Security implications of Peak Oil on Germany

Master's Thesis, 2014

63 Pages, Grade: Very Good


Table of Contents


1. German armed forces and peak oil

2. German economy and peak oil

3. German politics of oil

4. Analysis of interviews



List of tables, figures and illustrations

Page 1 Main page figure: <>.

Page 12 Fig.1: Global oil resources

Page 13 Fig.2: Hubbert curve

Page 14 Fig.3: Predictions of world oil production peaking

Page 23 Fig.4: Strategic Ellipse

Page 28 Fig.5: Oil consumption Germany 1997-2013

Page 29 Fig.6: Raw material basis of German chemical industry

Page 35 Fig.7: German oil supplier countries 2012

List of Abbreviations

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The modern economy and modern ways of life are dependent upon oil. The global addiction to oil is fostering our way of life, but also causes conflicts and international crisis. But oil is a finite, non-renewable resource and we may have already, or will soon, pass ‘peak oil’, the maximum point of extraction of oil from the planet. Peak oil therefore heralds a declining supply of this vital resource.

This dissertation presents the security implications of peak oil for Germany, a country, which is highly dependent on imported oil for its global trade and technological success. On the base of strategy papers, articles, books and interviews, this dissertation investigates military measures to prepare for scarce oil resources, the impact of peak oil on the German economy, and the importance of oil for German security politics.

Declining oil resources affecting the Bundeswehr today with the pressure of increasing costs for material and domestic training of their soldiers, and for their missions abroad in the framework of the UN and alliances. The vital importance of oil for the German economy is known, which leads to power for lobby groups and to support from the German government. The security politics of oil of the German government to supplier countries leads to dilemmas with their foreign policy values and provokes real political decisions, which are ranging to the society and its awareness of peak oil.

The decline of oil will change the shape of our world. Germany is on the one hand an example of how to handle with this challenge and it is on the other hand an example of how to turn the attention away from this problem. Peak oil opens opportunities which need to be seized. Ignoring it runs the risk of jeopardising Germany’s future development.


I want to thank my family for backing me during the Queen’s year and beyond.

I want to thank my interviewees in the German BMVg and Dr. Kurt Braatz from KMW for the frank and kind talks.

Thanks to the VTS class of 2014.

Special gratitude to Prof. John Barry for his constant advice and support.

Mutsumi & Ginny.


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Oil is the basis of our modern consumer society. But because our way of life is built on this non-renewable resource, the constant flow of oil will decline in the foreseeable future with consequences for the globalised world in terms of politics, economics, security, and environmental issues. This introduction will give an overview of oil, by highlighting the origins, the actors and market conditions of the oil industry, followed by the peak oil challenge and its potential national and global implications, and finishing with an outline of the dissertation.

Oil is the substance that drives the modern world. It is central to the globalised world, fundamental to Western societies, and essential for emerging and developing countries. The various characteristics of this energy rich hydro-carbon black fluid make it irreplaceable for the industrialised world. It is the raw material for transportation energy, powering at least 95% of all vehicles, airplanes, and ships with gasoline, diesel, and kerosene. Oil is the key substance of the manufacturing industry, for plastics, textiles, polymers and synthetic materials. Components of oil are used for chemicals, like pharmaceuticals and cosmetics, and it is an essential component for the global food production with its agrochemicals, pesticides and fertilizers. The complex global economic and financial interdependencies would be unthinkable without oil and its variations.[1] Calculations estimate that one barrel of oil (1 bbl. = 158,987 liter) is the equivalent to 23,200 hours of human work output, which makes this substance so efficient.[2] Economic growth, based on cheap energy resources, was the driving factor for the development of the Western societies, with their power, influence, and way of life. The wheels of nations are oiled with the non-renewable substance to retain busy lives with suburbs and commuting, to supply customers with manufactured goods from all around the world, and to ensure stable political conditions in western civilizations.[3]

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The international economy is dependent upon a steady flow of oil to produce and develop products and technologies. Oil-based constant economic growth is connected to the leverage of political systems of what DiMuzio terms as: ‘petro-market civilization’, in order to ensure a stable, secure, and livable environment for their citizens.[4] Oil producing countries supply the daily requirement needed from oil dependent countries through state owned or private companies, who are conveying the black liquid in stabilised and conflicted regions, in barren areas, and in offshore mining in interlocking cycles of globalisation, trade, economic growth and investment. The control of oil fields, manufacturing facilities, shipping equipment, and pipeline management is a highly sensitive security issue, which is vital to the political agendas of all western countries.[5] For the United States of America, the biggest consumer of oil products, the constant supply of oil is a ‘truth that dare not speak its name’.[6] President George W. Bush admitted in his 2005 State of the Union address to the American people, that “America is addicted to oil,”[7] a term in which also applies to other western and developing countries. The worldwide financial market, the backbone of the capitalist economic system, is heavily reliant on the price and the availability of the black gold, which reacts sensitively to international crisis and speculations with price fluctuations.[8]

