Table of Content
1.2 Purpose/Research Questions
1.4 Theoretical framework
1.5 Chapter Organization
Chapter 2 –Literature Review
2. European Foreign Policy Discourse
2.1 Discourse of the European Neighbourhood Policy
2.1.2 Neighbourhood Politics
2.1.3 Revival of geopolitics
2.1.4 Geostrategies of the ENP
2.1.5 Social Construction of Neighbourhood and Norm Reception
2.2 The Eastern Dimension and Ukraine
2.3 Security Sector Governance in the Neighbourhood
2.3.1 European Union energy security in the neighbourhood
Chapter 3 - European Foreign Policy Discourse
3.1 Changes in European Foreign Policy
3.1.1 Institutional changes
3.1.2 Enlargement as foreign policy tool and the ENP
3.2 Rational Actors
3.2.1 Ukraine –EU relations
3.3 Ukraine as a regional actor; too weak to escape Russia?
4.1 The Return of History
4.1.1 Creation of Energy Dependencies
4.2 The Centre –Periphery argument
4.2.1 Benefits and cost- Centre –Periphery argument
4.3 Direct Involvement in Neighbourhood Crises and Politics?
4.3.1 Investment in the neighbourhood
4.3.2 Security and Border Control Dimension
4.4 Schengen border code
4.5 Schengen Information Systems. (SIS)
4.6 Visa Facilitation Regime
4.7 Pockets of Conflicts surrounding Ukraine
List of Figures and Tables.
Fig 1. Situations when several research strategies are appropriate
Fig 1.1: The Pillarization of the EU
Fig 2: Transition and latest development of pillarization
Fig 3 .CFSP Structures
Fig 4: Perception of Public Support –ENP Members
Table 1: Foreign Direct Investment in Ukraine
Table 2: Energy dependence Matrix
Table 3: Selected economic measures related to the ENP
Table 4: Political Elites and the ENP
Table 5: ENPI Indicative Multi-annual Allocations for the period of 2007-10
Map 1: Primary Russian Oil and Gas Pipelines to Europe
Fig 2.2 Ultimate purpose of the CES
Fig 2.3 Categorisation of Partner states of ENP
Fig 2.4 Developing relations with neighbours
Fig 2.5 Energy Policy Index
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
This chapter depicts the structure of the entire thesis; it is the foundation on which the thesis is built.
With a shared border, diverse level of economic and political development alongside the diversities in culture and history. The European Union is continually and consciously alerted of the new neighbours bordering new members. The argument of the role of the European Union revolves in between a Westphalian Structure, neo-medieval empire and a geopolitical strategy shaping spheres of influence in Global politics.
While enlargement, extension of the normative power of the European Union and a new global strategic positioning in global politics is a disguised function or rationale of the ENP.
From the design of the ENP and what the policy main strength is; it is notable that neighbours are guaranteed more economic integration ,something similar to the European Economic Area(EEA) with basic tenets of the fundamental freedoms inclusive; freedom of persons, goods, services and capital in a long term (Aliboni 2005, Landaburu 2006, Gromadzki 2008).
In the same vein , it must be noted that the previous EU initiatives of regional and inter-regional cooperation has intensified or reiterated economic integration , greater integration into an economic zone which in some sense guarantees co-prosperity of the neighbours which are in turn expected to intensify on reforms that would pave way for domestic structural stability and inter-state relations.
The ENP as stated by the European Commission External relations page depicts ENP as an instrument developed in 2004 with the aim of avoiding the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and her neighbours which intensifies cooperation and improvement in terms of prosperity, stability and security.
ENP could therefore be incorporated into the definitions of debordering and rebordering, the ENP as a catalyst of convergence, a motive made clear by the communication from the Commission on Wider Europe-Neighbourhood (COM ,2003). The ENP could therefore be seen from a theoretical perspective as a process of transferring European norms and values to Neighbourhood members which explains European Integration as a mix of institution formation mechanism, transfer of norms and spread of interest , and a need to cooperate as demonstrated by State and non-State actors (Leander 2002,p .185,Mattli 1999,p.10,19).
