"The Tory Party at Prayer". An assessment of Anglican voters' association with the Conservative Party

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements

List of Abbreviations

Introduction

Literature review

Data Analysis and Methodological Considerations

The Conservative Party - its influence on Anglican voters

The Church of England - a political influence on its members?

The Future for Anglican Voters - where will their allegiance be?

Conclusion

Bibliography

Abstract

The aim of this study is to identify the reasons behind Anglican voters' association with the Conservative Party. In the first section, the study will assess the relevant data taken from 'Voting and Values in Britain: Does religion count?' by researchers at Theos Think Tank. The research supports the assumption that Anglicans are more likely to vote Conservative than any other political party.

Having distinguished the facts, the second section of the study will establish the reasoning behind this relationship. Here, the thesis will draw upon a number of sources in order to explain the association.

It was concluded that Anglican voters' association with the Conservative Party is largely a response to the historical relationship between the two. It was further concluded that much of the reasoning behind Anglican voters' preference may be down to their values regarding key moral issues. Areas for further research are also suggested within this study.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Theos think tank for providing their research, inspiring and enabling me to write this study. I am also thankful to Dr. Andrew Defty of the University of Lincoln, his guidance and support throughout my Undergraduate and Master's degrees has been invaluable.

Finally, and most importantly, I am eternally grateful to my mother Penny and father, Jeremy. Their unrivalled love and belief in my ability has been ever-present.

This acknowledgement is for you all.

Joshua Bell

List of Abbreviations

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Introduction

It was Agnes Maude Royden, preacher and suffragette, who first referred to the Church of England as "the Tory party at prayer" (O' Donnell, 1990, p.60). As the term suggests, historically, much of the support and membership of the Church of England derived from Conservative Party members. Today, it is a term not unfamiliar when comparisons are made between the Church and the Conservative Party. However, as Britain finds itself becoming an increasingly secular society, it's not clear whether this relationship will continue at all. Though, in more recent times, Prime Minister David Cameron has suggested that "Christians should be 'more evangelical' about their faith" (Swinford, 2014). Although Prime Minister Cameron does not speak for the Church, it is such statements which lead journalists and academics to question the Church's relationship with the Conservative Party once again. In 1950, when Agnes Maude Royden made the timeless remark regarding the Conservative Party and the Church, she did so with good reason. The Tories then supported "the divine right, hereditary succession, and the royal prerogative; above all, they supported the Anglican Church" (O' Donnell, 1990, p.60). The association between the Conservative Party and the Church was evidently strong, and was built on shared values and a similar vision for Britain. Today, however, this relationship has dwindled and crucially, British society has also changed. The former Tory Party Chairman, Lady Warsi, recently admitted that there is a "militant secularisation taking hold of our society" (Wintour, 2012). Whilst secularisation has increased within British society, a similar pattern of religious abstention is evident in the political world. The infamous statement made by Alistair Campbell "we don't do God" (Brown, 2003) is an obvious example of the reluctance with which many politicians now approach matters of personal faith and religion. Although religion has increasingly become a taboo topic and

British society has continued to secularize, one thing that has remained is the high levels of support for the Conservative Party amongst Anglican voters. This study seeks to identify the reasons why Anglican voters, in particular, have and continued to, support the Conservative Party. Ultimately, this work will further understanding of the Anglican and Conservative Party relationship, as well as contributing to the gap in the current academic knowledge of this area. Further, it has been suggested that "religious affiliation still makes a significant difference in British electoral behaviour" (Kotler-Berkowitz, 2001, p.524). Therefore, with under one year until the 2015 General Election, the religious vote may well play an important role and this study will help further understanding of the potential voting behaviour of Anglicans.

