Italy’s first steps towards a new Europe (1945- 1957)

Table of content

1. Introduction

2. 1945 - 1949: Italy’s situation after the Second World War

3. 1949 - 1954: From the Schuman Declaration to the European Defence Community (EDC)

4. 1954 - 1958: The milestone period of the European integration process

5. Conclusion

6. Bibliography

„ Italy is ready to transfer wide powers

to a European Community, provided that it

be democratically organized and give

a guarantee of life and development.”

Alcide De Gasperi,

Italian Prime Minister (1945-1953)

1. Introduction

In 2007, the European Union celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome, and thus its official hour of birth after many years of intensive negotiations, which had lasted from 1945 till 1957. From the very beginning on, Italy “had been amongst the keenest supporters of the European integration, both at the popular and the government levels” (Comelli 2011: 2) and had played an important role within all early proceedings. Especially under the political leadership of Alcide de Gasperi, Italy became one of the most influential negotiators and until today, the country is considered a triumphant founding nation of the European Union (Di Nolfo 1980: 145). This widespread pro-European attitude, however, has declined dramatically during the last decades.

Although nowadays - in a time of expeditious global developments, growing mutual dependencies and uncertainties - the “European integration seems more essential than ever” (Dinan 2005: 7), Italy’s opinion about a European future changed for the worst. Two factors mainly led to this negative development: Silvio Berlusconi’s Euro-sceptical government during the so-called Second Republic as well as the disastrous financial crisis in 2008/2009 (Comelli 2011: 8). As recent surveys considerably show, the Italian population has lost its originally belief in the European Union. Many people demonstrate against strict austerity programs, consider Europe as a danger for the national future and fear a steady weakening of the Italian political and cultural heritage (Caciagli 2004: 26). Looking at the following results of a Europe-wide survey conducted by an American political research centre between 2007 and 2013, the waning position of the European Union among the Italian population is evident. Whereas in 2007 78% of the Italians still looked favourably at the European Community, the picture changed dramatically till 2013. By then, only 58% of the people shared a positive opinion about the united Europe. Although Italy’s result in 2013 is still the second best after Germany, the immense downfall of the Italian favourability shouldn’t be disregarded. Especially concerning the fact that “Italians – elite and public alike – were once amongst the most Europhile people in Europe” (Comelli 2011: 2).

illustration not visible in this excerpt

Source: PEW Research Center (2013)

This negative relationship between Italy and the European Union, however, might be recovering from now on. Matteo Renzi, who got elected the new Italian prime minister in February this year, seems willing to contribute decisive activities to move the Italian population again closer to Europe. As a first important step, Renzi used his government declaration to underline the historical significance of the European Union and the urgent necessity for Italy to restart European cooperation (N24.de 2014). Referring to his prominent political precursor, Alcide de Gasperi, the Italian prime minister promised to close the gap between Italy and Europe again.

Picking up this recent look back to the founding period of the European Union by the Italian prime minister, this paper focuses on exactly that time and analyses Italy’s contribution during the early European integration. Political scientists and historians often divide this process in three main parts: the after-war period between 1945 and 1949, the beginning of multilateral negotiations from 1949 till 1954, and finally the most important time for the European unification ending with the ratification of the Treaties of Rome in 1957 (Di Nolfo 1980: 148).

In the subsequent analysis, I will follow this structure and thereby concentrate on the most decisive events that took place within the different periods - first and foremost the Brussels and Atlantic Pact (1948), the Schuman Declaration (1950), the European Defence Community (1952), the Spaak Committee (1955), and the Treaties of Rome (1957).

2. 1945 - 1949: Italy’s situation after the Second World War

“In the immediate aftermath of the war, Italy’s predominant need was a period of recuperation – to build a new political system after twenty years of Fascism, to reconstruct the economy from the ruins of the war, and to regain a position of equality internationally. Only when these tasks had been completed could Italy think again about Europe.” (Willis 1971: 13)

As in many European countries, the Second World War had left disastrous marks in Italy. The political as well as the economic infrastructure was destroyed, great parts of the population were homeless and unemployed, and the people suffered from hunger, illnesses and traumata.

