoring the situation and assist Serb violence and humiliation that were on this vulnerable population. Presence was a necessity of such an organization, such as the OSCE, to the actual reality that happened in Kosovo. Having seen the continuation of fatal events in Kosovo, which grew to more closely monitor the reality in Kosovo or to reveal itself in late 1990. The failure of EU and international factors for dialogue after Serbia's reluctance to make compromises with the Albanian side somehow prompted the international community to act quickly.
 The EU has a host of rules, without which the states can not arteries yen as part of its construction criteria are golden Political, Economic and European Criteria grumpy.
 Plani për zbatimin e standardeve për Kosovën, fq. 16, 18 dhe 43, në http://www.unmikonline.org/pub/misc/ksip_eng.pdf.
- Quote paper
- Lecturer Halim Bajraktari (Author), 2011, Kosovo's past strategies and future challenges of European, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/187384