Excerpt
2
OUTLINE:
I. Introduction
1.1.
Statement of the Problem and Definition of Terms...3
1.2.
Methodology and Sources...4
II.
The value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' at the individual level
2.1
Encouraging self-acceptance and self-expression among the LGBT+ minority...5
2.2.
Contributing to suicide prevention among the LGBT+ community...7
III.
The value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' at the national level.
3.1.
Ensuring the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly...9
3.2.
Promoting tolerance and acceptance of the LGBT+ community in a
predominantly homo-, bi- and transphobic society...12
IV.
The value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' at an international level.
4.1.
Attracting the attention, initiative of and pressure from the international
community
...14
4.2.
Addressing the factors that influence migration of the LGBT+ population...16
V. Conclusion
5.1. Concluding
Statement
...17
5.2. Scope
and
Limitations...
...
...18
VI.
Bibliography...19
3
I. Introduction
1.1. Statement of the problem and definition of terms
Europe has come a long way in building a society with respect towards the LGBT+
community and in ensuring legal protections and freedoms that were unthinkable just a
decade ago. The implementation of the principle of equal treatment is attributed to courageous
campaigning by generations of LGBT+ activists and allies. By increasing the visibility of the
LGBT+ community and advocating for their legal rights, pride events have contributed
significantly to the improvement of the situation of gender and sexual minorities.
Furthermore, gay parades continue to provide the members of LGBT+ minority with a safety
net, a sense of belonging, and empowerment. "The importance of this kind of cultural and
social event shouldn't be underestimated," - highlights the politician Zakhele Mbhele, who
acknowledges that going to the parade crystallized her sense of being part of a bigger
community, as well as assisted in the coming out process.
1
While pride parades around the
world share common objectives, there are major differences in embodiment and the meaning
between LGBT+ events in predominantly tolerant countries versus homophobic ones. In the
Western world radical LGBT+ marches have evolved into carnivalesque and glamorous
carnivals with colourful floats, adorned with a plethora of rainbows and balloons, loud music,
flamboyant costumes, and, most importantly, courageous "out and proud" participants. By
contrast, LGBT+ parades in less tolerant states resemble political demonstrations: they are
often situated on the outskirts of cities, outnumbered by the police force and, nationalist and
religious counter-demonstrators, and frequently result in outbursts of violence. Lithuania falls
into the second category, of highly conservative and religious countries that are inevitably
outraged by what they see as the growing audacity of the LGBT+ community, exemplified by
`Baltic Pride'.
`Baltic Pride' is an annual LGBT+ pride parade that rotates between the capitals of the
Baltic states. `Riga Pride', the precursor of `Baltic Pride', started off in 2005 in Latvia and in
2009 was renamed to `Baltic Pride' and began an annual rotation. `Baltic Pride' is organized
by the Latvian LGBT rights group `Mozaika', the Estonian LGBT Association and the NGO
`Lithuanian Gay League' (LGL). The LGL was founded in 1993 -- the same year that
homosexuality was legalized, and three years after the country declared independence from
the Soviet Union. Under the previous regime, homosexuality was illegal, and those found
1
Shaun De Waal and Anthony Manion, Pride: Protest and Celebration
(Johannesburg: Fanele, 2006), 171.
4
guilty could face the punishment of up to five years of imprisonment with hard labor
2
.
Lithuania hosted `Baltic Pride' in 2010, 2013, and is currently preparing for `Baltic Pride
2016' that will take place on June 18
th
. "Vilnius needs no more of these festivals," stated
Artras Zuokas, the mayor of the Lithuanian capital at the time, with regard to the pride
parade in 2013, "I believe the developments on Saturday serve as yet more clear proof of the
event having nothing to do with promoting tolerance. It was more of a tool for propaganda of
one's own values and lifestyle."
3
According to `Spinter' survey only 15,2 percent of
Lithuanians supported the execution of the last `Baltic Pride' prior to the event, which also
explains the numerous scandals, protests, violence attacks and hate crimes that occurred.
4
After the event was over, general discontent among Lithuanians continued to increase, due to
high expenditure on the heavy police force that was needed to ensure security.
5
Since `Baltic Pride' is often criticized, depreciated and condemned by many citizens,
politicians and media bodies, this case study will offer an assessment of the value, impact, and
validity of Lithuanian `Baltic Pride' at the individual, national and international level. In the
research LGBT+ will be used as an acronym for the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender
community, as well as the wider variety of other individuals, including intersexuals, queer
people, asexuals and others. Homophobia, biphobia and transphobia are terms that will imply
the fear, unreasonable anger, intolerance or/and hatred toward LGBT+ people manifesting in
discrimination, language, and bullying as well as in violent and criminal behavior.
1.2. Methodology and Sources
The research is based on the case study method, providing an up-close and in-depth
understanding of the significance of `Baltic Pride' in Lithuania. The study draws upon
multiple disciplines, including social anthropology, sociology, history, legal studies, as well as
psychology, and uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative data. An empirical inquiry
about one contemporary phenomenon will produce more generalizable knowledge about the
value, impact, and validity of pride parades in predominantly homo-, bi- and transphobic
environments. Therefore the research goes beyond the study of isolated phenomenon, and
examines the context as well as other complex conditions related to the case.
2
Igor S. Kon, "Sexophobia in Action," in The Sexual Revolution in Russia: from the Age of the Czars to Today,
trans. James Riordan (New York: Free Press, 1995), 71.
3
"Zuokas - Vilnius Does Not Need Events Like Baltic Pride," The Lithuania Tribune, July 29, 2013,
http://www.lithuaniatribune.com/46189/zuokas-vilnius-does-not-need-events-like-baltic-pride-201346189.
