Migration to Urbanisation: Rural Social Work and the Prevention of Slum Growth

Diploma Thesis, 2003

159 Pages, Grade: 1,0 (A)




A. Countryinformation about India
1. Main data, Geography and History
2. History and Politics
3. Socio- economical aspects and poverty
4. Socio-cultural situation
4.1 Women
4.2 Caste System: Dalits and Adivasis
4.3 Education
4.4 Health
5. Summary

B. Rural to Urban Migration in the indian context
1. Theoretical background of migration
1.1 Influences in decision- making on the micro-, meso- and macro- level
1.2 Distance- Approach
1.3 Stress- Approach
1.4 Migration as risk management
1.5 Harris- Todaro and the neo- classical approach
1.6 Forms of migration
1.6.1 Seasonal or circular migration and rural- urban contacts
1.6.2 Chain- migration
1.7 Summary
2. Reasons for Rural to Urban Migration
2.1 Rural- Urban divide
2.2 Reasons of migration
2.2.1Problems within agriculture: lack of land and irrigation
2.2.2 External factor for agricultural problems: Liberalization
2.2.3 Push- migration: Migration for survival and livelihood
2.2.4 Pull- Migration: Migration for betterment
2.3 Summary
3. Effects of migration with special emphasis on urbanisation and slum growth
3.1 Urbanisation
3.1.1 Urbanisation and infrastructure problems
3.1.2 Urbanisation, the migrant and job possibilities
3.1.3 Urbanisation and slums
3.1.4 Slums and their inhabitants
3.2 Other effects of migration
3.2.1 Economical upliftment in rural areas
3.2.2 Urban- rural social influences
3.3 Summary

C. Development and social work in rural areas
1. Rural Development and the role of social work
1.1 Excursus: Problem and Prevention
1.1.1 Some considerations about ‘problems’?
1.1.2 Some considerations about ‘prevention’?
1.2 Rural Development
1.2.1 Top- down approach
1.2.2 Bottom- up approach
1.3 Social Development
1.4 Cause oriented work – Why Rural social work?
1.4.1 Why Rural?
1.4.2 Social work: Working need, cause and people oriented
1.5 Summary
2. Social Work
2.1 Social work basics
2.1.1 Clients of social work
2.1.2 Social work ethics
2.1.3 Social workers’ skills
2.2. Functions of Social work
2.3 Social work methods in this context
2.3.1 People participation
2.3.2 Working with groups
2.3.3 Education
2.4 Summary

D. Reasons for migration and rural social work: A discussion on the example of five NGOs
1. NGOs as a example
1.1 The strength of NGOs
1.2 Five Gujarat Based NGOs and their approach to rural social work
1.2.1 AKRSP (I) (Aga Khan Rural Support Programme- India)
1.2.2 ASAG (Ahmedabad Study Action Group)
1.2.3 BSC (Behaviour Science Centre)
1.2.4 DISHA (Development Initiatives for Social and Human Action)
1.2.5 MARAG (Maldhari Rural Action Group)
1.3 Summary
2. Reasons for migration and the impact of social work
2.1 Education and migration
2.1.1 Formal education and NGOs activities
2.1.2 Non- formal education, NGOs and social work
2.2 Land
2.3 Water
2.4 Income and Employment
2.5 Food and Health
2.6 Summary

E. Conclusion


Abbreviations and Glossary



Urbanisation and overcrowded slums can be found in the media and these pictures are often used to present overpopulation and unhealthy living conditions. On the other hand are the rural areas with also bad living conditions especially among the poor. After discussion with social workers from the rural areas and the urban slums, I believed that the social work of both areas dealt to a large extent with the same target group and pre- research supported my thoughts. This interrelation of urban and rural areas happens due to rural to urban migration. So I came to the point that I felt urged to find an answer for the hypothesis:

Social work should work in the rural areas towards an improvement of the living environment, because if the rural out- migration will decrease urbanisation and slum growth is going to slow down.

This paper is aimed at discussing the position of social work in the context of rural development work and urbanisation with focus on the possibilities of impact on migration reasons. Rural development is believed to be important for the improvement of living environment in rural areas. To analyze the effectiveness of social work in rural areas with impact on the migration issue would be a too large project for a diploma dissertation within this time frame. This is therefore a horizontal thesis and not vertical which means it searches a position for social work in the rural development process and does not go into deep analysation of one specific situation.

Having the focus on the hypothesis, it is believed that guided development will work against migration through improved living conditions in rural areas. This improvement shall have preventive impact on the growth of slums and therewith also on the congestion of infrastructure in cities. Being aware that the reasons for migration are dynamic and change from region to region, the position and possibilities of intervention of social work in rural development will therefore be explored on the basis of five different NGOs. As the target group of this dissertation will be the socially weaker society, which lives first in the rural areas and then migrates out of lack of choice and end up in the urban slums, the discussion will be for their benefit.


For a clear understanding of the context first some information about India will be given. This will be followed by a description of the outward migration situation from the rural areas into the cities. Giving the context of migration and urbanisation a frame, the thesis continues with an orientation about migration and urbanisation in the Indian context. In order to understand migration from the theoretical side the Faists’ micro-, meso-, macro- level model is being used Additionally the stress- and distance- approach will be outlined in order to come closer to an understanding of the influences which determinate migrants’ decision- making processes. Urbanisation will be discussed as a potential effect of rural out- migration. Questions will be asked on whether urbanisation is an effect caused by migration and how it is recently discussed in the literature. Working towards a reduction of the rural influence on urbanisation through migration, the position of social work within the context of development has to be found. The development process will be examined with special reference to the writings of Bedi and Drèze and Sen. Before talking about working with a ‘problem’, the need is felt to know about how a problem can be seen and how intervention on this can be preventive. In focusing intervention through social work, guidance for social work basics gives the writings of Gambrill and Morales and Sheafor. After talking about the social work basics, a practical discussion will follow on how social work is able to intervene in the migration causes with reference to the recent work of five Ahmedabad based Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs). As a change of the living environment in the rural areas, towards an improvement of the livelihood of the stakeholders, involves development, the discussion for prevention of slum growth revolves mostly around the development in the rural areas and in this context on the basis of social work


The time frame for writing this thesis in Ahmedabad/ India was 10 weeks. The methodology was qualitative based. The theoretical part gets extended with practical information of five Gujarat based NGOs. The literature research was done in libraries in Ahmedabad. Literature regarding social work as well as social sciences and economic literature was used. A broad range of literature was selected for every topic to have a clear and broad perspective of the situation. The guideline interviews were held with hands- on experts[1] in the field of rural social work and gave me the basis for the practical section. The selection of NGOs was done without specific pre- knowledge, but it was important that they are involved in social work in rural areas.[2]

This dissertation can contribute to the migration discussion from the practical social work oriented perspective. It has three main aims: first, to have a compact paper for a position of social work in the widely discussed field of rural out- migration and rural development, second, the interrelation of urbanisation, slum growth and migration with the preventive impact of social work shall be questioned and third, it will show the holistic approach which is needed for social work, in India as well as in Germany.

A. Countryinformation about India

A massive and heterogeneous country like India can not been described in a few words. This chapter will provide the reader with a little background knowledge and the past and future concerns regarding the rural and socially disadvantaged society. Later chapters will also provide data to elaborate the information given in this section.