This study asks three research questions which will be answered throughout the work. Firstly, this study seeks to understand, to what extent have Anglican voters supported the Conservative Party in the past? It will secondly ask, is it the Conservative Party's politics or the Anglican Church's theology which means their members continue to support the Party, or a combination of both? Finally, this paper will ask, what is the potential future of Anglican voters' political preferences? The motivation for this study derives from the work of Theos, a think tank which researches issues concerning religion and society. The specific piece of research which has inspired this work is 'Voting and Values in Britain: Does religion count?'. The research provides a specific insight into the voting patterns of Anglicans, therefore, being a suitable platform for this study. This said, unfortunately, in Britain, there remains a "dearth of research" (Clements and Spencer, 2014) into this topic. Therefore, for the sake of this work, the Theos research will provide the platform. However, a broad use of the literature is required. Previous research, which has been carried out specifically in this area of religious affiliation and voting, has been published by Butler and Stokes (1969) and Kotler-Berkowitz (2001). These academics have successfully isolated a relationship between religion and voting behaviour. Their work is useful for this study because of the insight it provides into historical voting trends. In the final three chapters of this research the focus will be upon the Conservative Party, the Church of England and the future of Anglican voting behaviours. In each chapter this work will use a range of sources which help answer the research questions, whilst drawing upon both modern and historic academic analysis. It also reflects on a number of credible online sources, as it seeks to address current issues such as the equal marriage debate and the recent acceptance of women Bishops. The use of these case studies will help support this research's arguments, and, due to their recent emergence, the use of online articles on these issues is unavoidable.

Because of the lack of research into religion and politics per se, it can be tempting to try and fill a gap in the research which is realistically unattainable. Therefore, this study will specifically seek to further knowledge of Anglican voters' association with the Conservative Party. Theos's research provides the facts required to understand this relationship but fails to elaborate upon and discuss their findings. Therefore, this study will research the Anglican and Conservative Party relationship further and seek to provide answers to some of the questions raised by Theos's research. Also, although there is a temptation to investigate differing denominations and political parties, this study will remain concise and avoid over complication. This will mean the study is original and will help further knowledge in this area. This work will devote a section toward the end of the study to suggest proposals which can also contribute to this largely under-researched area of academia.

This study will seek to explain the relationship between the Conservative Party and Anglican voters by firstly carrying out a review of the relevant literature. Before any analysis or investigation can begin, there will be a chapter devoted to assessing the Theos data which shows the presumed relationship between Anglican voters and the Conservative Party. The chapter will include a brief contextualisation of this study, before providing a background to the data and subsequently, the results. This study uses research by Theos and provides a brief yet important insight into the background of their study. This work will then present a set of methodological considerations which deal with the issues surrounding using secondary data. There will also be a section devoted to contemplating the use of primary data sources as this work also draws upon some of my previous research into MPs' political decision making. The key Theos data will then be presented in order to show the extent of the relationship between Anglican voters and the Conservative Party. The study will then move on in order to explain the results which have been identified in the Theos research. This will be carried out in three parts. Firstly, this work will investigate the Conservative Party's role and relationship with the Church. Secondly, the Anglican Church's role within British Politics and its relationship with the Conservative Party will be discussed. Finally, this work will examine the potential future of the relationship between the Church and the Conservative Party, and ask what effect this could have on Anglican voting patterns.

Literature Review

This study will firstly consider the literature surrounding religion, politics and the Church which is beneficial to this research. As has been correctly argued by Clements and Spencer, "the religious vote in Britain - if it exists - is less well researched and less understood than the American case" (2014, p.10). There is a need for further research into this area and this study will contribute to the evident gap in the literature. Although the study of religion and politics in America dominates this research field, it offers a useful comparable insight. This study will utilise American-based research, whilst understanding that, as Gonzalez (2012, p.568) has suggested in America "today we are living in a culture where religion is front and centre in politics" (2012, p.568). The relationship between religion and politics has become tightly intertwined in America and, although many similarities exist in Britain, the cultural influence of religion in America goes far beyond the British case. Therefore, when applying research from the American model, it must be completed with caution and a full understanding of the cultural differences. The following literature review's central focus, therefore, is upon the insight that can be gained through assessing the Conservative Party and Anglican Church relationship. This 'relationship' in Britain has historically been one of intimacy, based on a shared values system. As Kotler-Berkowitz suggests, ''the most important historical link between religion and politics, was the connection between the Anglican Church and the Conservative party'' (2001, p.528). This quote captures the importance of the relationship, at least historically. It also poses a number of unanswered questions which this work will seek to assess.