4
"Gj Eitynms Nepritaria 62 Proc. Lietuvi," Lzinios.Lt, March 4, 2013,
http://lzinios.lt/lzinios/Gimtasis-krastas/geju-eitynems-nepritaria-62-proc-lietuviu/71534.
5
"Gay pride in Lithuania Cost Police over EUR 53,000, " The Baltic Course, July 30, 2013,
http://www.baltic-course.com/eng/forums/?doc=78439.
5
The assessment of value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' in Lithuania is divided into
three segments, based on the area of influence. The first segment examines the importance of
`Baltic Pride' considering its impact on the LGBT+ individuals. The study draws on the
LGBT+ peoples' experiences of discrimination, violence and harassment as explained by the
LGL and LGBT+ activists. The broader analysis about the contextual factors affecting the
LGBT+ minority in Lithuania is based on the findings of international and national surveys by
the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), the Baltic News Service (BNS),
and the State Mental Health Center. The second segment is built upon a side-by-side
comparison of the development of `Baltic Pride' and the advancement of the LGBT+ rights
movement, in order to identify if the factors are interrelated. The comparison of `Baltic Pride'
in 2010, 2013 and 2016 is based on a media analysis of the data provided by the news portals
and press releases. Meanwhile, the findings on the situation of LGBT+ individuals in
Lithuania derive from an overview of legislation that targets sexual minorities, such as
Lithuanian law on State Family Concept. The European Convention of Human Rights
(ECHR) and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU are being held as the standard of
non-discrimination and equality for LGBT+ persons. The third segment considers `Baltic
Pride' in a more global context. Firstly, the study examines how the interchange between
Lithuania and transnational organizations, particularly ILGA-Europe, the European
Parliament and Amnesty International, is influenced by `Baltic Pride'. Then, to examine how
the `Baltic Pride' is regarded by the international community and Lithuanian diaspora, the
wider range of media platforms, including social networks, travel blogs, and films are used.
Finally, the study examines the link between `Baltic Pride' and the migration of the LGBT+
population.
II. The value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' at the individual level
In the beginning, the pride parades were initiated with an intent to commemorate the
Stonewall riots of 1969 - the first major protest for equal rights and acceptance of
homosexuals. The first section of research looks into the meaning that pride parades,
particularly `Baltic Pride', has for the LGBT+ individuals today.
2.1.
Encouraging self-acceptance and self-expression among the LGBT+ minority
The principle of equal treatment, guaranteed by the Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR), is
a preeminent value for the EU. Even though Article 21 of CFR prohibits any discrimination
based on sexual orientation, the data collected by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), by
6
Lithuanian authorities, and by civil society confirms that the equality of LGBT+ persons is, as
yet, a hard-to-reach goal: members of LGBT+ community in Lithuania are still victims of
discrimination, exclusion, hate crime and hate speech. In 2012 the FRA launched an online
survey of LGBT+ persons' experiences of discrimination, violence and harassment, revealing
that in Lithuania the average number of violent incidents per 1,000 respondents was 526,
more than three times those found in Slovenia (138) or the Netherlands (157).
6
Due to the
prevailing norms surrounding sexuality and gender roles, in Lithuania the process of
acknowledging one's sexual orientation and/or gender identity to other people (a.k.a. "coming
out") is a core issue for LGBT+ people, placing them at risk of rejection, or in danger.
7
Aliona
Polujanova, a member of the national LGBT+ rights association `Lithuanian Gay League'
(LGL) acknowledges, "There is a lot of internalized homophobia in Lithuania, for example,
when people hate themselves too for being gay, and they feel that they deserve this
maltreatment. They don't come out, they think they will hurt their family or get fired, but they
don't realize it shouldn't be this way."
8
Consequently, gender and sexual minorities face the
choice of living openly but surrounded by hostility, or living in a more hospitable
environment yet undisclosed. Predictably, only 22.7% of surveyed Lithuanian gays, in
comparison with the European average of 39%, do not disguise their sexual orientation in
their closest environment such as extended family or workplace.
9
Several measures have been
taken to address the issue. `LGBT friendly Vilnius', initiated by Romas Zabarauskas in 2014,
publicized the list of openly gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people in Lithuania.
10
Currently, it consists of 44 names, including several public figures, and it is open for citizens
to join. As the first Lithuanian woman to come out via You Tube and a victim of isolation and
segregation herself, Kristina Kunsteinait launched the project `Invisible People' to address
the issue of self-acceptance. "There were no openly gay women I could look up to and I did
not know anyone who was gay. It really felt like there was something very wrong with me...I
felt like I was invisible and there was no respectable place for me as a gay person in the
6
European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, EU LGB Survey. Main Results (Luxembourg: Publications
Office of the European Union, 2014), 60,
http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-eu-lgbt-survey-main-results_tk3113640enc_1.pdf.
7
Aengus Carroll, "
Well-Being and the Ability to Live Authentic Lives Free from Violence and Discrimination,"
in Testing the Waters: LGBT people in the Europe & Eurasia region (CreateSpace Independent Publishing
Platform, 2014),
https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2496/USAID%20Testing%20Waters%20Report%20on%20
LGBT%20Europe%20and%20Eurasia.pdf.
8
Victoria Leigh, "Baltic Pride 2013: Interview with Aliona Polujanova," The Lithuania Tribune, July 23, 2013,
http://www.lithuaniatribune.com/45725/baltic-pride-2013-interview-with-aliona-polujanova-201345725.
9
"Paaiskjo, Kiek Gj Lietuvoje Neslepia Savo Orientacijos," lrytas.lt, August 27, 2012,
http://lietuvosdiena.lrytas.lt/aktualijos/paaiskejo-kiek-geju-lietuvoje-neslepia-savo-orientacijos.htm.