1. Main data, Geography and History

Within an area of 3.287.263 sq km[3] (inclusive of the Indian controlled part of Jammu and Kashmir) live 1.046 million people. The federal capital is New Delhi. The official title of the democratic country is Republic of India or, in Hindi, Bharatiya Ganarajya and it consists of 25 federal states.[4]

The country stretches from the heights of the Himalaya of over 8000 meters down to the coast line at the Arabic Sea and Bay of Bengal.[5] Climatic the zones are diverse, the north is moderate in the winter and hot in the summer, whereas the south is dominated by tropical climate. The country depends on the Monsoon for irrigation and it starts in the north, north east, around July and lasts till September compared to January until March in the South. If the Monsoon fails, like for example three years in Gujarat, the effect on humans and cattle’s is huge due to the lack of fodder, food and income through agriculture.[6] Mineral resources are found throughout the country. Major in this field is coal, others are e.g. bauxite, iron ore, titanium ore.[7] Fossil energy was found in the sea off Mumbai and is still exploited.

2. History and Politics

Through history and geography it becomes clear how and why India is so heterogeneous with 16 officially accepted languages and the existence of all major world religions within its boarders.[8] When the Arians invaded North- West India 1400 BC[9] the advanced civilization in the Indus valley – cities of Hararapa and Mohenjo- Daro - had already vanished. Arians called themselves 'Arian' which comes from the word 'arya' and means 'the noble'. In the Vedas, important writings of the Hindu philosophy in Sanskrit, one can read about the beginning of the live of the Arians in North- India. The Caste system had already been fixed in these writings as well as how to fight in wars.[10] In the 3rd century BC, emperor Ashoka reigned in India. He had a established governmental system and introduced a new form of state philosophy based on tolerance and non- violence. After his death, this did not last long and his empire broke down.

Nearly 1200 years later, the Islamic invasion began. A change of religion brought a change in the legal system towards the Scharia.[11] The Muslims where able to hold the power in most of the country until Aurangzeb (1658- 1707) started a policy which lead to a conflict between Muslims and Hindus. Soon after the East India Company, protected by the British Empire, conquered India and as a result in 1858 India became part of the British Empire. During this time India was not a country in itself, it was a patchwork of several moguls who had their own small kingdoms. Governed was the country (after 1877 Queen Victoria became Empress of India) by the bureaucratic system of the Indian Civil Service, a administration system which was dominated by the English and opened the job opportunities only slowly for Indians. 1885 the Indian National Congress was founded. This party was important in the struggle for independence and changed later to become the Congress- Party. After a long struggle led by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, India became independent in 1947and split in the Muslim states of Pakistan and Bangladesh and the secular state of India. Civil disobedience and ahimsa (Hindi: non- violence) had been the key words of protest. Gandhi fought with believe in the power of the people and the development from the grassroots. The Congress- Party was leading the government since the first independent elections 1951 till 1996. With the first premier Jawaharlal Nehru 1951 the first five years plan for economic development was established. Since 1996 Atal Bihari Vajpayee is premier minister with the national conservative BJP, Bharatiya Janata Party and recent president is Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kamal.[12] Recently the conflict with Pakistan about Kashmir and internal Hindu and Muslim conflicts are ruling the news. Heights of the Hindu- Muslim conflict had been communal conflicts in the state of Gujarat in February/ March 2002 which left more than 1000 dead.

3. Socio- economical aspects and poverty

India’s economy is fast growing. Despite of being counted as a less developed country by the United Nations in 1997, India was included in the World Development Report ranking of the Highest Industrialised Countries on position 16. The economy growth in 2001 was 5% whereas in Germany it was 0, 6%.[13] This was mainly due to private investments in the industry. Private and foreign investments are welcome since reforms started 1991. This reform has happened due to the fact that many Indian workers quit their remittances and the increase of the oil prices due to he Gulf War lead to a financial crisis. A credit became necessary to avoid a state bankruptcy and liberalisation of the market was one measure bounded to the IMF- credit (International Monetary Fund).[14] Narasimha Rao[15] took the crisis as a opportunity to start reforms in the country. For example, foreign and private investments in nearly all sectors are now accepted.[16] Liberalisation is in favour of the growth of the wealth which is accumulated mostly in the hands of the privileged. Some sectors of the economy are strong but the Gross- Domestic- Product (GDP) per head was said to be 2500 US$ in comparison to 26000 US$ in Germany.[17] The trickle- down effect is an economical development approach which assumes that wealth will also reach the backward classes through the general growth of the state and its economy .[18] But before reaching the poor, structures need to be changed. Social programmes become implemented without being sure of the financial distribution.[19] Indices differ widely on how to define poverty and the amount of people who live below poverty line (BPL). This poverty line is set in Gujarat at 24.180 RS per household per year which is approximately 484 € or 1, 32 € per day.[20]

Three- quarters of the people live in the rural areas and depend on access to land and/ or water for raising crops and livestock or on forests and fishery. It is said that even 30% are without any land and are agricultural labourers. The land which is available is mainly in the hands of an influential minority.[21] The economical strength (or weakness) of the agricultural sector can be seen in the charts comparing the GDP and the labour force in the different sectors. It clearly shows that the dominance of labour force in the agricultural sector with 60 % produces only 25% of the GDP.

GDP (2001) Labour (1999)

Agriculture: 25% 60%

Industry: 26% 17%

Services: 49% 23%

Data: CIA 2002

Since India joined the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1994 the agricultural market is, in addition to uncertain factors like droughts and floods, under pressure and is open market (restriction on protection through customs and taxes) on the one hand and the local market cannot be protected with subsidies on the other hand.[22] Despite high-yielding crops and fertilizers the most farmers still depend on subsistence economy base[23] which is not ready to compete with the international market. Bullock- carts in the rural areas can be contrasted with to nuclear power stations which serve the industry and cities with energy.

4. Socio-cultural situation

India is, with a population over 1 billion people, the second most populated country after China. One has to be aware that there are huge differences within the country itself, especially between north (Hindi belt) and the south e.g. states like Kerala. This also gives the possibility to learn within the country[24] that there are still different internal ruling structures that keep the order in the society. The division in the Indian social structure has two dominances: First the caste system still influences the social classes and secondly male domination. As both forms of dominances leave some oppressed, it is essential to know about the condition of the stakeholders of social work.

4.1 Women

Women form a large group of social works clients.[25] The oppression which women suffer can be predominantly seen even in the middle- class society, where, after the arranged marriage, women traditionally move to the husband’s house and function as a servant.[26] They live in the husband’s family which consists in India, as the joint family is common, of three generations. Even if the abortion of a female foetus is prohibited by law, it is common practice within the middle- class to have sex- oriented abortions.[27] The abortion of a female foetus is cheaper than having to bear the costs of a dowry which should consist of luxury items when the daughter gets married. Figures of the Census of India of 2001 clarifies the inequality between men and women when it shows a sex- ratio of 933 women per 1000 male or a literacy rate of nationwide 54, 16% among women compared to 75, 85% literate men.[28] In the urban and intellectual society the power of the women has strengthened[29] which could be due to exposure to a different culture through media and higher education of women who can raise their voice against oppression.[30] Oppression and violence against women can even be seen as a health problem: “In certain societies, violence, such as wife beating, is perceived as ‘normal’ or a husband’s right.”[31] In the rural areas the situation of oppression is still taking place and empowerment of women and equality is a big issue in social work.[32] A favourite saying of social worker is “Educating a man is educating a individual, educating a woman is educating a whole family”.