Before considering the wider literature and its contribution to this study, it is first beneficial to define the two topics central to this work. The focus within this study will be upon 'Anglicans' and by definition they are those "relating to or denoting the Church of England or any Church in communion with it'' (Oxford Dictionaries, 2014). The Theos research which is central to this work highlights that 'Anglicans' are self-identifying within the British Social Attitudes Survey. As this work will later explain, the Theos research importantly differentiates between 'regularly' and 'irregularly-attending' Anglicans. This distinction is vital as we later seek to understand the influence regularly attending church has had on Anglican's voting behaviour. Secondly, defining the second topic of this study, conservatism, is a greater challenge. Conservatives themselves, commonly deny that ''conservatism'' is an ideology (Kirk, 1982, p.14) and this, it is argued, is a result of ''the pejorative connotation surrounding the term'' (Leach, 1991, p.88). Therefore, this study will focus upon the Conservative Party itself, which unlike 'conservatism', is characterised as pragmatic rather than ideological (Leach, 1991, p.88). This enables us to understand, what it is precisely the Conservative Party stand for and, ultimately, what Anglicans in particular vote for.

It has been suggested that ''there is no one Anglican Political Theology'' (Gorringe, 2012, p. 105). The challenge, therefore, is to understand the key aspects that contribute to the aforementioned. Again, the point should be made, that the extent of relevant literature on this topic is minimal, although for the sake of this work, it is important that we attempt to investigate the Anglican Church's political position. In a research article by Gorringe (2012), he offers a three part analysis of historical Anglican political thought. First, he considers the origins of Anglicanism, through drawing upon the example of Richard Hooker. The theories of Hooker were based on deeply theological beliefs such as ''the authority of a human regime is subject to the authority of law within the community which bears independent witness to divine command" (Gorringe, 2012, p.107). Similarly, Oliver O' Donovan, a contemporary academic, argues that "in conservatism we encounter the most self-aware and supple of the modern doctrinal options, the only option of purely modern provenance" (2005, p.183). Through assessing this statement, we can identify the projection of conservatism in the initial emergence of the Anglican Church. In Gorringe's article, he argues that the weakness in this stage of Anglicanism was that the Church becomes "the Tory party at prayer'' (2012, p.111). As mentioned, this phrase is not unusual and remains, as this study will later show, present in many academic observations of the Conservative Party in more recent times. The second style of Anglican political theory, emerged from philosopher John Locke and theological­political assumptions were fundamental to his entire oeuvre (Harris, 1998). Gorringe, suggests Locke's Anglican beliefs meant he was adamant "that Scripture and reason were compatible and that the latter strictly constrained the possibilities of exegesis'' (2012, p.109). This emergence of Anglican political theory differs greatly from the first. It is more progressive, in that it attempts to include the whole community, including non-Christians (Gorringe, 2012). Further, unlike the Anglican Theory of Hooker, natural law is the main guide (Harris, 1998) and also for Shanks (1996) political freedom as oppose to order is the concern. The third and final style is the important influence of Christian Socialism. This style of political thought, which emerged in 1948 and began with J.N Ludlow, eventually developed into a "majority movement'' (Gorringe, 2012, p.110). It was based on principles of a Utopian vision where the 'dreaming of dreams' is regarded as a necessary part of politics (Leech, 1997). Further, Christian Socialism is seen as the 'attack on inequality' and it is argued that ''this must remain central to any socialist agenda and a concern to rescue the concept of inequality from its not-so-cultured despisers'' (Gorringe, 2012, p.111). The key strength of this third style of political theory, according to Gorringe (2012, p.111) at least, is ''its passion and advocacy on behalf of the poor and marginalised''. This literature portrays the association between

Anglicanism and conservatism during its emergence. In order to understand and explain this relationship further, this paper will continue to focus upon the literature which provides an insight into the Anglican Church and Conservative Party history.