10
"Kvieciame Prisijungti Prie Lietuvos LGBT+ Sraso," vairi seima, July 2, 2014,
http://ivairiseima.lt/seimu-ivairove/lgbt-sarasas/kvieciame-prisijungti-prie-lietuvos-lgbt-saraso.
7
society," remembers the activist.
11
Among such initiatives, open participation in `Baltic Pride'
stands out as the best-known, most prevalent, and most effective in encouraging self-
acceptance and self-expression. Journalist Mary Malia asserts the importance of the pride
parade:
The first time I attended a Pride Parade after coming out was a deeply meaningful
experience for me. Walking in that parade wasn't just about having fun; it was a
declaration of personal self-acceptance. It was a declaration that I really was a part
of the LGBT community and I didn't want to hide it anymore. It was an amazing
feeling to spend a whole day and evening hanging out with this mixed tribe of
LGBT people who were celebrating being out and open about themselves. It was
empowering.
12
While LGBT+ marches are not imperative for personal assertiveness, the prominence of the
pride parades in the process of self-acceptance is evident.
2.2.
Contributing to suicide prevention among the LGBT+ community
"Why don't straight people have a parade?", is a frequent counterargument to `Baltic Pride'.
To respond in the words of former evangelist Anthony Venn-Brown , "[Pride parades] evolved
out of our need as human beings to break free of oppression and to exist without being
criminalized, pathologized or persecuted. Depending on a number of factors, particularly
religion, freeing ourselves from gay shame and coming to self-love and acceptance, can not
only be an agonizing journey, it can take years. Tragically some don't make it."
13
The author
notes that heterosexuals do not generally feel a need to proclaim their sexual identity as such,
because the society and its institutions are built around it; ergo it is taken for granted. As one
famous LGBT+ pride slogan states, "Dear straight pride people: let's trade. You can have a
damn parade and I'll be safe, accepted by society and be seen as a human being." Eliminating
`Baltic Pride', as suggested by conservatives or religious groups in Lithuania, could result in
many negative consequences. Aengus Carroll, a human rights consultant, states that the
psychological pressure of feeling forced to remain hidden from family, friends, and society
11
"Invisible People: LGBT Lithuanians To `Come Out' En Masse In Defiance Of Anti-Gay Laws," Scriptonite
Daily, November 28, 2013,
http://www.scriptonitedaily.com/2013/11/28/invisible-people-lgbt-lithuanians-to-come-out-en-masse-in-
defiance-of-anti-gay-laws.
12
Mary Malia, "Why Pride Still Matters," The Huffington Post, February 2, 2016,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/06/15/why-gay-pride-matters-_n_5493379.html.
13
"Pride - the Opposite of Prejudice: from New York to Old York," Modern Church, June, 2015,
http://www.modernchurch.org.uk/june-2015/837-pride-the-opposite-of-prejudice-from-new-york-to-old-york.
8
leave individuals feeling isolated, vulnerable, and at risk.
14
Furthermore, such persons
experience a range of psychological trauma and thus turn to harmful behaviors (e.g.,
alcoholism, drug use, or suicide) to cope.
While discussing the psychological dimensions and mental health, it is essential to note
that Lithuania takes the dubious honor of being the country with the highest suicide rate in the
world. According to data provided by the State Mental Health Center, the rate for Lithuania in
2014 was 31.7 suicide deaths per 100,000 people, which is primarily attributed to the
economic and social conditions.
15
While the impact of financial shortage or alcoholism is
evident, the phenomenon of suicide rates and suicidal ideation among youth has not been
thoroughly and properly examined.
16
In 2014 the rate for 9-19 year olds was 13.7 suicide
deaths per 100,000 people and 34.7 for 20-24 year olds. "A lot of suicides are connected to
homophobic bullying. The authorities don't talk about it out loud, and the daily harassment
and remarks in the streets and public places is very widespread," LGL member Tomas
Raskevicius told the BBC.
17
Despite the acknowledged correlation between homo-, bi- and
transphobic environment and the suicides of young population of Lithuania, the problem
remains disregarded. At most it comes to the surface after some tragic occurrence, such as the
suicide of 17-year-old Sarnas from the Birzai district on January 12, 2014. LGL informed
media that the presumable reason of Sarnas's suicide was his sexual orientation and
addressed the concern in the responding press release: "Once more this tragic event proves
that homophobic prejudices are still wide spread in Lithuania, and that the consequences of
that can cause big harm. Because of the lack of support, hate, and a society full of prejudices,
LGBT+ youth choose extreme means to flee from their insecurity suicide."
18
While the state
and institutions do not show responsible action on the suicide prevention `Baltic Pride' offers
assurance to LGBT+ youngsters that they are not alone or abnormal.
19
As the initiator of the
`Invisible People' project Kristina Kunsteinait emphasizes, "It is not they who are perverse,
but the social stigma against them a stigma which demands a life lived in conflict, exile or
14
Carroll, "Well-being and the Ability to Live Authentic Lives."
15
"Duomenys Apie 20112014 m. Savizudybi Skaici, Pasiskirstym Pagal Amzi, Lyt, Savivaldybes ir
Mirties Priezastis," Valstybinis Psichikos Sveikatos Centras, 2014,
http://vpsc.lt/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&id=14%3Asaviudybi-
statistika&Itemid=24&lang=lt.
16
Rokas Tracevskis and Tassos Coulaloglou, "Lithuania Still Suicide Capital," Baltic Times, April 4, 2002,
http://www.baltictimes.com/news/articles/6210.
17
"EU LGBT Survey: Poll on Homophobia Sparks Concern," BBC News, May 17, 2013,
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-22563843.