Questions regarding the Unions borders, the beginning and end of European Space in the geographical scope, can not be separated from questions regarding the Unions’ security, thus drawing final borders aimed at achieving or promoting stability and security along its borders and neighbouring region makes the carrot of enlargement not available but it is disguised as a probation mechanism by the ENP. A previous research by Albioni (2005) concentrated on the global implications of the ENP, but this thesis builds its findings on regional implications which present a new research field into neighbourhood study and relations.
The cost of these relations as evidenced by the main pillars or contents of the ENP would therefore be explored in the course of this research.
1.2 PURPOSE /RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The dynamism of the EU relations with eastern neighbours or neighbours in the ENP has been the centre of attention since the end of the Cold War. In an attempt to depict such relation and its aftermath , the thesis would highlight the rationale behind the EU and Ukrainian relation; the unwillingness of initiating pre-accession negotiations with Ukraine ,rather the ENP served as a basis for relations, the cost and benefits of the relations ,how such relations affects the geostrategies or political dimension of the European Union. The Independent Variable (IV) enlargement and the Dependent Variable (DV) the neighbourhood influence would be the main foundation on which the entire thesis is built and developed.
So the main question for this research would be; what are the implications and benefits of the EU relations under the ENP policy with specific reference to Ukraine?
The research question however generates a hypothesis that would be tested in the course of the research or discourse; which is that the ENP as a policy towards its neighbours would not only have regional implications but also global geopolitical implications considering the Russian Factor and energy politics.
The research would adopt Qualitative study which is made up of journals ,articles, textbooks, EU documents from official websites, research centre publications such as the European Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), Centre for European Forum(CER), Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) to mention but a few. The secondary sources from the aforementioned research institutions are considered as mainly useful to the thesis as they concentrate on European Affairs and have a constant flow of new information, throughout the year with objectivism and other scientific rules in view.
In Line with Yin (1994) the research strategies adopted in this thesis would be the archival and historical strategy, bearing in mind that the research question for this study, seeks to find out “What” qualifies it for the adoption of such strategy.
Comparing the case study with other methods, according to Yin (1994), the case study should be the preferred research method when “how” or “why” questions need to be answered, when analyzing contemporary events and when the behaviours cannot be controlled. When the research question is “what”, the objective of the study is to develop hypothesis or propositions for later testing, so for this exploratory study various other research methods can be used. If the question is “how many” or how much”, then a survey or archival analysis should be used. The archival strategy and historical seems appropriate for this research.
Fig 1; situations when several research strategies are appropriate
illustration not visible in this excerpt
Source: Yin (1994)
1.4 The theoretical Framework
Considering the rationale behind actions, interest, and the goal of extending European norms, markets, policies, ideas and democratization or succinctly the pillars of the ENP. The rational choice Institutionalism theory and the Copenhagen School of Securitization would be the basic theories that would be applied in this research.
Rationalism centres on the importance of power and interest in International politics; it is a state centric approach (Hoffman, 1966). Rational Choice Institutionalism (RCI) would be utilized considering the strengths and weaknesses in applying the theory to stand as a basis of the research as regards Ukraine.
Rational Choice Institutionalism theory developed from mathematics, operations research and economics; the theory developed further with focus on institutions in politics, economics and sociology (Shepsle 2005, p. 14). Institutions are humanly devised constraints on actions (Weingast 2002, p.661, North,1990) .Theoretically, this definition implies that the constraining impact of institutions on individuals, actors and groups. The European Union Interaction or relations with Ukraine through the ENP could be explained through the theoretical periscope of RCI.
RCI considers institutions as different from traditional institutional approach that treats institutions as basically organs of government i.e. legislative, judiciary and executive of government; however RCI presents another perspective of viewing Institutions which are basically informal and formal rules (Kobonbaev 2002, p.1). The foregoing emanates as a rationale for the adoption of RCI as a theoretical base for this research. Formal and Informal rules ranging from the ENP, Copenhagen criteria, other rules in the relations are considered as institutions. At the same time the accessions criteria are based on informal institutions like norms and conventions accepted by the European Union member states. The Institutional part of the argument however, depicts how the spread of European norms have been caged under institutional reforms and structural reforms alongside constraints to immediate.