4.2 Caste System: Dalits and Adivasis

Beside the women, the other oppressed group is the “minority” of nearly 250 million Dalits (Hindi= oppressed, splitted, shattered – officially “scheduled castes”) and Adivasis (Hindi= tribes – officially “scheduled tribes”).[33]

After the invasion in the first millennium BC step by the step the Arians used the aboriginal people for labour and thereby fixed the system of hierarchy which is known today as the caste system. The caste is officially banned by the constitution but, through the lack of legal implementation the caste system still sets the job and the social status of the individual.[34] Traditionally it was ordered into four groups, Brahmins – the scholars and priests, Kshatriyas – the warriors, Vaishyas – the tradesmen and Shudras – the craftsmen and farmers. The Dalits and Adivasis are not mentioned in this system and are still today also spatial splitted – they have to live in the suburbs[35] or, the Adivasis, draw themselves back into the forests. In the rural areas these outcasted people tend to be inferior to the upper castes and form the majority of landless labourers and marginal land holders.[36] Landless labourer can fall into financial dependence to the landlord due to money lending in case of marriage or illness and go into bonded labour.[37] This can be one reason for leaving the rural area and searching ones’ livelihood somewhere else. Urbanisation and modernisation also brings new situations for the castes. The cast can be recognized by name, occupation and location of the housing which is easier to recognize in the rural areas and therefore one can easier support social oppression in the villages than in the density and anonymity in the urban. For job opportunities there is a quota system in public services and government jobs. Some of the Dalits are wealthy and for example a outcaste, Kocheril Raman Narayanan, became 1997 president of India.[38] Nevertheless, form the scheduled casts and scheduled tribes the majority of poor and slum dwellers in the urban areas.[39] And due to the bad financial and social situation the Dalits and Adivasis are part of the poorer section of society. Together with women, they form main target groups for social upgrading activities.

4.3 Education

The output of highly qualified academics from 197 Universities and 8000 colleges can not be absorbed by the Indian labour market and leads to a brain drain of the highly qualified to foreign countries. This contrasts the bad situation within the primary school system. For example the teacher- pupil ratio in Gujarat is 1:79 which makes a sufficient lesson impossible. Furthermore, the payment of teachers is bad and the social status, especially of teachers in the rural areas, is low – many teachers often just do not show up in schools.[40] Without surprise, the drop- out rate until the children reach the 8th grade is two thirds. The regional difference is huge, the drop- out rate in the southern state of Kerala is zero, in comparison with 64 percent in Bihar at the end of the 5th grade. A reason for drop- out among the poor can be due to the high cost of schooling. Government schools are free, but the expenses for pencils, books and transport have to be paid by the parents and the child is needed to participate in productive work and the income of this child will be lost or it has to look after younger family members that parents are able to go to work.[41] Therefore schooling results in the loss of the child’s participation for the family. The family bond education of girls can be seen also on the big difference between the education of boys and girls. For example, the difference of enrolment in schools between boys and girls was 59% in Rajasthan.[42] With this it can be seen that there is still a high need of development in the gender equality and the school system itself.

4.4 Health

Comparable with the education distribution is the provision of health care. The provision of health care in the countryside lags behind the cities and what has been said about the provision with education for women and girls is reflected in the health care. Especially women’s lack provision in health care is interrelated with oppression and the low social status of women. Health care is even more necessary during pregnancy. Statistically, 437 women out of 100.000 perish as a result of birth and pregnancy related deaths, mainly due to anaemia and abortion.[43] The former is related to a bad diet and abortion can be either out of the described foeticide[44] or the inadequacy of contraception. Contraception is fewer used for pregnancy control e.g. among young couples with condoms then to enable additional pregnancy through sterilization. Sterilization is with two- thirds of the predominant contraceptive method.[45] The reduction of fertility can be used to improve the health of women because, as presented, many health problems are pregnancy and birth related. Literacy and health are also closely connected. Family size can be reduced with growing education and does therefore, prevent women from birth related deaths. And as much as the health of children is concerned, literate women can take better care of their children, if one consults the statistics where a difference between the under nourishment of children and literacy of mothers can be seen. Children of illiterate mothers are three times more undernourished than those of mothers with at least upper secondary education.[46]

The overall provision of health care is dominated by the fact that 80% of the health care is provided by the private sector.[47] This can mean that they provide private hospitals as well as the provision of primary health care in the rural areas trough NGOs. 75% of government health care expenditure is used to pay for salaries of health workers, leaving clear lack of investment in equipment.[48] If the rural inhabitants know about the services of public health care, they are “frequently dissatisfied with government services”[49] This can be due to long waiting times, lack of female doctors (which prevents women of going) or rude and improper behaviour of health staff. The average provision of one doctor per 2.460 inhabitants in India is in the rural areas even less especially if 16,7% of the people live more than 10 km away from the nearest medical facility.[50] The unaffordability of private services and the dissatisfaction with the government services could be two causes why people tend to use traditional healing like Ayurveda or faith healers.[51] There is a difference in the certain states of India has to be kept in mind. One example is the maternal mortality rate which is in Kerala 87 to 100.000 births compared to 700 in Orissa.[52]

5. Summary

This short introduction to Indian society shall provide a framework for the following discussions especially concerning the stakeholders of social work... It should be made clear, that the women are the biggest deprived part of the society and lack efficient provision in education and health. The other groups are the Dalits and Adivasis who dominate the poor and suffer under the existing cast system even if it is banned by constitution. The women out of this group are subsequently among the most deprived.

Three- quarters of India’s population lives in the rural areas. The rural areas are dominated by agricultural occupation which forms also 60% of India’s workforce, but the main outcome of the GDP is accumulated in the service sector. This could call for an upgrading of the primary sector in form of technological development but this bears the problem that technological advancement is labour displacing and should be used with care.

Health and education as two indicators for social development were described and show the lack of services in both sectors. The urban is equipped with services, especially in the private sector, and the rural has to struggle with a bad service which is often a result of unmotivated staff. But, one should think that health and education can have more than just personal, individual effects.[53] A well educated and healthy society participating in a development process can work towards a ‘people- centred’ development which is therefore more sustainable.

B. Rural to Urban Migration in the indian context

Migration as the spatial shift of people will be described in this part of the thesis as well as the reasons for migration and urbanisation as an effect of migration. A theoretical background provided by Faist will dissect the decision- making process of a migrant into three levels. Why Migrants are moving will be seen in the section relating to reasons of migration. Migration is in this discussion seen from the rural out- migration perspective. The focus will especially be on the weaker society of the Indian rural population. The reasons which will be explored here will act as a foundation for the last discussion in this paper of social work and its impact of the work relating to migration reasons.

1. Theoretical background of migration

Migration is a vast term and will in this paper be seen as an effect.[54] Effect in this sense means a reaction of spatial shift to the recent personal situation. Providing a plausible general definition it is worth reading the definition of Faist who believes that migration occurs in a space which “(…) is the sum total of personal projects, perceptions and images, on the one hand, and the structure of opportunities available to potential migrants, on the other, linked by intermediate mechanism such as networks and collectives.”[55]

1.1 Influences in decision- making on the micro-, meso- and macro- level

He provides also a theoretical model which is divided into three different levels of decision- making. This model is in this context suitable because of the orientation on different levels of decision making and the influences on them. Influences are different and can occur on the: 1. micro- level; 2. meso- level; 3. macro- level. These three levels include the migrants’ decision- making process.