18
"The Need to Talk About LGBT People's Reality in Lithuania," LGL, January 15, 2014,
http://www.lgl.lt/en/?p=4939.
19
"Prevention Ineffective as Suicide Numbers Increase," Baltic Times, May 15, 2013,
http://www.baltictimes.com/news/articles/32920.
9
the shadows."
20
The increasing interest and involvement in `Baltic Pride' among the young
population is visible. Finnish LGBT activist Roh Petas stated: "IGLYO is delighted to see the
presence of so many LGBTQ young people at this years `Baltic Pride'. It's empowering to see
people taking a stand for their human rights and against bigotry and discrimination. We stand
with LGL and all LGBTQ youth and students in the Baltic's as they continue to fight for their
basic human rights."
21
For Lithuania, with a population of less than 3 million, each individual
that decides to come out and courageously participate in the parade is notable.
22
The `Baltic
Pride' that took place on May 8, 2010 was attended by 350 participants
23
, while in 2013 the
event reached over 800 attendants
24
;
more than 1000 participants and
their allies are anticipated at the `Baltic Pride' that will take place on June 18, 2016.
25
The
gradually growing participant turnout among youth and other populations also supports the
hypothesis that `Baltic Pride' is a necessary and meaningful matter for the LGBT+
community.
III. The value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' at the national level
Another approach to measuring the impact of `Baltic Pride' is to compare the development of
the march across 2010, 2013 and 2016 with the advancement of the LGBT+ rights movement
at a national level. With such a comparison the study investigates any possible correlation
between the elements and the scope of `Baltic Pride's' contribution.
3.1.
Ensuring the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly
The struggle of organizing and executing `Baltic Pride' exposes a violations of the rights to
freedom of expression and peaceful assembly (Article 11 and 12) as guaranteed by the ECHR.
Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia's rotating `Baltic Pride' event came to Vilnius for the first time
in 2010 in a particularly tense episode. The unfavorable political and social climate for
LGBT+ minorities can be illustrated by the law on State Family Concept
26
, which in 2008
officially defined family as an opposite-sex marriage, and by the law on the Protection of
20
"Invisible People: LGBT Lithuanians to `Come Out' En Masse in Defiance of Anti-Gay Laws."
21
"IGLYO Reaffirms its Solidarity with LGBTQ Youth and Students in the Baltics," LGL, July 27, 2013,
http://www.lgl.lt/en/?p=2245.
22
"Lithuania Population: 1960-2016," Trading Economics, 2016,
http://www.tradingeconomics.com/lithuania/population.
23
"Baltic Pride 2010 Unfolds Peacefully," The European Parliament Intergroup On LGBTI Rights, May 9, 2010,
http://www.lgbt-ep.eu/news-stories/baltic-pride-2010-unfolds-peacefully.
24
"Baltic Pride 2016 March for Equality Will Take Place on the Central Avenue," LGL, October 21, 2015,
http://www.lgl.lt/en/?p=11320.
25
Ibid.
26
The Seimas, Resolution on the Approval of the State Family Policy Concept No. X-1569, (Vilnius: The Seimas,
2008).
10
Minors against the Detrimental Effects of Public Information
27
,which in 2010 introduced
disproportionate restrictions on information . Among other topics deemed harmful for minors,
the above-mentioned legislation bans information promoting sexual intercourse(Article 4(15))
and any concept of marriage and family formation, - other than that which is stipulated in the
Constitution and the Civil Code of Lithuania (Article 4(16)).
28
Based on Points 15 and 16, 53
members of Seimas signed a petition on March 10, 2010 asking to take necessary actions to
protect minors, public interest and security, which would possibly be violated by the `Baltic
Pride' on May 8, "The march itself and its content should be considered as promotion of
sexual orientation of the Lithuanian Gay League, their members, as well as other members of
the march, promotion of sexuality and sexual relations, and distribution of a positive attitude
towards non-traditional family."
29
Once the petition was refused and the Order No. 40-352
30
(which allowed the march to take place) was granted, the Lithuanian Attorney General
Raimondas Petrauskas and member of the Kaunas City Council Stanislovas Buskevicius
applied
31
to the Vilnius Regional Administrative Court to revoke the permission. R.Petrauskas
stated
32
that he was in possession of information of radical and destructive groups intend to
interfere with the march, while S.Buskevicius claimed that presenting homosexuality as an
acceptable lifestyle is contrary to the views and values of the majority of the population.
33
As
a result, the event permit No. 40-352 was suspended and then again reinstated at the last
minute by the Administrative Supreme Court. The march was relocated to a "safe" space,
highly regulated by police, and where interactions with counter-demonstrators as well as the
general public were kept to a minimum.
34
Three years later the process of acquiring the
permission to organize the second Lithuanian `Baltic Pride 2013' was similarly aggravating.
Nonetheless the march proceeded on the city's central Gediminas avenue."The Mayor of
Vilnius had made every attempt to forcefully relocate the Pride by the riverbank, on a remote
27
The Seimas, The Protection of Minors Against the Detrimental Effects of Public Information No. IX-1067,
(Vilnius: The Seimas, 2009).
28
The Constitution and the Civil Code of Lithuania defines marriage as free agreement between a man and a
woman.
29
Sigita Ruksnait, March for Equality: LGBT People Enjoy the Right to Peaceful Assembly for the First Time
in Lithuania (Vilnius: Lietuvos gj lyga, 2012), 91.
30
Vilniaus miesto savivaldyb, sakymas Dl Leidimo Organizuoti Eitynes ,,Uz lygyb" Nr. 40-352, (Vilnius:
Vilniaus miesto savivaldyb, 2010).