The angle of analysis that deals with the intent of the EU in its relations with Ukraine and the geopolitical implication could be considered from the Copenhagen School, which brings to fore the classical security complex which is originated in power politics which is a social constructivist approach which explains the process through which issues are securitized. According to Buzan et al (1998,p.24,26) The process of security is a self referential practice , which in language theory is depicted as a speech act, it is thus not interesting as a sign referring to something more real however it is the utterance that is the act.
What therefore counts mainly as a security issue depends on how social actors frame or depict the issue, in this approach the meaning of a concept thus depends on its usage.
From the foregoing emanates the basic tenets of the Copenhagen school as categorized by Buzan et al (1998, p.21-26), as a rhetorical structure of the securitizing act which is comprised of; an existential threat to the survival of a kind of object which, requires exceptional measures or act to protect the threatened referent object, and this justifies and legitimizes the breaking free of normal democratic procedures.
The submission therefore brings to fore the variable of human beings, an actor that tries to bring an issue from the realm of low politics which might be bounded by democratic rules,norms and decision making process to the realm of high politics which is comprised of urgency, priority and a matter of fight for continual existence a matter of life or death (ibid).
In this sense , the formulation of the ENP as part of EU foreign policy or CFSP falls under the EU cognizance of preservation of its borders and continual need for energy(Gas) which brings to fore the incessant Russian –Ukrainian disagreements over energy supply . So from the Copenhagen School the ENP is demonstrated in the realm of low politics and high politics showing that several interests abound in the course of relations. It must also be reiterated that the acts of speech comes as a major focus in the political realm, speech from actors regarding issues of security as regards the border and neighbours also fall under the scope of the Copenhagen school. The theory as it relates to the thesis shows the way energy and development of relations with Ukraine and other neighbourhood partners have all of a sudden being securitized.
1.5 Chapter Organization
Chapter one deals with the introduction, which embraces the research objectives, methodology and questions alongside the theoretical framework adopted.
Chapter two continues with the literature review which brings to fore the various ideas and submission about the EU-Ukraine relations, the developments in the CFSP.
Chapter three would focus on a background into Ukrainian Politics, EU-Ukrainian relations which fosters regionalization; which also brings to fore the European Union approach, examination of the rational actors in the discourse, rational strategies and strategic incentives.
Chapter four starts with the examination of the geo-political implications of the ENP, the cost and benefits of the ENP in its relations in Ukraine and a summary of findings from the research and the validation of the hypothesis.
Chapter five concludes with the review of basic findings in the course of the thesis and further reiterates the new dimension in neighbourhood study or research ,demonstrating that more research needs to be done in that specific field.
Chapter two demonstrates that there are existing literatures and discourses in the field of research related to the thesis and seeks to explore the vacuum in the existing research which would lead to generating a new knowledge in subsequent chapters.
2. European Foreign Policy Discourse
Foreign policy is depicted as actions taken by governments which are aimed at the external environment with the main objective of sustaining or changing the so called environment (White 2004, Carlsnaes 2002). Allen (1996) for instance depicts foreign policy as a coherent, coordinated and consistent identification and pursuit of national interests.
European Foreign policy is thus an activity that is not coterminous with the territorial alongside institutional boundaries of the European Union. Hill (1998, p.45) argued that European Foreign Policy is composed of organizations and actors that surpass the European Union members. The argument of Hill (1998) points to the fact that member states pursue their own foreign policies alongside contributing to the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. European Foreign Policy analysis or discourse has been described by Cameron (2007) as possessing machineries of external relations that are highly complicated due to the existence of different systems or pillars for diverse areas of external policy like foreign and security policy, trade and development.
However White (2004) opined that there are two challenges posed by an empirical analysis of European foreign policy. First, is the controversy surrounding the meaning of European Foreign Policy, due to the fact that it can not be easily situated within a state-centric analysis that possesses clear boundaries between an external and internal policy environment.