As this study in part, seeks to determine the reasons for the Anglican Church and Conservative Party relationship, analysis of the theory surrounding wider issues is important. Such research allows us to understand the influence of 'social contexts' on religious voting patterns. Contextual effects, appropriate here, are ''any specific types of social interactions, arising in social contexts that are direct, frequent, voluntary and purposeful'' (Huckfeldt and Sprague, 1993, p.289). Social class, in particular, is relevant, as we consider the political preferences of Anglicans. Bruce has identified the emergence of this relationship; ''the various organisations into which the Church of England fractured, tended to have a particular class profile, which, as the franchise was extended in the nineteenth century, led to an association between a type of Christianity and political preference'' (2003, p.115).This 'association' Bruce (2003) makes reference to is the relationship between the Church of England and conservatism. Throughout the relevant literature, this link is identifiable and provides an important insight into the Anglican Church and Conservative Party relationship. Bruce for example, further argues, that ''the upper classes and those whom they controlled, the Church people, voted Conservative or Tory'' (2003, p.116). This identification of the upper classes' association with the Conservative Party and their presence within the hierarchy of the Church has, in part, continued. The relationship between Conservative Party leaders and their association with religion and faith is another factor which is evident within the literature. Medhurst and Moyser's research, identifies that during Margaret Thatcher's time as Prime Minister she attempted to ''articulate a moral basis for her policies'' and ''those committed to the Church found her attempts to forge such links between theology and politics positively appealing'' (1989, p.240). They also isolate relevant attributes of "those committed to the Church" such as "wedded to traditional forms of Toryism" and "class-based" (Medhust and Moyser, 1989, p.240). In addition, to introduce a modern day context, Prime Minister David Cameron said in April 2014, that Britain should be "more confident about our status as a Christian country" (BBC News, 2014). Such openness to promote a specific religion from any MP, let alone the Prime Minister, is unusual in this age. If anything, Cameron's statement yet again brings to the surface the Church's association within politics and vice versa. To conclude this first section of literary analysis, it is useful to present Leach's (1991) summary of the relationship between the ideology of conservatism and the Anglican Church. He has written that "to an extent Christianity, and more particularly Anglicanism, is highly compatible with conservatism. Not only do they share the same pessimistic assumptions about human nature, they also both involve acceptance of authority and hierarchy'' (Leach, 1991, p.100).

The American political scene, where the "marriage between religion and politics ... is undeniable'' (Gonzalez, 2012, p.582), is perhaps internationally, the ultimate case of Christian faith-based politics. Although much of the literature on this topic is dominated by American case-studies, this is not to say academics are wholly positive about their situation.

In the literature assessed here, Gonzalez in particular, is exceptionally critical. He writes, "(American) politicians manipulate the religious beliefs of potential voters in order to get their support on Election Day. This not only leads to the misrepresentation of religious beliefs; it can also create a culture that perpetuates religious intolerance and discrimination'' (Gonzalez, 2012, p.583).