31
Jakub Cupriak, "Orzeczenie: Wyrok w sprawie Marszu Równoci w Wilnie," Prawa Czlowieka, May 7, 2016,
http://www.prawaczlowieka.edu.pl/index.php?orzeczenie=23a63310b8e95a3702b44b2f22f3248de1561e88-b0.
32
Daniel McLaughlin, "Ban on Gay Pride Parade Criticised," The Irish Times, May 7, 2010,
http://www.irishtimes.com/news/ban-on-gay-pride-parade-criticised-1.661873.
33
"Teismas Sprs Stanislovo Buskeviciaus Ir Savivaldybs Ginc Dl Leidimo Organizuoti Eitynes Uz Lygyb,"
Vakar ekspresas, September 15, 2010,
http://www.ve.lt/naujienos/lietuva/lietuvos-naujienos/teismas-spres-stanislovo-buskeviciaus-ir-savivaldybes-
ginca-del-leidimo-organizuoti-eitynes-uz-lygybe-478779.
34
"Baltic Pride 2010 Unfolds Peacefully."
11
street outside the city centre. Two courts ruled that he couldn't, and that the `Baltic Pride' had
the right to use the same route other public demonstrations did," reported the EP.
35
In 2016 the
decision by the Vilnius City Municipality Administration to facilitate `Baltic Pride' on June
18, 2016, again on the central avenue, was announced as soon as October 21, 2015.The
chairman of the LGL Vladimir Simonko stated that, unlike in previous years, the city
administration and the police had been very cooperative, "In 2013, we had some problems,
but we escaped them this year, so now we have plenty of time to prepare for the festival we
want to give as a present to the city. I believe such a tradition should continue in the future."
Suspending the permission to hold the event, addressing the inability to offer adequate
protection, moving the participants to a "safe" space away from the city center and other
means by which opponents and local authorities attempted to regulate the presence of LGBT+
community have diminished significantly. On one hand, the consistent re-occurrence of
`Baltic Pride' can be viewed as a precursor to the more cooperative and tolerant authorities.
On the other hand, in the period between 2012 and 2016 the Lithuanian authorities "did not
seek to comprehensively address the instances of social, legal and institutional discrimination
on the grounds of sexual orientation and/or gender identity", states the LGL`s shadow report
to the UN Human Rights Council on the LGBT+ human rights situation in the country.
36
The
Protection of Minors continues to limit the LGBT+ community's right to freedoms of speech
and expression. Lithuania remains one of a few European jurisdictions without any
procedures of legal gender recognition and reassignment treatment leaving transgender people
the most vulnerable LGBT+ group in Lithuania.
37
Even though `Baltic Pride' cannot be attributed to the direct effect on the state legislation
concerning LGBT+ rights, it is necessary to note , that until now influencing state policies
has never been identified as a direct objective of `Baltic Pride' . Howbeit, `Baltic Pride 2016'
aims to challenge the
discriminatory application of the "anti-gay propaganda" law (the
amendment to the Code of Administrative Violations No.XIP-4490(3))
38
that seeks to
introduce administrative liability for any public denigration of "constitutional family values."
Accordingly, the advertising campaign of `Baltic Pride 2016' is built around the statement
35
"Successful Baltic Pride Marches in Vilnius City Centre for First Time," The European Parliament Intergroup
On LGBT Rights, July 28, 2013,
http://www.lgbt-ep.eu/press-releases/successful-baltic-pride-marches-in-vilnius-city-centre-for-first-time.
36
Egl Kuktorait, "LGL Submits Shadow Report to Universal Periodic Review," LGL, April 20, 2016,
http://www.lgl.lt/en/?p=12793.
37
"Amnesty International Criticizes Lithuania's Violation of LGBT* Rights," LGL, March 4, 2015,
http://www.lgl.lt/en/?p=8646.
38
Valstybs valdymo ir savivaldybi komitetas, Administracini Teiss Pazeidim Kodekso 224 Ir 259(1)
Straipsni Pakeitimo Ir Kodekso Papildymo 188(21) Straipsniu statymo Projektas XIP-4490(3) (Vilnius:
Lietuvos Respublikos Seimas, 2014).
12
"We are people, not propaganda". Another objective, as identified by organizers, is to initiate
the broader public discussion on legal recognition of same-sex relationships in Lithuania.
39
Subsequently, as a part of `Baltic Pride' week, an international human rights conference on the
topic will take place on June 17. As `Baltic Pride' is gaining more momentum with every year,
it is reasonable to anticipate that the spectrum of objectives as well as its capacity to safeguard
the rights and freedoms of LGBT+ community at the national level will continue to increase.
3.2. Promoting tolerance and acceptance of the LGBT+ community in a
predominantly homo-, bi- and transphobic society
While for the past decade in Western Europe tolerant and accepting attitudes toward LGBT+
people have been increasing, Eastern Europe has lagged behind, feeling the pull of its
reactionary nationalist movements, the importance, power and status of the Roman Catholic
Church and Russia's overtly homophobic regime. According to the latest Eurobarometer 437
survey `Discrimination in the EU in 2015' the Baltics are among the most homophobic
countries in the EU. Only 42% of participants in Latvia, 44% in Lithuania and Estonia
indicated that LGB people should have the same rights as heterosexual people. The poll also
shows that only 14% of participants in Lithuania, 16% in Latvia and 31% in Estonia would
feel comfortable with gay couples (two men) showing affection in public (e.g. kissing or
holding hands.) As anticipated, such homo-, bi- and transphobic perceptions manifest into
misrepresentation in media, numerous nationalist and religious counter-demonstrations, and
frequent outbursts of violence.