1. Micro- Level: The micro- level is the individual decision- making level. Here the migrant counts his costs and risks against the opportunities. At this individual level, the migrant has to be able to make a rational decision on the best possible action. The micro- level is influenced by the meso- and macro- level.
2. Meso- Level: The social context in which the migrant lives and his information network regarding to a possible destination place are the influences on the meso- level. Chain migration,[56] for example, is based on a connection with the place of destination, the information available which influences a decision, concerning the opportunities and risks, is much easier to obtain.
3. Macro- Level: Here the external influence takes part in the decision- making process. Stability of states, political openness, legal incentives, in short: structural settings on state and political levels influence the migrant’s decision.[57]

In addition to this approach other reasons for understanding the reasons of migration are the psychologically based stress- and distance approaches.

1.2 Distance- Approach

This model is helpful in the discussion of development. In this model distance is split up into three dimensions. It is the physical, psychological and the ‘change of civilisations’ distance. This implies not only that there are the usual bonds and incentives, with this model Du Guerny argues that the distance between the rural and the urban areas is determined by a distance “(…) of civilisation, of world even (…)”.[58]

The first and second ‘distance’ can be, if we talk of rural to urban distance, be bridged by bus connections, streets, bridges etc. and concerning the psychological distance through e.g. increase of info systems. The impact of the ‘third distance’ is based on the changes of norms and values and is generally not taken into account, argues Du Guerny. If someone talks about rural development, he makes aware that the removal of the ‘civilisation distance’ could lead to increased rural- urban migration.[59]

1.3 Stress- Approach

With a stronger view from the side of the marginalized society, Banerjee believes the boarder of decision to migrate to be in the stress of a situation felt in the place of origin. “(..) if the felt stress exceeds the threshold value does the individual make migration plans.”[60] For example can daily oppression be seen as stress. Stress is therefore also another factor which can downplay the distance on the psychological side. However it has to be clear that the threshold value varies greatly between individuals. In the discussion of push- migration[61] one example can be found that poverty and the perception of it as ‘stress’ is a reason for migration. And it can be seen how subjective the individual decision- making is.

For better understanding, two examples:

Two fictive stereotypical migrants can highlight the influence of the three levels on the decision making process. There could be many examples why people stay and why people are forced to go. These two examples are only for the sake of understanding the parts played by the three levels.

1. A poor landless farmer has strong social ties in the capital of the region. His earnings are no longer sufficient to support his family. The cost of living in the city is slightly higher than in the rural area but a friend told him about the working possibility in the informal sector. Due to the friends information the Meso- level is very strong influencing his decision, the expectation of a job and the hope to support his family better, pushes him into the city. However, the political (Macro-) factor could influence him in the way that a government programme could support landless farmers, but it does not. The decision making itself is made on the micro- level and the ‘distance’ is perceived less to the ‘stress’, e.g. debt, which arises in the rural areas.
2. A highly- educated young man with strong social ties in his place of origin migrates a long distance because of higher income opportunities. The place of destination is economically developed and offers him a ‘welcome- pack’ with e.g. housing support. Even if there are no social ties (meso- level) at his chosen destination, the person is moving because of the political (macro-) incentives and the expectation of higher wages which he can send home to support the family. Due to his high level education, the ‘distance’ is perceived less and ‘stress’ is less due to the well settled family.

This shall show how the model of Faist is influenced and how ‘distance’ and ‘stress’ as two factors can strongly determine the decision- making process especially that of the poor rural migrant. Economical migration can be explained as ‘risk- management’ and Harris-Todaro add the expected higher wage as an influencing factor in the decision- making process.

1.4 Migration as risk management

Responses to the livelihood situation in the rural areas can be seen under the aspect of the stress- approach. Due to the lack of income during the whole year in the agricultural sector, people try to secure their livelihood through the diversification of income base. Families diversify their income base so as to guarantee receiving income from some source. Du Guerny nicely illustrates this point: “in a certain sense rural families function like a multinational firm: although individuals (like subsidiary firms) might appear to be disconnected, they still operate as a family entity.”[62] Stark goes a bit further and argues that the migration of a son/ daughter even shall outbalance the missing of a insurance market through the income of their work.[63] Families stabilize doubts through broader ‘investment’. That means jobs of family members in various fields and especially in the urban areas which are not influenced by weather related uncertainties.

1.5 Harris- Todaro and the neo- classical approach

This famous and often mentioned neo- classical approach of Harris- Todaro argues that the migrants’ decision is mostly ruled by the expected earning differentials between the rural and urban wages.[64] But it has its limitations because it is strongly economically oriented and, even if in original more complex, it fails its purpose as a theoretical basis for explaining rural- urban migration. The context of this migration needs a holistic view which is essential for the explanation and understanding of this movement which has not been provided by this approach.[65] Rani and Shylendra come to the point and state “it (the neo-classical model; KW) assumes that rural migrants are a homogenous category of poor people, ignoring the fact that their migration is not always, based on a strategy of maximisation, but of survival.”[66]

Migration differs according to the context and is “linked with both rural and urban social and production systems”. For a context oriented work, for example the reasons of rural to urban migration, “a detailed analysis of the inter- related processes need to be undertaken in order to fully understand the mechanisms of this dynamics.”[67]

1.6 Forms of migration

The assumption is that rural out- migrants end up in slums. However, not all forms of migration are rural to urban. Ramchandran argues that two- thirds of all migration is rural to rural.[68] But because Sharma 1997 and Pal 1994 contradict his argument that rural- urban migration is the most significant part of all the internal migration in India[69] some further research with empirical data has to be done to bring clarity to the recent situation. Nevertheless none refutes the existence of rural to urban migration but rural to rural migration is also part of the game. The statement that rural out- migrants end up permanently in slums is very narrow and has to be questioned.

1.6.1 Seasonal or circular migration and rural- urban contacts

Seasonal migration is dependent on a natural phenomenon[70] – seasons – and circular migration is space- time related, but both have in common the part time residency at the place of origin. Seasonal migration, which builds a big part of migration, is connected to the agricultural labour market at the place of origin. Job opportunities are available during and short after the monsoon. If there is no other irrigation facility, working possibilities get scarce and leaves people to search for alternatives. For example, the Bhil- tribe in western India hardly stays permanently at a place of work due to the seasons.[71] And for a return to the home village contacts have to be maintained. In the book ‘Slums as Urban Villages’ Gill points “(…) that rural migrants in India normally do not break off ties with the native place.”[72] Pal in a study about Auraiya Town in Uttar Pradesh adds statistics to this statement when he mentions that 76% of the people in his research maintained contact to their native places.[73] Contact with the native place encourages the view that, among the poor, the young men migrate in search of a livelihood, but still supports the family at home.[74] Another reason for keeping contacts is, that although they come to find job and education possibilities, their place of destination is alien to them and therefore they keep contact with their place of origin.[75]

