Modern money is not easily captured. Some accounts even claim that its defining feature is its quality as a universal leveller and yardstick (see Maurer, 2006:16). This quality, however, is exactly what we want to debate. Without being confined to a particular conceptualisation of ‘modern money’ as a means of payment, a store of value and a unit of account, I want to approach money as such in its various forms in traditional (nonmodern) contexts and our own ‘credit-money’-bank form. The question is what effect a money has: does it flatten, commensurate and homogenise? Is it true that “when monetary exchange is anonymous and anonymizing, the social identities of transacting parties are irrelevant to the value of the objects mediated by money … and so the things take on the powers of the fetish” (Maurer, 2006:23)? As the following discussion shows, you can indeed find examples for this flattening function of money. Not only does Marx explicitly focus on this negative, fetishised – i.e. concealed – quality of money as ‘confuser’, but Bohannan (1959) finds this effect of modern money on the Tiv economy in Nigeria. Kwon’s (2007) analysis of Vietnamese ghost money generally agrees with Bohannan – but introduces a more balanced view on money’s cultural meanings and potential problems of human agency and performativity as opposed to seeing it as an inherent quality. Simmel’s other side of money’s potential effect – increased freedom and a new form of relation – are brought into the debate with Cole’s (2005) account of transactional sex in Madagascar partly building on Hutchinson’s (1992) fieldwork among the Nuer. Money should not be seen through the eyes of Western folk tales (Maurer, 2006:19) but in its culturally specific context. Money is not one-sided but its effects depend on where it is used by whom in what kind of practice. Marx account is merely one part of this story – the one that now has become exactly that, a Western folk tale.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction to the debate on modern money
2. Marxian views on the fetishism of money
3. Bohannan’s analysis of the Tiv economy
4. Kwon’s perspective on Vietnamese ghost money
5. Social change and agency in the context of money
6. Cole’s case study on transactional sex in Madagascar
7. The Comaroffian study of Tshidi cattle
8. Hutchinson’s observations on the Nuer cattle-economy
9. Anthropological discourse and the ambiguity of money
Objectives and Themes
The primary objective of this work is to critically examine the notion of money's "intrinsic" power to transform or "invert" social and cultural structures, challenging the prevalent Marxist view of money as a universal, fetishised "confuser." Through an anthropological lens, the study investigates how money functions differently depending on its cultural context and the agency of the actors involved, rather than operating as an autonomous, flattening force.
- The critique of the Marxist concept of money as a universal "confuser" and "leveller."
- Cross-cultural analysis of money in diverse economic and ritual systems, including Tiv, Nuer, and Vietnamese contexts.
- The relationship between human agency, social change, and the performative usage of currency.
- The role of "fetishism" as a socially constructed perception rather than an inherent quality of money itself.
Excerpt from the Book
The Comaroffian (1990) study of Tshidi cattle
The Comaroffian (1990) study of Tshidi cattle seems to run parallel to many of the arguments already made by Bohannan. From pre-colonial cattle – embedded in social relations, defining social hierarchy and contexts – modern forms of (credit) money perceived as acidic and destructive for social relations take over. The difference lies in the fact that the Comarrofs make clear how similar those different forms of exchange objects are: both “equate and transform … give worth and meaning”, both are objects of fetishism with a logic of their own allowing users to do things and forge relations without disclosing forces that fabricate them (ibid.:211). Eventually, money does eat cattle, however. People are forced into wage labour and selling their cattle stock in colonial times. More clearly than among the Tiv, cattle are upheld by the Tshidi (‘legless cattle’ as an expression for token money) as enclaves to limit the ‘Midas touch of money’ (ibid.:212). Human agency plays a role again – resistance is possible even after the dominant introduction of money in the economic sphere (see Maurer, 2006). In the Comaroffs’ analysis, rather than an inherent quality of money to transform, the influence of Evangelist belief, the introduction of taxation as well as agricultural means such as the plough forced society to change. Money was merely a part of this change.
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction to the debate on modern money: This section introduces the theoretical tension regarding money as a universal "leveller" versus its context-dependent reality, questioning if its power to change society is intrinsic or imagined.
2. Marxian views on the fetishism of money: The chapter outlines Karl Marx’s argument that money functions as a force of alienation that abstracts human relationships and confuses the natural order of exchange.
3. Bohannan’s analysis of the Tiv economy: This summary examines how the introduction of modern currency transformed the traditional multi-centric Tiv economy into a unicentric system, causing significant social upheaval.
4. Kwon’s perspective on Vietnamese ghost money: The text explores how the use of "Do La" in Vietnamese burials challenges the Marxist view, as this ritual currency serves to re-integrate separate spheres of value rather than simply confusing them.
5. Social change and agency in the context of money: This section emphasizes that money is not a one-dimensional force, but rather a tool for social change that relies on the agency of individuals navigating different status quo environments.
6. Cole’s case study on transactional sex in Madagascar: The analysis highlights how young women in Madagascar utilize money from transactional relationships to create new, more stable forms of social and family life.
7. The Comaroffian study of Tshidi cattle: The chapter discusses how the Tshidi utilized cattle as an enclave to resist the "Midas touch" of modern money, highlighting the tension between social embeddedness and commercial rationality.
8. Hutchinson’s observations on the Nuer cattle-economy: This portion details how the Nuer maintained a distinct differentiation between cash and cattle-wealth, resisting the total commensurability of money.
9. Anthropological discourse and the ambiguity of money: The final chapter concludes that money is inherently ambiguous and its effects are derived from situational definitions, advocating for an anthropological focus on how it is "repersonalised" within social relationships.
Keywords
Anthropology of money, Marxism, Commodity fetishism, Economic anthropology, Social agency, Performativity, Tiv economy, Nuer cattle, Ritual money, Transactional sex, Cultural variation, Modernity, Credit-money, Social alienation, Value spheres.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the central focus of this academic work?
The work focuses on the anthropological critique of the belief that money possesses an "intrinsic" power to transform, homogenize, or "invert" social and cultural relationships.
Which theoretical concept regarding money is being challenged?
The study challenges the Marxist conceptualization of money as a universal "fetish" and a "confuser" that inherently destroys moral and traditional social bonds.
What is the primary research objective?
The objective is to demonstrate that money’s effects are not inherent but are contingent upon specific cultural contexts, local practices, and the agency of the people using it.
Which scientific methodology is applied here?
The author employs a comparative, qualitative anthropological method, reviewing and synthesizing classic case studies and ethnographic accounts of monetary usage across diverse cultures.
What does the main body of the work cover?
The main body covers ethnographic analyses of money in the Tiv, Nuer, and Vietnamese cultures, alongside studies of transactional sex in Madagascar and the cattle-economy of the Tshidi.
What are the key terms that define this analysis?
Key terms include commodity fetishism, agency, performativity, social embeddedness, incommensurability, and the cultural variability of value.
How does the author interpret the role of "ghost money" in Vietnam?
The author argues that Vietnamese ghost money is used instrumentally by practitioners to manage hierarchical and spiritual relationships, serving an emancipatory role rather than merely causing confusion.
Why does the author argue against the "demonization" of money?
The author argues that demonizing money ignores the potential for human agency to use it for constructive social outcomes, such as creating new family bonds or achieving independence, as seen in the Madagascar case study.
- Arbeit zitieren
- Johannes Lenhard (Autor:in), 2013, The Fetishism to Credit Money with an Intrinsic Power to Change (‘Invert’) Society and Culture, München, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/230432