Prior to `Baltic Pride 2010' numerous debates and protest had taken place and countless
hateful articles and online communities were created.
40
Furthermore, prior to the pride,
political and religious opposition frequently used verbal and visual depictions of sexually
explicit Western Gay Prides in press releases and public statements aiming to stigmatize the
LGBT+ community and evoke negative public reactions. The presence of opposition at the
parade was overwhelming. "I couldn't believe the anger, the aggression of the protesters, and
the courage of the people that were standing next to them, committed to showing their
support. <...> I am not so sure that I would have been able to stay in such a hostile crowd,"
Charissa Brammer shared her experience.
41
The news portal `Alfa.lt' reported that a large
crowd of protesters diverted the arranged march itinerary and that smoke-bombs, bottles and
39
"Baltic Pride 2016 March for Equality Will Take Place on The Central Avenue."
40
Sarnas Cerniauskas,"Protestas Pries Gj Eitynes," Kauno Diena, March 3, 2010,
http://kauno.diena.lt/naujienos/vilnius/miesto-pulsas/protestas-pries-geju-eitynes-523044.
41
Charissa Brammer, "Fear and Loathing (and Love) in Vilnius," Baltic Reports, May 10, 2010,
http://balticreports.com/2010/05/10/fear-and-loathing-and-love-in-vilnius.
13
other objects were hurled at police and journalists even after the parade was finished.
42
"Police fired tear gas and arrested at least 12 people as opponents of Lithuania's first gay pride
parade threw stones and fireworks at marchers", reported the BBC.
43
At the scene of `Baltic
Pride' parliamentarians Kazimieras Uoka and Petras Grazulis were arrested for inciting the
crowd to follow them by jumping over the barriers into the controlled area. P.Grazulis, one of
the fiercest anti-gay lawmakers in Lithuania, threw punches and fought a policeman to the
ground. While some viewed event as an unnecessary controversy, a failed celebration or
simply a waste of money, the Council of Europe's former Commissioner for Human Rights
Thomas Hammarberg suggested that, "This could also be an occasion to foster a constructive
dialogue in the Lithuanian society to overcome persistent discrimination based on sexual
orientation and gender identity".
44
The organizer of `Baltic Pride' Vytautas Valentinavicius
echoed this by saying, "We've made a decisive step towards greater tolerance."
As a part of promotional campaign for `Baltic Pride 2013' LGL produced various
promotional badges like "Don't stand behind the fence"(referring to `Baltic Pride 2010',
which was fenced on both sides, inaccessible, and thus "looked more like a zoo than a March
for Equality"
45
) and "See what you haven't seen before" (pointing to the fact that majority of
citizens have never even seen a gay pride before). In comparison with the first Lithuanian
`Baltic Pride', the second one was less dramatic, even if the before-mentioned anti-gay
lawmaker Petras Grazulis was thrown face-down on the ground and carried off in handcuffs
by police due to his aggressive behaviour.
46
"Despite a few eggs thrown and one injured
policeman, it definitely got better in Lithuania," MEP Ulrike Lunacek evaluated `Baltic Pride'
in 2013.
47
Amnesty International Denmark shared the similar observation via twitter, "A lot of
angry protesters showed up to shout and throw bottles and eggs, but the `Baltic Pride' was still
a big success." The eggs also hit Sweden's minister of EU affairs Birgitta Ohlsson and
Lithuanian lawmaker Giedre Purvaneckiene, standing at the front along with other dignitaries.
G.Purvaneckiene addressed homo-, bi- and transphobic attitudes that `Baltic Pride' is aspiring
42
"Gay Parade Goes off Safely," Alfa.lt, May 10, 2010,
http://www.alfa.lt/straipsnis/10356515/gay-parade-goes-off-safely.
43
"Violence as Lithuania Gay Pride March Goes Ahead," BBC News, May 8, 2010,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8669973.stm.
44
"Vilnius Gay Pride Ban `A Human Rights Setback',"Icenews.Is, May 8, 2010,
http://www.icenews.is/2010/05/08/vilnius-gay-pride-ban-a-human-rights-setback/#axzz48dFCZoB2.
45
Victoria Leigh, "Baltic Pride 2013: Interview with Aliona Polujanova."
46
Vytautas Valentinavicius, "Protesters Try to Disrupt Lithuania Gay Pride," Associated Press, July 27, 2013,
http://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2013/07/27/protesters-try-to-disrupt-lithuania-gay-pride.
47
"Successful Baltic Pride Marches in Vilnius City Centre for First Time".
14
to tackle by stating that, "We need to march until eggs aren't thrown anymore and people can
march freely and without fear."
48
While assessing the social climate prior to the `Baltic Pride 2016' it is useful to consider
the parliamentary elections of 2016. The journalist Justinas Suliokas observes that several
years ago, politicians and political campaigns would have used the upcoming pride parade,
"to trumpet their support for family, traditional values, Christian decency or whatever else
they think will resonate with their voters."
49
The journalist notes that it has not been the case
so far, suggesting that anti-LGBT sentiments might not be, "as fertile ground as it was in 2013
or 2010". The decrease in the scale and intensity of opposition as `Baltic Pride' continues to
regularly reoccur, suggests that the execution of the pride parade positively influences societal
views and its treatment of the LGBT+ minority. By gaining momentum, acquiring greater
credibility, and broadening its sphere of influence `Baltic Pride' acts as a catalysts for more
prominent and substantial changes concerning the LGBT+ community at the national level as
well as standing as a positive example for other discriminated minorities in the country.
IV. The value, impact, and validity of `Baltic Pride' at an international level
`Baltic Pride' can also be validated by its ability to foster international collaboration and
generate pressure. The study proceeds by examining how the event is perceived by the
international community and Lithuanian diaspora, and how it alters the interchange between
Lithuania and transnational organizations.