1.6.2 Chain- migration

The importance of kinship and information networks can also be seen in the example of chain- migration. Chain- migration, as a form of migration is affected by the meso- level of decision- making[76] that says migration depends on the contact with kin, in this context from the rural to the urban areas. Through contacts and through circular migration which is described above, potential permanent migrants can therefore find out about the situation in their might- be migration place. Rural out- migration is mainly carried out on the basis of kinship networks.[77] Even migration which is organised by contractors, who bring migrants to cities for temporary work, got partly exempted through kin- and info- networks.[78]

Chain- migration and seasonal- migration can be connected because return migrants can distribute information and therefore maintain a network. Networks are a crucial factor in the decision to migrate because they distribute information about the focused area and minimise the risks and the migration cost.[79] It has been found that “(…) people from specific areas migrate to specific destinations.”[80] Networks are not only useful in arriving at the chosen destination but contacts are also useful for occupational purposes.[81] One example of help through network is, that of the Kumaoun community in Jaipur who help and support another e.g. in getting employment and accommodation.[82]

1.7 Summary

In the wide field of migration the micro-, meso-, macro- model of Faist was selected in order to understand the different influences on the decision- making of the migration process with the psychological support of the stress and distance approach. These two approaches are additionally explained to understand better the decision on the individual level. Both approaches give an insight into the migrant to think about the barriers he/ she has to face with regards to his/ her reasons for migration.

Economically the model of Harris and Todaro has often been discussed and criticized because of the lack of a holistic view. People’s spatial management can be understood by looking more holistic for example at the risk- management model, migrants do not just have to look for the higher wages, they have to diversify their sources of income according to the uncertainty of provision in rural areas.

The explanation of the forms of chain- and seasonal- migration shall provide the information that the migrant is moving in a certain stream and is not in general moving permanent from one place to another. Migrants are often thought to end up in the slums after leaving their place of origin. But it is also seasonal, e.g. of the whole family when the agricultural season is over, or of individuals in the sense of risk- management in order to support the family at home.

2. Reasons for Rural to Urban Migration

In this chapter it shall be investigated which factors are influencing the rural to urban migration The reasons behind migration will be discussed with a special focus on the poor and vulnerable members of society. As in the country information already described, the majority of the Indian population lives in the rural areas.[83] Rural to urban migration is one way of looking at the different movements occurring in India. According to the rural- urban divide, this form of explanation has reason. Rural- urban difference acts on one side as a basis for understanding the background of migration and on the other side shows that “migration mainly consist of movement of population from the poverty stricken rural areas to the irregularly growing urban centre (…)”.[84]

2.1 Rural- Urban divide

In this dissertation the definition of rural and urban areas shall be, that the urban is “(…) a spatial unit where the majority of the people are engaged in non- primary occupations,(…)”[85] In the rural areas livelihood is dominated by agriculture and handicraft, while in the urban areas people mostly work in manufacturing, service or commercial sectors.[86]

The divide can be seen as a matter of potential power conflicts because pressure groups and the “(…) financial, educated and talented manpower resources (…)” are mainly organised in the cities.[87] This urban biased decision making results in an accumulation of resources and developmental interventions in favour of the cities. This results in a gap in social infrastructure between the rural and the urban areas.[88]

Being in the urban areas, the rural poor, who mostly lack highly qualified occupational skills, end up in the informal sector. The division between the informal sector and the formal sector is like the divide between rural and urban. Higher education and economic activities, e.g. jobs in the service sector, are contained in the formal sector which is mostly occupied by the urban worker and the informal sector is for the rural migrant. It is very difficult for the rural migrant to get into the formal sector.[89]

The stagnating rural upgrading in contrast to the fast growth of the cities offers two possibilities for the rural migrant:

1. They get pulled by the possibilities offered to them by the city
2. They get pushed out of the rural areas and find in the city a place of rescue.[90]

Through migration, the urban centres get interlinked with the rural areas which is often described as the rural- urban continuum. This link will be further described in chapter B.3.1.4.

2.2 Reasons of migration

There is a certain difference between people who decide to move and others which are forced to move.

As Jezeph and Epstein state: “(…) villagers (…) rarely want to uproot themselves.”[91] But, as migration occurs, people do anyway uproot themselves and this has reasons which should be found out in the following chapters.

2.2.1Problems within agriculture: lack of land and irrigation

The impact of agriculture on livelihoods is clear if one brings back to memory that three- quarters of the population is living in the rural areas and that nearly two- thirds are employed in the primary sector. Agriculture in this sense is not just some form of occupational sector, it is the basis of livelihoods in the rural areas. Bernstein et.al. bring it to the point in describing the agrarian structure in rural India as land, labour and livelihoods.[92]

As much as the stakeholders of social work - the deprived and vulnerable - are concerned, they are very much dependent on agriculture. Agriculture offers job opportunities on one side and self- subsistence existence on the other. If this occupation sector is endangered the livelihoods come under threat[93].

Imperilment does not affect every community but the weaker sections. It is reported that lack of irrigation and non availability of land are the main reasons for migration (a research of urban in- migrants settled in Ahmedabad found out that 84.2% did not have any irrigation facilities and therefore depended on the nature).[94] No access to water and scarcity of land endangers the survival in the rural areas. The actual water scarcity is made clear in two statements by the recent prime minister of Gujarat Narendra Modi who firstly, in order to save water, would like to improve the dowry- system by recommending the distribution of drip- irrigation and secondly, for extended excess to water, he is prepared to “fight for it (Indus river water; KW) across the table” with Pakistan.[95] Land to attain food grain security could reduce migration, but this is not easy to obtain for marginal landholder households without irrigation facility.[96] Connell sees that inequality rather than poverty may be the cause of migration. Inequality in his sense, means the differences in the distribution of resources e.g. land and water.[97] Interestingly, poverty is usually connected with the access to resources. For the poor not only land with entitlements is important, the Common Property Resources (CPR) like village tanks and waste land, have “(...) a significant role in the life of the rural poor.” but are often in the hands of the better- off people.[98]

A technological upswing in agriculture, e.g. tractors, is a move towards improved working efficiency and also labour saving technology. But, labour displacing development, additional to the already increasing provision of labour through population growth, would result in a labour surplus in the rural areas, which will hit largely the poor.[99] Either there is possibility to live sustainable on ones own income and livelihood, on the described resources, or to go for employment.

“Those who can not make their living from farming or by working as labourers will have only two choices; either they seek work in the non- agricultural sector within the rural areas, or move to urban areas in search of employment. “[100]

The traditional artisan jobs, which form part of the non- agricultural sector in the rural area, vanish due to changes in taste and technology e.g. plastic and stainless steel instead of earthen pots, machine made shoes instead of handmade ones.[101] These fields are, if one looks at the occupations like potter or cobbler, reserved for the Dalits. A decline of these occupations hits again the poorest of the society.