In December 1945, Alcide de Gasperi was elected prime minister. His first cabinet governed until July 1946 and tried to use this short period to stabilize the Italian political system as much as possible (Willis 1971: 14). Also during his second ministry, where de Gasperi kept the Ministry of Interior in order to have a better control about the restoration process, the coalition parties focussed mainly on the national economic reconstruction (Daniels 1998: 107). Building any international relations was unthinkable at that time due to the severe inner state problems.

The Italian government soon realized, however, that it needed foreign support to successfully re-erect the country. Therefore, it addressed itself to the American government in order to gain some financial aid. In the context of the Marshall Plan, Italy got finally supported and, by the end of 1947, the national production “was approximately at the level it had been in 1938” (Willis 1971: 15). Having stabilized the economic condition, de Gasperi wanted to improve Italy’s international status as fast as possible. In his opinion, it should be the most urgent goal for the Italian nation not only to reach an inner state situation of normality, but also regarding the international connections. His wanted to show the other nations that Italy was a country like the other states - with the same rights and obligations, the same international relations and the same rules for diplomatic behaviour (Di Nolfo 1980: 151).

Regarding the rising tension between the USA and the UDSSR, De Gasperi tried to stay neutral towards both superpowers. The US government, however, informed the Italian prime minister in 1947 that the “continuance of aid to Italy was dependent upon maintenance of a stable democratic system at home” (Willis 1971: 18). It was therefore obvious that the USA would only continue to support Italy as soon as members of the Communist Party didn’t hold any political positions anymore. De Gasperi reacted immediately to this official warning from the American side and formed a new government, his fourth cabinet, composed only by Christian Democrats and three independent ministers (Di Nolfo 1980: 146). With this reaction, de Gasperi left his neutral comfort zone and showed a major commitment to the American alliance.

Within the following year, the question about Italy’s position towards the United States determined the political discussions between the opposition and the governing party. It therefore became the main campaign topic during the elections in April 1948. Whereas the Communist and Social Party considered the Marshall plan and any other cooperation with the American side as a great danger for Italy, de Gasperi and his cabinet underlined the importance of such means for Italy’s future (Willis 1971: 21). De Gasperi won the elections and saw his pro-American and international orientation publicly acknowledged. As he was an enthusiastic proponent of international cooperation, he used his new election success to bring Italy and its European neighbour countries closer together.

A first important step towards any unification with other European countries was Italy’s bilateral cooperation with France – the Franco-Italian customary union. In 1948, de Gasperi, his foreign minister Sforza and the new elected French foreign minister Robert Schuman decided upon this common project. Although the cooperation mainly focussed on an economic interchange between the countries, Sforza as well as Schuman saw it also politically as “the real beginning of the union of Europe” (Willis 1971: 21). Within the same year, in March 1948, France constituted the framework of another European alliance. Together with Britain and the Benelux countries it signed the Brussels Pact, which led to the military cooperation named Western European Union. The Italian government, however, showed no interest in joining this alliance. De Gasperi and Sforza were aware of the population’s uneasiness towards any military obligation. After the disastrous events of the Second World War, the Italians feared that any kind of military cooperation might be followed by future conflicts (Di Nolfo 1980: 162). This neutral attitude soon provoked a strong irritation on the American side.

The US government wanted to build another military alliance together with Canada and the Brussels Pact countries, the so-called Atlantic Pact, and it officially requested de Gasperi and Sforza so that Italy would join the Pact. As Italy was still dependent on the American financial support, de Gasperi knew that in order to stabilize the international relations with the United States as well as other European countries, his country had to be responsive to the American pleas. Although they both know how critical the Italian population was towards this cooperation, de Gasperi and Sforza considered the Atlantic Pact to be a possible cornerstone for a successful European unification:

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