A further critic of the American 'political and religious' relationship, is Stephen Prothero, who claims, ''religious illiteracy makes it difficult for Americans to make sense of a world in which people kill and make peace in the name of Christ and Allah" (2007, p.9). In a recent case, that of Mitt Romney, a Mormon, the personal portrayal of his faith invariably backfired amongst many members of the Christian community in America. Robert Jefress (2011), a Conservative Preacher, has argued, "I think those of us who are born again followers of Christ should always prefer a competent Christian to a competent non-Christian like Mitt Romney". Holloway condemns this statement in her work in insisting that "making an issue of a candidate's religion violates the principles of our pluralist democracy and will deaden our public appreciation" (Holloway, 2012, p.26). Whilst this work is not aiming to investigate the American case, or provide any further insight into the debates raised above, it is occasionally helpful to draw upon the American example. As the quotations outlined show, the seriousness and impact which religion has on American politics is vast and it provides the ultimate model of the relationship between Christianity and politics. On the other hand, although Britain represents a very different political 'make-up", one which is less willing to associate itself with religion, it is still suggested in literature that ''as politicians (in Britain) chase the religious vote and, conversely, religious groups look to muscle their way into the political arena, the temptation is to draw comparisons with the United States, where the two worlds are seemingly inseparable"" (Doward and Hinslif, 2005). On certain issues, such comparison can prove invaluable in furthering our knowledge. For example, whilst assessing the literature on American politics we must also consider the contributions that suggest that Christians in Britain have "borrowed the tactics of America"s Religious Right in ... attempts to affect policy"" (Modell, 2008). Walton"s (2013) research in particular, titled '"Is there a Religious Right emerging in Britain?"", provides an insight into this topic. This study is especially concerned with the relationship between the Conservative Party and the 'religious right", as we seek to understand Anglicans" association with both. Relevant insight into this emerging debate has been largely pioneered by the British media. Examples of such influence are endemic;

"The Christian movements both here (in Britain) and in the USA clearly feel most at home on the right" (Williams, 2011), "Christian fundamentalists form a noisy wing of the Conservative Party, and their influence is growing fast" (Hundal, 2010), "There is some evidence that some of the campaign methods of the Religious Right in America are already being used in Britain" (Baldwin, 2009).

The frequent appearance ofthe term 'religious right' and the research surrounding the topic is certainly relevant for this study as we seek to isolate the reasons behind many Anglicans' association with the 'right' of politics. Returning briefly to the example of America, much literature has been written on their more identifiable religious right, which is helpful for this research. Notably, Durham (2000) in his work on the 'Christian Right' and Glazer (1987) have both assessed the offensive tactics of religious fundamentals in America. Although their analysis centres around the American 'Christian Right' movement, an understanding can be gained which may one day, apply to the British case.

Before this study moves on to assess the research carried out by Theos think tank, it will briefly look at the issues of political participation and voting behaviour. Political participation is a continually debated phenomena in Great Britain, largely because ofthe publication of figures which regularly suggest poor voter turnout. It is important to consider the voting patterns of 'the religious', as this study will later assess this relationship further. Smith and Walker argue the ''literature demonstrates that religion is a significant factor in voter turnout" (2013, p.400). One conflicting argument within academia is the 'Economy of Time' theory, which suggests that those who have more involvement in religious organisations and institutions subsequently have higher rates of political participation (Smith and Walker, 2013). However, lannaccone (1990), amongst others, suggests that overly participating in religious practices could have the reverse effect, decreasing political participation. Downs has argued, "time is the principle cost of voting" (1957, p.265), and if this is true for religious voters, then it is important to assess what the incentive is for religious participators to vote. The response to this within academia is the argument from Djupe and Grant (2001) who suggest, "when religious groups recognize an explicit connection between their private religious life and public or civic life, it provides incentive for political participation". The argument here is that the influence on religious voters is a result of the increased importance ofsocial and moral issues. Smith and Walker (2013) believe that such political mobilisation is a direct result of the fundamental belief system of Christians in particular when this comes into conflict with the increasing secularizing and socially liberalising British society.

Finally, certain literature is concerned with the voting behaviour of those from religious denominations specifically. Research on this topic is sparse, but, there are a number of key influential studies which this paper can draw upon. Lipset and Rokkan (1967), in particular, identified that religion is one of the major sources giving rise to party divisions. Although this is not necessarily relevant to 21st century Britain, it is generally accepted that in the past religion had an important role to play within British politics. Denver et al's research, argues that ''in Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, religion played a major role in party politics and in determining party support'' (2012, p. 59).