2.2.2 External factor for agricultural problems: Liberalization

A macro view can show national and international caused burdens on agriculture. Increased costs of cultivation and the fall of distribution prices of commodities brought a breakdown in agriculture. The Indian farmers suffer heavy credit burdens due to the loss of income. Their prices collapsed as a result of the opening of import markets on rice and oil products.[102] Institutional help for farmers and price policy could stabilize the income of farmers and therefore support the rural sector. Weak protection against the import of foreign agricultural products for example resulted in a close down of oil mills in Karnataka. Without any perspectives some farmers committed suicide or left the rural areas in search of survival possibilities.[103] This breakdown of the market hits farmers, people with land and cultivation above the subsistence level, due to participation in the agricultural market, but the poor landless labourers can also loose job opportunities if the big farmers lack income. This can be a negative “trickle- down” effect.[104]

2.2.3 Push- migration: Migration for survival and livelihood

The lack of good infrastructure in terms of transport and communication, credit institutions, medical and sanitation facilities and education,[105] show that the infrastructure is not attractive enough for the migrant to stay in his/ her village. But, it is not the attraction which influences push factors. The push factors are a ‘strategy of survival’ which result in involuntary migration.[106] “It would (..) be proper to treat migration as one of the last defence mechanisms of the rural poor (…) against collapsing into a below subsistence level.”[107] It is therefore this form of migration in which the poor and vulnerable rural society takes part, these groups consist of small and marginal farmers, landless labourers and scheduled casts and tribes (SC and ST). Push factors in this context mean, for example, that people have to starve if they choose to stay in their village.[108] Distress and starving of people results out of the already described not having accessibility to land, not availability of irrigation facilities or unemployment.[109] These can be due to structural factors. More than just a strategy of risk management, migration has to be seen as a livelihood response, a fundamental decision for the poor.[110] The rural- urban divide shows that the city gives migrants the possibility for a livelihood through its concentration of employment generation in the non- primary occupation sectors, which are not dependent on Nature. Young men from the poor households leave to take up low level unskilled jobs and take part in circular migration in order to secure the food security of the family or transfer money home.[111] Furthermore it is said, that the whole family may leave on seasonal basis, e.g. in a study of the Bhil tribe in western India, the entire households leaves after the harvest in order to repay high- interest loans and to meet substantial food needs.[112]

One has to be aware that even if migrants talk of survival as migration reason, poverty (as one stress factor) can sometimes be seen very subjective.[113] Like De Haan found out, even migrants who are better- off, owning more land for example, also mention poverty as a reason for migration.[114]

2.2.4 Pull- Migration: Migration for betterment

Contradicting the former push- migration, as it was due to lack of decisional possibilities, the pull- migration is out of free will and choice – it is therefore voluntary migration. Levels in decision- making are changing as well as the participants in pull- migration. Have the migrants in the push- migration been the poor, landless or marginal farmers, say, marginalized communities in all, people involved in the pull-migration are more the one who do not feel a physical pressure or ‘stress’ e.g. the well-to-do families to obtain better social and economic possibilities.[115]

Qualified sons of better- off families are likely to migrate because they can get better employment or higher education in the city.[116] Here the model of Harris- Todaro comes to light, as the better wages attract the rural migrant.[117]

The media plays a role in ‘want- oriented migration’ and this should not be forgotten. Media is culturally urban dominated and therefore transports the urban view to the rural people who put more faith in the newer forms of communication than in the traditional ones. Media shows “urbanism as a way of life”.[118] This could also be a reason for the bad social status of agricultural work. Youths strive for white- collar jobs and this makes it difficult to get them into the primary sector or into any manual work at all. For example educated but unemployed youth in tribal Rajasthan avoid fieldwork because “(…) that would spoil their hands and clothes.”[119]

Development in the rural areas is also said to be taking part in the pull- migration in the sense, that if people become aware of services e.g. through the provision of health care in the rural areas, the quality is not considered to be good enough and people move in searching for better services.[120]

2.3 Summary

De Haan argues that all strata, the landholder and the labour, do migrate.[121] But it has to be kept in mind that in the context of this thesis it is relevant that the stakeholders of social work, the vulnerable and deprived parts of the society, migrate mostly with the help of kinship contacts due to a lack of choice in the rural areas. With the theoretical concepts in mind, it can be understood, that what is seen as a factor influencing decision making under the push- or pull- migration, can differ from one individual to the other. With marginal or no access to land self- subsistence suffers and agricultural labour possibilities are only available in irrigated areas or during the monsoon period. Migration is largely in search for agricultural labour and due to the dependence on the monsoon it is especially seasonal to the urban areas in search of employment. Urban places are not so much dependent on natural irrigation for job creation.

The described migration reasons can be an explanation of the recent situation. As the reasons for migration are very interwoven e.g. no subsistence farming also means no employment, the following table shall give a simple overview on the above mentioned reasons.

Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten

3. Effects of migration with special emphasis on urbanisation and slum growth

The assumption was that rural out- migrants end up in the slums and contribute to a large extent, to the bad environmental conditions in the city. But, what does urbanisation mean? What are the living conditions like for rural out- migrants in the cities? Are there also other effects of migration? These questions will be answered in this chapter.

3.1 Urbanisation

Urbanisation is a process. According to the UN “it connotes the changing balance between rural and urban populations brought about by spatial shifts of people from rural to urban areas and by differences in the rates of natural increase.”[122] Even if this definition includes the two major components, spatial shift and natural growth, the growth by reclassification is missing. Reclassification means the change of the city borders e.g. the inclusion of villages or by new definition of an urban area.[123]

Shinoda differentiates the urbanisation process further into three time oriented stages:

1. early stage: in- migration is high, natural increase is low;
2. intermediate stage: natural increase is more important for growth;
3. when the level of urbanisation is high with low levels of natural increase, migration may become crucial again.

According to Shinoda’s definition, India is, by taking a nationwide average, in the intermediate (2.) stage.[124] The natural increase in this stage may be more important but still the rural to urban migration contributes with 21,7% to the urbanisation process.[125]

If one has a look at different literature, it can be seen that recently the discussion is questioning whether the urbanisation process is still taking place. Are cities in a decline or not? A recent study by the London based ‘International Institute for Environment and Development’ argues that the urbanisation trend is less than the said prognosis. This does not mean that it stopped. Bauer opposes this by saying that urbanisation in developing countries is increasing. Focusing more on India, a UN report explains that intermediate cities like Bangalore and Surat are in an ‘upswing’ whereas metropolises like Mumbai and Chennai are in relative decline.[126] This clearly shows that one has to have a look at certain cities and can not generalize the phenomenon for the whole country, especially such a vast one like India. Surat realised an ‘upswing’ of 74,36% in the last 10 years compared to the general population growth in India of 21,3%.[127] According to the census office of Gujarat, this rise was due to migration. A closer perspective proves, that even if the urbanisation is slow, that overall the urban population is rising. In 2001 over 285 million people lived in the urban areas compared to 212.9 million people in 1991. In Gujarat the urban population rose from 34,49% to 37,67% between 1991 and 2001.[128] Even if “(…) the rate of urbanisation has slowed down (…) the absolute number living in urban areas is very large and despite the fact that employment and infrastructure facilities have not kept pace with migration.”[129]

3.1.1 Urbanisation and infrastructure problems

High density of population in a certain space is only sustainable if the infrastructure is good enough to provide the people with basic amenities like water, food and shelter. The growth of the cities, either due to migration or population growth puts stress on the infrastructure as well as on services e.g. public transport or administration.[130] Misra describes the relation of migration and urban problems very clearly: “It leads to overcrowding of population in towns and cities, greater congestion and traffic- jam in urban centres, growth of slums, environmental pollution and ecological imbalance (…)”.[131] If migrated people are the only pressure on infrastructure in the cities should be questioned if one knows that the middle- and upper- class live with a extended use of individual traffic.[132] Creation of job opportunities in the urban areas which attracts people without creating any infrastructure for housing has been criticized by Kaldate.[133] Bad housing and lack of provision with infrastructure like water endangers the live of the poor living in the slums.[134] But, this is not only the failure of the provision with services; migrants also are not interested in investing in the city. As it was said earlier (see chapter B.1.6.1), they usually maintain contact with their place of origin and prefer to invest their savings there.[135]