The second challenge stems from the notion of a European Foreign Policy or Common Foreign Security Policy (CFSP) that emerged in 1993, as it is entangled with a difficulty in understanding whether European Foreign Policy can be treated as the object or subject of analysis differently from national foreign policies. The continual enlargement and enlargement fatigue is another challenge to the foreign policy. It is the idea of a new Europe emerging fostered by the demise of the Cold War and the Moribund Soviet Union. Smith (2001) thus depicts the European Union as a regional actor which fits into post-Cold War analyses of regionalization and globalization. A struggle between national foreign policy and European Foreign Policy emerges, which from a theoretical perspective views foreign policy as a reserve of a State; which is a state centric realist position (White, 1999). Identifying the status of the European Union thus, has been controversial, either as a State or International organization, Lister (1997) opines that the European Union is best understood as an exceptional type of institution instead of an embryonic state.
Allen (1998,p.42) pointed out the dilemma facing the European Union member states , in that they have a strong will of preserving national foreign policies and at the other end of an ambition to create a European Foreign Policy. The foregoing creates a federalist vision of Europe which we might foresee in the future, which thus would lead to a Federal European State (Hill 1993,p.316).
Considering the actors that constitute the making of European Foreign Policy, which is a shared submission of sovereignty of member states mainly in the process of designing and integrating policies to the outsiders.
Hill (1998, p.18) further submitted that the European Foreign Policy is a mixture of the actions of member states of the European Union and their actions in International relations.
In a more elaborate way of explaining the CFSP, Koenig-Archibugi (2004, p.158) depicts the CFSP as a product of collusive delegation; which Moravcsik (1994, 1997, 1998) depicted as vivid considering the following; first is a shift agenda setting power, second is the redistribution of opportunities for participation in domestic decision making and also informal asymmetries and change of ideological justifications of policies.
In the same vein Koenig-Archibugi (2004, p.161) points out the dilemma in the relations of the member State, their reactions to European Foreign Policy and Constitution when he submitted that weaker countries are more likely to accept an integrated foreign and security policy and supranational integration fosters the security of smaller states. The foregoing becomes a reality when the threats of bigger states in the supranational club are reduced by a collective submission and sharing of sovereignty in several areas.
2.1 Discourse of the European Neighbourhood Policy
The continual enlargement episode has eventually paved way for a more conscientious and conscious effort of the European Union in establishing the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), as a policy guiding its relations with neighbours due to the recent and continuous enlargement in the Union. The ENP which came into being in 2004 , emerged as a foreign policy instrument which carved spheres of influence and relations among the new bordering neighbours as a result of the eastern enlargement.
A more detailed form of the tenets of the ENP is further stated in the Communication Wider Europe-Neighbourhood issued in 2003 (Strategy Paper on ENP, 2004, p.2, 3). The ENP covers Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Libya, Syria, and Belarus.
The ENP is depicted as a reaction to the current enlargements with its objective mainly as “strengthening stability, security and well being for all concerned, preventing the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbours and offering greater political, security, economic and cultural cooperation (ibid).
The aforementioned cooperation is fostered by Action plans and some instruments such as European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI) which fully came into being in 2007 and replaces TACIS. The ENP represents the EU in a bid to foster mutual commitments to common values, rule of law, good governance, and promotion of good neighbourly relations, market economy and sustainable development; however from the submission of Prodi , he submitted that the ENP pictures “the EU as sharing everything but institutions” (Emerson 2004, p16, Fraser 2007,p.108-109).
Much focus has been shifted to some countries in the ENP, due to their strategic position to EU member States. The ENP therefore presents another perspective although the Euro- Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) as a forerunner or predecessor of ENP envisaged the territorial delimitation of Europe and a new Paradigm of Europe’s Borderlands (Patten &Solano).
A summary of the major tenets of ENP are thus; democracy, market economy which responds to the challenges of crime, migration, health, the environment and terrorism (Fraser 2007,p.109, Overhaus, 2006).
From the submissions and critique of several scholars, the ENP can be perceived as a foreign policy instrument with diverse strengths and weaknesses; Aliboni (2005) considers the ENP as another development in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) , however despite such submission , he opined that the ENP status is uncertain whether it fits properly into the EU’s external aims and finalities and the life span and effectiveness of the policy is not visible considering other moribund policies addressing the same issue of neighbourhood relations.