4.1.
Attracting the attention, initiative of and pressure from the international community
Attracting attention and increasing visibility are the predominant intentions of any pride
parade. While in the Western world visibility of the LGBT+ march is associated with central
locations, loud music, bright colors and flashy costumes, in Eastern Europe these attributes
are of secondary importance. Above all, the execution of `Baltic Pride' puts Lithuania in the
spotlight and brings to the surface human rights violations, discriminatory laws, and homo-
, bi- and transphobic attitudes. In such case, the visibility is sought in order to initiate change
by stimulating the collaboration with the international community.
After the Vilnius District Administrative Court suspended the permit given by the Vilnius
municipality to hold `Baltic Pride' in 2010, ILGA-Europe, the EP's Intergroup on LGBT
Rights and Amnesty International called on the Lithuanian authorities to ensure that the
48
Vytautas Valentinavicius, "Protesters Try to Disrupt Lithuania Gay Pride."
49
Justinas Suliokas,"It's Not Just about `Pride' for Lithuania's LGBT Community," DELFI, April 28, 2016,
http://en.delfi.lt/archive/article.php?id=71116758.
15
human right to peaceful assembly was respected and that LGBT+ people in Lithuania are
provided with adequate protection in the exercise of this right.
50
Amnesty International's
expert on discrimination in Europe John Dalhuisen stated:
The authorities in Lithuania must ensure that the march goes ahead unobstructed
and safely as they are obliged under international law to guarantee the rights to
freedom to expression and assembly. Anything less will amount to discrimination.
<...> The Attorney General's application is an abuse of the legal process and will
result in the violation of human rights.
51
The former Commissioner for Human Rights Thomas Hammarberg reminded that the ban of
the march would mean a setback in the implementation of agreed human rights standards and
the values of a modern European country. He underlined that the state has a duty to ensure
that events promoting LGBT rights can take place peacefully and that participants are
protected, "even if the ideas they promote may annoy or upset other people".
52
Meanwhile,
MEP Viviane Reding, former Vice-President of the European Commission (EC), addressed
the potential collaboration of the EU and Lithuania in combatting homophobia. She promised
to "remain vigilant" against possible attempts to use legislation - such as the law on the
protection of minors - to discriminate against LGBT people and ensured that the EC has
always stood by Lithuania's side and "will continue to do so."
53
Eventually, Lithuania's
Supreme Administrative Court overturned a ban on `Baltic Pride 2010'.
In 2013 the Vilnius City Council refused to grant permission to hold `Baltic Pride' five
days before Lithuania was to take over the rotating presidency of the EU Council for the first
time in country's history. Lithuania was taking on a particularly visible role as a promoter of
the EU values and principles yet simultaneously was failing to uphold human rights and
principles upon which the EU is established. As stated by the executive director of ILGA-
Europe Evelyne Paradis:
Today's event is a clear illustration of the double standards in the EU's human
rights discourse. EU institutions cannot remain silent on this failure to guarantee
such a fundamental right as the right to peaceful assembly. Failure to ensure that
LGBTI people in Lithuania are able to exercise their fundamental right will
contribute to discrediting the EU's human rights record, and <...> send a very
50
"Baltic Pride is Under Threat!" ILGA-Europe, May 4, 2010,
http://old.ilga-europe.org/home/news/for_media/media_releases/baltic_pride_is_under_threat.
51
"Lithuania: Baltic Pride March Must Go Ahead," Amnesty International, May 5, 2010,
https://www.amnesty.org/en/press-releases/2010/05/baltic-governments-must-stand-against-exclusion-and-
intolerance/.
52
"Vilnius Gay Pride Ban `A Human Rights Setback'."
53
Video message to Baltic Pride 2010 from Viviane Reding,Video, ILGA-Europe, 2010.
16
negative signal to everyone in the EU about the real level of commitment of EU
institutions to protect human rights.
54
Even after permission was granted and the event proceeded, the visibility of `Baltic Pride' in
the international arena remained heightened. The event acquired a large presence on social
media, validating "a huge leap towards equality for the Baltic region!"
55
. In addition, the
documentary film `We Can Be Gay Today: Baltic Pride 2013' by French directors François
Message and Nathalie Sibille was released.
56
It has been noted that without attention, initiative of and pressure from the international
community, the Lithuanian government would not have demonstrated tolerance towards
LGBT+ citizens, nor would they have granted permission to organize `Baltic Pride' in 2010
and 2013.
57
Subsequently, without `Baltic Pride', discrimination and maltreatment of sexual
minorities in Lithuania would likely have remained unaddressed.
4.2.
Addressing the factors that influence migration of the LGBT+ population
Lithuania's inability to ensure an LGBT-friendly environment, as exemplified by `Baltic
Pride', has been detrimental to the country's image and repute in the international arena. The
State Department of Tourism completely disregards Lithuania's dominance in the listings of
`The 10 Places LGBT Travelers Should Never Visit'
58
and `Where are the most dangerous
places to be gay?'
59
Analogically, the negative depiction of `Baltic Pride' in the international
press discourages foreign universities from sending students to Lithuania.
60
While discussing Lithuania in a global context it is essential to note that since its
independence in 1990 almost one third of the population (around 825 thousand people) has
54
"5 Days Before Taking over EU Presidency, Lithuania Fails to Guarantee Freedom of Assembly for LGBTI
People," ILGA-Europe, June 26, 2016,
http://old.ilga-
europe.org/home/news/for_media/media_releases/5_days_before_taking_over_eu_presidency_lithuania_fails_to
_guarantee_freedom_of_assembly_for_lgbti_people.