3.1.2 Urbanisation, the migrant and job possibilities

Chain migration had been already examined and is believed to be helpful to the rural migrant. Migrants come to the cities in search of employment and join friends in the slums and squats of the city. Once they are in the city, the poor migrants are mostly absorbed in the informal sector. In this sense the informal sector can be seen as a pull- factor because it offers employment possibilities.[136] This informal sector is crucial for the inhabitants of a city and the migrants, because it offers on one hand jobs to people who have not been absorbed into the formal sector and provides them with a livelihood. On the other hand, goods and services can be offered for cheaper prices to the middle and lower middle class and furthermore it also provides a variety of repair and maintenance functions.[137] The ‘informal sector’ is a somewhat ambiguous term because even in the industry and the service sector, employment is predominately on an informal basis.[138] This should not be seen negatively because the informal boundary to the employment market makes it easier for migrants to enter through relationships. Unfortunately also this includes the lack of social security, but having a job in the urban areas attracts rural labourers.[139] Informal activity can be on a short term or permanent basis, but a large amount of tribal labourers are mainly seasonal working as construction workers.[140] Gandhi already realised that construction labour from rural areas is building the cities and put it into a rather cheerless quote: “The blood of the villages is the cement with which the edifice of the city is built.”[141] Even if this quota is not recent, it is still valid and indicates how much the cities need immigration for development.[142]

On the other side of the coin, the migrant with his labour does not only help the development of the urban areas and in supporting the urbanites’ needs, he also takes part in the problems which develop out of the urbanisation.

3.1.3 Urbanisation and slums

Poverty in the urban areas and the poor inward- migrants contribute to the ‘development’ of slums.[143] Focusing on tribal migrants from the Dahod area in Gujarat, shows that they do not even live in slums, 82 % live in open spaces which means, no roof or tent, and with absolutely no sanitation or drinking water.[144] If we take the example of slums in Ahmedabad by Archarya and Parikh,[145] the situation becomes clearer: The reasons for their growth was, due to the textile industry which attracted labour and the concentration of functions and other development initiatives centred there. 24% are estimated to reside in the slums. A big concern of the slums is the low availability and quality of services. The bad infrastructure affects the health of the inhabitants the social well- being and economy.[146] Even if there are services available, for example the health service, it can be reached for ninety- six percent of the households within one kilometre, but people are not going to use them due to their poor quality.[147] Infrastructural, the provision with water facilities by the municipality for the slums is related to the tenural status of a slum. Electricity faces two difficulties: on the one side, the slum has to be legal and, on the other side, the initial charges for electricity connections are expensive and are therefore out of the reach for slum dwellers due to their low income. This negatively affects productive home based activities e.g. tailoring. Again, slums without tenure rights, which are illegal, do not receive the necessary services.


[1] As experts had workers of NGOs been selected who have knowledge of theoretical background of the NGO and of the situation in the field.

[2] I am aware that social work in India is a inflationary used term and I fixed with some pre-questions the usefulness of the NGOs for this thesis.

[3] compared to the size of Germany of 357.021Sq Km

[4] see Wagner 1998, p. 1 and CIA 2002

[5] see Munzinger- Archiv 1998, p. 1

[6] for differences in the rainfall see AKRSP, p. 8

[7] see CIA 2002

[8] see CIA 2002

[9] see Zingel 1998, p. 11

[10] see Hörig 1999, p. 125/ 126

[11] the Scharia is the traditional Muslim legal system

[12] see Betz 1997, p.5- 12

[13] see CIA 2002 and for the UN ranking see Shinoda 1996, p. 520

[14] see Rothermund 1999, p. 90

[15] ninth prime minister from 1991 to 1996

[16] see Betz 1997, p. 48

[17] CIA 2002

[18] see also chapter C.1.2.1

[19] see Rothermund 1999, p. 92

[20] Archarya and Parikh 2002, p. 43 see also Reddy 2000, p. 34

[21] see Reddy 2000, p. 33/ 34

[22] see Sen 2001 and Paringaux 2002, p.19

[23] see Zingel 1998, p. 10

[24] for examples see e.g. Drèze and Sen 1995, p. 34 and p.29 for learning within the country. ‘Hindi belt’ is a description for the Hindi spoken states in the north with a Hindu- conservative dominance (Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar,…) and which are by development indicators most backward.

[25] Stakeholders, Clients, Target group…..a definition of the people is not going to be made, one can argue about terminology, but it does not change anything regarding the fact that social work is people oriented, for example of work see Interview BSC, p.2/ 3

[26] see World bank 1996 and see Drèze and Sen 1995, p.31

[27] see World Bank 1996

[28] Census of India 2001a, p.3

[29] see Betz 1997, p. 20/ 21

[30] e.g. the literacy in Gujarat between female 2001 in rural 46,52% as against urban 75.30% and male rural 74,95% and urban 89,01%, in Census of India 2001b, Table No.7

[31] Heise 1994 in Velkoff and Adlakha 1998, p. 4 and see also Chapter A.4.4

[32] see for examples Interviews BSC, p. 1, MARAG, p. 1 and ASAG p. 1 and Sucharita 2003, p. 5

[33] see ‘National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights’ for this numbers and also for further information about Dalits

[34] see also Chapter A.4.2

[35] see Hörig 1999, p. 126

[36] see Reddy 2000, p. 34, 80% of the SC depend on Agriculture and 60% of them are labourers and marginal land holders

[37] for another example of bonded labour see Interview DISHA, p. 6

[38] see Hörig 1986, p. 53 and 71 and Betz 1997 p. 22

[39] see chapter B. 3. 1. 4

[40] for example see Interview DISHA, p. 4

[41] see Quibria 1994, p. 338

[42] see Betz 1997, p. 14/ 15 and for more examples see Chapter A. 4.1

[43] World Bank 1996 compared to 12 of 100 000 in Germany in 1995 see UNICEF

[44] see also Chapter A. 4.1 Women

[45] Velkoff and Adlakha 1998, p. 2 and see also Drèze and Sen 1995, p. 102

[46] see Velkoff and Adlakha 1998, p. 6

[47] see World Bank 1996 and Betz 1997, p.16

[48] see Betz 1997, p. 16

[49] World Bank 1996 and see also Drèze and Sen 1995, p. 101

[50] see Velkoff and Adlakha 1998, p.4 and Zingel 1998, p. 5, it has to be clear that 10 Km is a long distance with the lack of proper streets and no provision with motorised vehicles

[51] see World Bank 1996 and Betz 1997, p. 16

[52] Velkoff and Adlakha 1998, p. 3

[53] read therefore also Drèze and Sen 1995

[54] see Opitz 1999, p. 84

[55] see Faist 1997, p. 247

[56] see also Chapter B.1.6.2

[57] see Faist 1997, pp. 252

[58] Du Guerny 1998, p.70

[59] see Du Guerny 1998, p. 71/ 72

[60] Banerjee 1986, p. 44

[61] see chapter B.2.2.3

[62] Du Guerny 1998, p. 60

[63] Stark 1991 in Parnreiter 2000, p. 32, see also Lakshmansamy, p. 475 and Johnson1992, p. 280