2.1.2 Neighbourhood Politics
Over the past decade , the European Union has maintained two types of policies towards its immediate neighbour, the rhetorical enquiry remains if these two policies have been in existence , why is the ENP most publicized or gaining much debate ?
The dual types of policies maintained by the European Union are;
First, a policy aimed at stabilization which mainly deals with fostering regional cooperation and broad partnerships which is evidenced by the following ; European Free Trade association (EFTA), Northern Dimension (ND), European Economic Area(EEA), Barcelona Process or European Mediterranean Policy (EMP),Partnership Cooperation Agreements ,(Policy Towards Russia and finally the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) (Gromadzki 2008; Landaburu 2006, Noutcheva &Emerson 2005,;Vahl ,2005, Missiroli 2004, p .12-13).
The other policy is aiming towards integration into the union, which brings countries directly into the European Union through a bilateral process based on strict conditionality which is evidenced by the Copenhagen Criteria and Accession talks (Missiroli 2004, p.12-13).
Based on the foregoing some scholars perceive the neighbourhood policy or politics as revolving in between a stabilization process and integration process (Missiroli 2004, p.12-13; Gault 2004). The former refers to a process aimed at attaining stability in the region which is typical of any regional power which was first utilized by the European Union in the Central European countries and Baltic States through the Balladur pact of 1993-5 (Missiroli ,2004, p.12-13).
The latter by contrast is based on integration as a goal alongside conditionality as a means, with the main reason behind the series of enlargements as a security strategy because the strict conditionality, norms and rules ensure that the probability of insecurity, conflict and instability are reduced significantly (Missiroli 2004, p.12-13,Hänggi &Tanner 2005,p.12,Parmentier 2008).
The integration approach to this discourse as regards the ENP could therefore be termed as a security policy, extending its application reach from integration approach to stabilization approach which is evidenced in the Eastern dimension, which is more applicable to the ENP members that are bordering the Union, suffice it to say that the ENP as a security policy is more notable in relations with Ukraine, Belarus, Morroco, Israel, the Occupied Palestinian territory (Gatev 2004; Cameron 2007,p.1-2).
From the foregoing, a body of argument emerges by Parmentier (2008,p.103-104) that a comparison between neighbourhood policy and enlargement policies have synonymous features especially in their origins with the aim of extending European Internal order which is enshrined in the social preferences through enviable methods of socialization and strict conditionality. A crucial distinction however is the membership prospect offered in one which is fully known and visible to all aspirants or outsiders.
Another growing dimension to the ENP discourse is the political and security interest and geo-strategic interest in the ENP framework and composition; the foregoing stems from the fact that the EU can no longer occupy a passive position towards its semi-periphery, with the semi-periphery assuming a close link to the core which brings to fore issues such as geographical mobility of individuals, economic factors, claims of being European and geopolitical proximity (Kelly 2006 ;Tulmets 2006).
Emanating from the foregoing is the fact that there is a periphery-core relation, as laid out by Prodi (2002) when he submitted that the EU should share “everything but institutions”. He further posited that the EU needed to stabilize its periphery via proximity, which connotes the extension of principles, values and standards that define the European Union (ibid).
Despite the rhetorical form of the ENP which is envisaged in Prodi’s submission of share everything but institutions, the enlargement fatigue alongside the rejection of the so called Lisbon treaty or European Constitution pushes the policy makers to a subtle play on words by designing the ENP (Emerson et al 2006; EC 2003). Sharing anything but institutions also points to the fact that the EU can share interests or identity with its neighbours, the worrisome fact here is how the neighbours can defend their interest without being a member or part of the institutions, sharing European identity without not being a member State points to the real intent and disguised intent of the ENP (Parmentier 2008,p.105).
2.1.3 Revival of geopolitics
Most concepts have an origin deeply rooted in historical events, geographies, geopolitics is no exception. The inflationary use of the term dates back to the 18th century, the concept has been used to mean several things (Gearóid 1998, Agnew 1998, Merje 2007).