The identification of religion's effect on voting patterns has continued according to other academic writers. Notably, Butler and Stokes (1969, p.124-134) carried out research into the 1964 British Election Survey and discovered that religion had a "political legacy'' at this time. Support for the Conservative Party in the 1964 election, was stronger among Anglicans (46%) than non-conformists (35%), "although the influence of religious affiliation on political party choice had declined as compared with early years of the century, it was still in evidence" (Denver et al, 2012, p.59). Further research into this area was carried out in 1991 and 1992 by Kotler-Berkowitz (2001). Their research found that "religion continues to influence the electoral behaviour of British citizens, across its multiple dimensions" (Kotler-Berkowitz, 2001, p.529). More recent literature is evident in the Theos research which this paper will go on to assess in the following chapter. The Theos research, like that of Butler and Stokes (1969) and Kotler-Berkowitz (2001), draws upon official British Surveys in order to highlight the extent of the religious vote.

This literature review has highlighted a number of the key arguments which surround this piece of research. A greater understanding of the 'religious right' and the history of the Conservative and Anglican Church relationship historically, amongst other key debates, support the theoretical contribution of this work. This paper will now move on to consider the methodological considerations of this work before assessing the aforementioned Theos research.

Data Analysis and Methodological Considerations

In order to establish the facts behind the relationship between the Conservative Party and Anglican voters this study must first assess the relevant data. This process, largely, applies Glaser's definition of secondary data analysis, that is, "the study of specific problems through analysis of existing data which were originally collected for another purpose'' (1963, p.ll). The data this study will focus upon is taken from Theos think tank's research, titled 'Voting and Values: Does religion still count in Britain?' (Clements and Spencer, 2014). As the title suggests, the research looked at the voting preferences of members of religious organisations over the last fifty years. Amongst their analysis, Clements and Spencer (2014) observed Anglicans' voting preferences over time. This study will focus solely on this aspect of their research, in order to analyse Anglican voters' relationship with the Conservative Party, comprehensively. Whilst this study has identified analysis of a relationship between the Conservative Party and the Church within its literature review, the Theos research will provide the facts regarding Anglican voters' political alliances overtime. Before going on to present the relevant aspects of the Theos research, this chapter will provide a brief background to the data source. The section following this will be devoted to outlining some of the key methodological considerations, which are vital when analysing data of any kind.

The research which is central to this paper originates from the work of Theos think tank. Theos has an established and well qualified research team whose focus is upon issues surrounding religion and politics. The specific study which is assessed in this work was carried out in 2014 and is titled, 'Voting and Values in Britain: Does Religion count?'. The specific data which is referenced in this research is located in chapter one and two of the Theos study. Here, we find the analysis of data from 1959-2010 regarding the voting behaviour of those British citizens who identify with a religion. Specifically, this study is interested in Theos's assessment of 'Anglicans' and their voting preferences, with a focus upon Conservative Party association. Theos's research provides a comprehensive assessment from the past 55 years of British Election data and delivers a reputable source on which this study can build. Before presenting the appropriate results, this work will briefly consider the methodological questions surrounding this piece of research, including the use of secondary data.

Methodology

It is important that this study briefly assesses the methodological considerations when using secondary data. Although no further statistical tests were necessary in this study, we must ensure the existing data analysis present here is valid. This study aims to further analyse one aspect of Theos think tank's research (Clements and Spencer, 2014). Specifically, this work seeks to understand and explain the reasons for Anglican voters' association with the Conservative Party. Academics have used secondary data when they have sought to ''describe the contemporary and historical attributes and behaviour of individuals, societies, groups or organisations'' (Corti and Thompson, 1995, p.87). It is also argued that researchers use secondary data to ''apply a new perspective or a new conceptual focus to the original research issues'' (Heaton, 1998). This study is similar in that it will present the relevant historical data before continuing to explain and assess the presumed association between Anglican voters and the Conservative Party.

Firstly, as this research has no control over the data used in the Theos research we must consider its validity.

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