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Oil contains a variety of liquid hydrocarbons. It is a fossil product, generated during periods of extreme climate conditions on earth between 200 and 2.5 million years ago.[9] Organic fallout accumulated in ancient seas in sediments under conditions of heat and pressure in the ‘oil window’ (7,500 to 15,000 feet depth). It occurs in liquid form, where it could up well through porous reservoir rocks, or it could develop to oil shale and tar sands.[10] It is a finite commodity and on this account a non-renewable source, which does not develop within any human timeframe.[11] Oil is distinguished between resources and reserves. Resources are in the geological context all assumed deposits of a raw material and in the economic context commodities to produce goods and services that meets human needs and wants.[12] Reserves are the certain detected deposits of oil, which are “economically extractable under current demand, price and technological conditions.”[13]

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The high energy density carrier is distinguished in different forms of crude oil, which are extracted from the earth’s soil in diverse procedures and in which physical variations are highly different.[14] Conventional crude oil is pumped straight out of the ground and can be directly refined and used in the production of fuel and various non-fuel commodities. Unconventional crude oil is extracted from particular sand and rock soil with special liquids related to natural gas extraction.[15] Through the process of refining, oil is fractionally distillated by boiling. This separates the hydrocarbons to different chemicals, like liquid petroleum gas, naphtha petrochemicals, kerosene, paraffin wax, lubrication oil, asphalt, petroleum coke, and fuel oil, which are used in all ramified industries.[16]

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The black liquid is known for thousands of years, going as far back as Ancient Babylon or Medieval China. Commercial extraction began in 1848 in Baku at the Caspian Sea, which is now Azerbaijan. The United States started their exploitation in 1859, firstly to find a substitute for whale oil.[17] With the discovery of this high energy density, oil replaced coal as major transportation fuel during the industrial revolution of the 20th century. The oil civilisation era started in 1901 in Spindletop, Texas, when cheap and plentiful oil created the Texas Oil Boom. The development of internal combustion engines allowed expanding mobility through vehicles, ships, and aviation.[18] With the establishment of major oil companies, the evolution of production and consumption systems, and technological innovations, the face of the world changed. The United States became the first global leading oil producer at the beginning of the 20th century with the Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Company.[19]

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Oil deposits are unequally spread across the globe. This divides the world into exporting and oil importing countries, with a complex interconnection of actors around the oil industry. Most resources of oil are located within the territorial structures and jurisdictions of states.[20] They are viewed by states as property in terms of national interests and strategic assets for the economy, political power, and wealth.[21] For a highly oil dependent country with no serious own oil resources like Germany, it entails dilemma situations in dealing with exporting countries, where later will be gone into.

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At the beginning of the commercial exploitation of oil, private companies dominated the global market, often backed by their governments. Exxon, Chevron, Texaco and Conoco rose after the forced break-up of Standard Oil for monopoly reasons. With Royal Dutch Shell, British Petroleum, and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, these International Oil Companies (IOCs) dominated the oil market and the associated industries until the 1960s.

With the nationalisation of the oil assets by states during the 1960s and 1970s, National Oil Companies (NOCs) emerged and replaced the supremacy of the IOCs over the worldwide reserves.[22] Saudi Aramco became the world’s largest state owned oil company. It ranked as the biggest oil company in a Forbes survey in 2013, followed by Russia’s NOC Gazprom and the Iran’s NOC National Iranian Oil Company. ExxonMobil and Shell are the only IOCs in the Top Ten of this ranking.[23]

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To coordinate and unify the petroleum policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Venezuela, OPEC was created in 1960. Currently, 12 countries are members of the economic cartel (Algeria, Angola, Ecuador, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Venezuela), which protects their common interests and to ensure a stable oil market with regular supply.[24]

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According to the IEA, the global consumption of oil and fuel every day in 2011 was approx. 89 million (m) bbl./d, which was about 32 billion (bn) barrels of oil that year.[25] The U.S. Energy Information Administration listed for 2012 89.17 m bbl./d, for 2013 90.38 m bbl./d, and they are predicting for 2014 to rise up to 91.56 m bbl./d and for 2015 to rise up further to 92.80 m bbl./d.[26] This shows a consistent increase in the worldwide consumption of this fossil and finite asset.