In this discourse, it is not the goal to disclose the inflationary usage of the term but to indicate the relevance to the thesis. From the imperial acquisition of space and sphere of influence to the notorious Nazi foreign policy objective of ‘ Lebensraum ’ (the pursuit of more living space) to the Cold war ear (a contest between the United States and Soviet Union over States and strategic resources of the world) and then to regional integration, ring of friends, neighbourhood strategy, securitization through NATO and the EU. The concept of geopolitics has been revamped in the 20th century with several events in the global polity. Scholars such as (Mahan 1957, Ratzel 1897, Mackinder 1904), viewed geopolitics as a battle for land territory, however other scholars in the cold war era viewed it differently, while Post-Cold war era also had scholars like Fukuyama, Huntington ,Luttwack with their submissions. Thus the term geopolitics is difficult to explain as it is used to mean different things as earlier disclosed.
Merje (2007) opined that geopolitics is the geographic factors that pave way for political decisions. The definition might be faulted by different scholars, but it serves as prelude to the many meanings of geopolitics, but at this moment geopolitics definitely involves power, geography, rational actors, interests, cultural identity, territory and resources.
In the same vein Agnew (1998, p.87-95) submitted that geopolitics went through three main stages that are important in understanding geopolitics; with civilizational geopolitics, naturalized geopolitics and ideological geopolitics.
Furthermore, along with geopolitics comes the incessant and speedy interdependence of the globe in terms of trade, commerce and economic space.
Another twist to the geopolitics conception is the arrival of concepts such as integration, dependency debacle, periphery-core relations, energy politics, and the interdependency of the globe, “the Us and Them” equation in EU –Eastern Europe relations, power and resource politics, spheres of influence in a shadow of imperialism.
The foregoing relations however would produce payoffs, aftermaths which leads to the core of the thesis. This is however organized by considering the Russian Factor, Securitization of energy arguments, the fate of Ukraine and other CIS countries, the EU’s diplomatic policy, energy dependence and would also disclose the implications of the European Neighbourhood Policy to the rational actors; especially the Ukrainian –EU relations and the Russian influence.
2.1.4 Geostrategies of the ENP
The ENP has been perceived from several perspectives ranging from a neo-liberal to neo-imperialist, elite construct, post Westphalian, post –modernism to mention but a few (Scott 2005, p.430).
The EU’s continual enlargement and the enlargement fatigue present a dilemma of how to promote stability and security in its neighbouring regions; in a context of ensuring stability within the countries bordering the European Union (Browning & Joenniemi 2008, p.520).
The debates about the limit of Europe have been incessant, with several models and theoretical perspectives developed to explain the Geopolitics and the Intent of the European Union. The most crucial models that are employed in this discourse are; the Westphalian, Imperial and Neomedieval perception of Europe. Geostrategies can be depicted as sets of competing and overlapping discourses that deals with how to organize territory and space at the border, and the relationship with the others (Browning &Joenniemi 2008, p.521). From the perspective of Walter (2004) he submitted that geostrategies are aimed at organizing the space of the border, forming an identity of the “inside and outside”, issues that confront the border, territorialisation which points to Identity and political aspirations. The European Union is thus on a course of adopting geostrategic or geopolitical strategies in its relationship with the “Others” through the ENP.
According to Browning &Joenniemi (2008) the geostrategies are conceptualized into four parts; the march, line, colonial frontier and networked non-border.
The Westphalian perspective conceives the European Union as steadily coalescing and shaping into a modern state with sovereignty moved away from the states to the Commission in Brussels. Power here is held in the centre but it is applied consistently over the territory up to the border where one sovereign territoriality connects (Ruggie 1993; Zielonka 2001, p.509;Waever 1997).
According to Christiansen (2003, p.73) the continual movement of the European Union towards a Modern Westphalian stand is evidenced by the clamour for a European Constitution among some circles despite the rejection and debate that this has produced.
The imperial logic based on geopolitical drive is thus reflected in the European Union in two respects, first is the perspective of the European Union as an instrument of peace, by trying to ensure stability throughout Europe, which extends beyond the European space as, evidenced by a geopolitical movement of friendship to the Middle East and North Africa countries.
The second point as regards the imperial logic of the European Union in terms of geostrategies an empire with power located at the centre which is in Brussels and power is dispersed outwards in varying and multilayered sequence (Zielonka 2003, 2001, Browning &Joenniemi 2008, p.522).