55
Cathy Kristofferson, "Success at Baltic Pride 2013 March Despite Eggs and Bottles Thrown," personal blog,
July 27, 2013,
https://oblogdeeoblogda.me/2013/07/27/success-at-baltic-pride-2013-march-despite-eggs-and-bottles-thrown.
56
We Can Be Gay Today: Baltic Pride 2013, directed by François Message and Nathalie Sibille (Villeurbanne:
Sticky Notes Films, 2014), DVD.
57
Leigh Phillips,"Baltic Gay Pride Re-instated by Lithuania's Top Court," Euobserver, May 7, 2010,
https://euobserver.com/lgbti/30035.
58
Priscilla Wilson, "The 10 Places LGBT Travelers Should Never Visit," Outtraveler.com, January 12, 2015,
http://www.outtraveler.com/features/2015/01/12/10-places-lgbt-travelers-should-never-visit.
59
Rose Troup Buchanan, "The Most Dangerous Places to Be Gay," The Independent, June 30, 2015,
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/where-is-it-illegal-to-be-homosexual-and-which-is-the-most-deadly-
country-to-be-gay-10355338.html.
60
Mindaugas Jackevicius, "Tikroji Homofobijos Kaina: Liekame Vieni Ir Prarandame Milijonus," DELFI,
December 28, 2014,
http://www.delfi.lt/verslas/verslas/tikroji-homofobijos-kaina-liekame-vieni-ir-prarandame-
milijonus.d?id=66736982.
17
left the country, which makes the emigration rate among the highest in the EU.
61
Although a
relatively small portion of the complexity of LGBT+ migration is captured by census
statistics, the correlation between increasing emigration and discrimination/ill treatment due
to sexual orientation and gender identity has been recognized.
62
Furthermore, most
immigrants in Lithuania are returning Lithuanian citizens rather than foreigners. Being
covered by the international press, `Baltic Pride' becomes a reflection of modernization and
Westernization of Lithuania to its diaspora. Improved conditions for LGBT+ community,
including the successful continuance of `Baltic Pride,' would not only contribute to reducing
LGBT+ emigration, but would potentially accelerate the return of emigrants.
V. Conclusion
5.1. Concluding statement
The evidence collected and analyzed in this research validated the underlying assumption that
`Baltic Pride' is a step to promote and protect the fundamental rights of LGBT+ people. Its
value, impact and validity can be observed on the various areas of influence. Among other
initiatives, `Baltic Pride' contributes by connecting, representing and empowering the
members of LGBT+ community at the individual level. At the national level `Baltic Pride'
plays an active role as an advocate for the human rights of LGBT+ people. The pride festival
also serves as a lens which brings the marginalized group into sharp focus and promote
tolerance and acceptance among the predominantly homo-, bi- and transphobic society. By
drawing attention at the international level, `Baltic Pride' exposes the challenges as well as
advancements in the field of human rights and thus acts as a catalyst for further development
and enhancement of LGBT+ rights in Lithuania.
In post-soviet Lithuania `Baltic Pride' reflects the adaptation of Western values and modern
standards. While the opposition argues that, concerning `Baltic Pride,' "the nation is already
irritated, we shouldn't aggregate the situation, Lithuania is not ready for it," `Baltic Pride'
could be considered as a symbol of society's ideal values.
63
LGBT+ marches, therefore, can
continue to raise the awareness of sexual orientation and gender identity and help citizens to
cultivate European values before the public reaches a full consensus on the LGBT+ rights.
61
"Migration: 10 Years Overview," The European Migration Network, June 12, 2015,
http://123.emn.lt/en/generaltrends/migration-10-years-overview.
62
Mindaugas Jackevicius, "Apklaus Emigrantus - Ir Negali Patikti Tuo, K Suzinojo", DELFI, June 19, 2014,
http://www.delfi.lt/news/daily/emigrants/apklause-emigrantus-ir-negali-patiketi-tuo-ka-suzinojo.d?id=65084429.
63
Mindaugas Jackevicius, "R.Zilinskas Mato Progres: Gjus Pakviestas Konservatori Partij," DELFI, May
19, 2012,
http://www.delfi.lt/news/daily/lithuania/rzilinskas-mato-progresa-gejus-pakviestas-i-konservatoriu-
partija.d?id=58750305.
18
While assessing the significance of `Baltic Pride', it is also necessary to acknowledge its
intention to expand the common definition of the national identity. The LGBT+ march
exposes the interplay between sexual and national identities, while the strategic position of
parade participants and organizers challenges the boundaries of who is considered as worthy
of belonging to the national community.
As the developing and expanding `Baltic Pride' continues to demand the equal
treatment across society and urge to develop effective laws and policies to fight
discrimination, harassment and violence, the value, impact and validity of the event will
become more apparent and conspicuous.
5.2. Scope and Limitations:
The study has some limitations for investigating the value, impact and validity of `Baltic
Pride' for Lithuania. `Baltic Pride' is a relatively recent phenomenon, so there is not yet a
consensus as to the extent of its impact. Furthermore, a more accurate assessment of `Baltic
Pride's' impact on individuals requires developing a more intimate familiarity with LGBT+
community and more prolonged participant observation. The field of sexuality and gender
identity in Lithuania has not been well researched, resulting in the limited amount of
academic sources.
With respect to homo-, bi- and transphobic attitudes, Lithuania closely resembles other
post-Soviet states; ergo the findings could permit fairly accurate generalizations. Nonetheless,
the value, impact, and validity of pride parades in respective countries should be further
investigated individually.
19
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- Egle Rauste (Author), 2016, Are the Baltics proud of Baltic pride? An assessment of the value, impact, and validity of ‘Baltic Pride’, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/369609
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