[64] see Sharma 1997, p.60 and Ray Chaudhari 1993, p. 25

[65] Singh 1986, p. 203: „one of the major limitations of these models and theories (economic models and theories; KW) is that they do not incorporate social and cultural realities which also operate in the migration process- sometimes explicitly, at other times implicitly.“

[66] Rani and Shylendra 2002, p. 35

[67] both quotas by Sharma 1997, p.30

[68] Ramchandran 1989, p. 91

[69] see Sharma 1997, p.224 and Pal 1994, p. 233

[70] Mosse 2002, p. 67 see also Breman 1996, pp.43

[71] see Mosse 2002, p. 67

[72] Gill 1994, p. 54, see also De Haan 1997, p. 39

[73] see Pal 1994, p. 240

[74] see De Haan 1997, p. 37 and also chapter B 1.4

[75] see Upreti 1994,p. 173

[76] see chapter B.1.1

[77] see Gill 1994, p.54 and Upreti 1994, p. 173

[78] see Misra 1998, p. 43, p. 180, p. 195 and Parnreiter 2000, p. 33, for the recent dynamics related to contractors see Interview DISHA, p.2

[79] see Parnreiter 2000,p. 36

[80] De Haan 1997, p.40

[81] Rempel 1996, p. 44/45

[82] see Upreti 1994, p. 170

[83] see chapter A.3

[84] Pal 1994, p. 233

[85] Ray Chaudhari 1993, p. 31(He emphasis that this definition can not be used if change takes place in the development of the rural occupation structure but it serves the purpose in this context)

[86] see Nagpaul 1996, p. 158

[87] see Sethi 1994, p. 189 and Nagpaul 1996, p. 159 and quota by Singh 1999, p. 27

[88] see Sethi 1994, p. 62, Bedi 1994, p. 13, Nagpaul 1996, p. 27, Bernstein 1992, p. 162 and Ratman and Rao 1979, p. 133

[89] see Sethi 1994, p. 18

[90] see Rempel 1996, p. 47 and Todaro 1980 in Parnreiter 2000, p. 28

[91] Epstein and Jezeph 2001, p. 1445

[92] see Bernstein et.al. 1992, p. 24

[93] see Samuel 1999, p. 14

[94] see Pandya 2001, p. 14 and 35, and also Douglass 2000, p. 5, Shah 2001, p. 3407, Banerjee 1986, p. 49, Times News Network 2003a and b, p. 5 and Interviews DISHA, p. 5 and MARAG, p. 1/ 2

[95] see Times News Network 2003b, p. 5

[96] see Shah 2001, p. 3408

[97] see Conell 1976 in De Haan 1997, p. 39, Rani and Shylendra 2002, p. 38 and also Interview BSC, p.7 and for caste dominance on land p.16 and DISHA, p.2

[98] Quibria 1994, p. 257, Nagdeve 2002, p.5 and also Interviews AKRSP, p.2, MARAG, p. 2

[99] see Pernia1998, p. 113 and Quibria 1994, p. 252 Williamson 1998 in Rempel 1996,

p. 46 and also chapter A.4.2

[100] Sethi 1994, p. 81/82, see also Misra 1998, p. 43

[101] see Banerjee 1986, p. 50

[102] due to the comparative advantage India believed in open markets for agriculture, see Sen 2001

[103] see Menon 2001 and Paringaux 2002, p. 19, for discussion of the different models of liberalization and impact on the rural poor see Quibria 1994, pp. 311

[104] s ee chapter C.1.2.1

[105] see Misra 1998, p. 177

[106] Breman 1985 in Sharma 1997, p. 62 and Interviews ASAG, p. 4, BSC p.10+15

[107] Sharma 1997, p. 233

[108] see Interview BSC, p. 10

[109] see Mehta 1991, p. 130

[110] see Breman 1985 in Sharma 1997, p. 62, Pandya 2001, p. 5 and p. 15 and Mosse et.al. 2002, p. 60

[111] see Nagpaul 1996, p. 156, Williamson 1988 in De Haan 1997, p. 35 and Sharma 1997, p. 225/226

[112] see Mosse et.al. 2002, p. 69 and also Sharma 1997, p. 58 and Pandya 2002, p. 10

[113] see chapter B.1.3

[114] see De Haan 1997, p. 40. In a private discussion a middle- class Indian with education of Bachelor of Law mentioned also that he is ‘poor’.

[115] see Mehta 1991, p. 130

[116] see Sharma 1997, p. 62

[117] see chapter B.1.5

[118] see Nagpaul 1996, p.166/167 and Singh 1999, p. 24

[119] Bedi 1994, p. 117 and see Banerjee 1986, p. 54/ 55 and Gill 1994, p. 21/ 22

[120] see Du Guerny 1998, p. 61

[121] see De Haan 1997, p. 41

[122] Pernia 1998, p. 102

[123] see Sharma 1997, p. 23 and Shinoda 1996, p. 534

[124] see also Gill 1994, p. 19

[125] see Shinoda 1996, p. 534/535 and Rempel 1996, p. 13

[126] see for the study Der Spiegel 2002, p. 158 and also Bauer 2002, p. 256, Mazumdar 1994, p. 83 and Pernia 1998, p. 109

[127] Census of India 2001 in Nagdeve 2002, p.13

[128] see Census of India 2001a, p. 20, Census of India 2001b, Table 07 and Nagdeve 2002, p. 4/ 5

[129] Sethi 1994, p. 61

[130] see Hundsalz 2000, p. 4 and Bernstein et.al. 1992, p. 148

[131] Misra 1998, p.190

[132] see Nagdeve 2002, p. 8

[133] see Kaldate 1989, p. 16

[134] see Nagdeve 2002, p. 5

[135] see De Haan 1997, p. 38

[136] 1992, p.148, Breman 1996 in Rani and Shylendra 2002, p. 28, Rempel 1996, pp.39 and Nagdeve 2002, p. 4

[137] see Nagpaul 1996, p. 156, for slums through in- migration see also Pal 1994, p. 233

[138] see Breman 1996, p.5

[139] see Rempel 1996, pp. 37

[140] see Pandya 2002, p. 8

[141] Gandhi 1962, p. 25

[142] see Du Guerny 1998, p. 59

[143] Reddy 2000, p. 3, for special definition of types of slums see Kaldate 1989, p. 3

[144] Pandya 2001, p. 209

[145] Archaya and Parikh 2002, pp. 41

[146] see ASAG 1992 in Archaya and Parikh 2002, p. 42

[147] Shroff 1999 in Archaya and Parikh 2002, p. 43

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Migration to Urbanisation: Rural Social Work and the Prevention of Slum Growth
University of Applied Sciences Frankfurt am Main  (Social Work and Health)
1,0 (A)
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ISBN (eBook)
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2379 KB
80 Page Appendix
Migration, Urbanisation, Rural, Social, Work, Prevention, Slum, Growth
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Karsten Wottgen (Author), 2003, Migration to Urbanisation: Rural Social Work and the Prevention of Slum Growth, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/24022


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