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With the emergence of the OPEC and NOCs, the majority of the global reserves of conventional and unconventional oil shifted to the control of states. That is significant, because oil as an economic commodity became now a more explicitly political and strategic commodity. States become actors in bargaining for access to the oil fields for their IOCs and subsequent for a preferably long-term constant supply of the own country.[27] The amount of oil reserves, which are producible and economic minable is not exactly clear. Estimations vary from sources and experts, governmental departments and interests groups, which makes it more than difficult to get realistic numbers.[28] The fact is that some oil exporting countries, like Saudi Arabia,[29] or IOCs, like Shell,[30] try to overestimate their reserves on conventional crude oil. For example, that means that for OPEC countries they are assumed to be able to produce more oil, because their drilling volumes are calculated according to their proven reserves. More drilling means more profit.[31] Therefore it is difficult to determine specific numbers, because of new discoveries of reserves in seriously accessible regions of the earth, because of the decreasing quality of the oil itself, because of the development of technology to extract unconventional oil, and because of the different sources and methodologies used by experts, corporations and states.[32] According to the Oil & Gas Journal, total worldwide oil reserves are estimated at 1.64 trillion bbl. which are mostly distributed to 73% in OPEC countries.[33] The German BGR is predicting a total amount of 2.17 trillion bbl. This shows the variety of numbers and the different sources, which makes an exact estimation impossible.

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Fig.1: Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources (2013) Energiestudie 2013 - Reserven, Ressourcen und Verfügbarkeit von Energierohstoffen, p.20.

Kjell Aleklett from ASPO figured out that out of approx. 47.500 total oil fields, only 507 giant fields (1% of global oil deposits) are producing 50% of the world’s oil supply.[34] Despite this huge disparity of reserves and possible new discoveries, almost every expert agrees with the fact, that oil is a limited commodity and that the era of cheap oil is over.

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Colin Campbell, co-founder of ASPO, defined the term peak oil as “the maximum rate of the production of oil in any area under consideration, recognizing that it is a finite natural resource, subject to depletion.”[35] In 1956, the American geoscientist M. King Hubbert developed a theory about the peaking of fossil fuels. He stated that: “no finite resource can sustain for longer than a brief period such a rate of growth of production; therefore, although production rates tend initially to increase exponentially, physical limits prevent their continuing to do so.”[36] He predicted the culmination of U.S. oil production around 1970,[37] which nearly came temporally true with the verifiable decline of 1970 - 1972.[38] The Hubbert method can be used with modifications for prognosis on regional and global oil reserves. His mathematical and statistical based model is a bell-shaped curve which is explained by, that at its highest point the production of oil reaches it maximum output, whereupon after this height the extraction will decline and dwindle.

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Fig.2: M.K. Hubbert‘Nuclear energy and fossil fuels’, in Drilling and Production Practice, Nr. 95, 1956, Fig.20.

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The costs of producing and the difficulties in the drilling process will rise, which will lead to more expensive prices for oil. The quality of oil diminishes, which influences the dependent industries.[39] Peak oil is in the narrow meaning the maximum of oil production, and it deals in the wider sense with the dynamics arising from the impact of the production maximum on economy, society and security.[40]

The estimation of the date of the global oil peak depends on the sources, calculations and experts to be used. Robert Hirsch listed in a report for the U.S. Department in 2005 of the energy projections of the peaking of world oil production. According to the particular background of his sources, there arose differing predictions. Well-known oil-company geologists, investment banker, and executives defined their forecasts, between 2006 and 2010. Non-governmental organizations and think tanks estimated the world oil peak between 2010 and 2016. Energy consultants and major oil companies evaluate their prognosis between 2020 and 2025 and beyond.[41] The reality is that the precise time is less important than the fact it will happen. Peak oil is something we will only really date precisely in the rear-view mirror i.e. once it has happened. The important issue about peak oil is how we prepare for it in terms of alternative energy sources and replacements for oil for other products and uses.

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Fig.3: R.L. Hirsch (2005) Peaking of World Oil Production, pp.8.

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Critics of the peak oil theory are mostly from the science and economic field of study. Firstly, M. King Hubbert worked as a scientist for the Shell Research Lab, which lobbied the oil industry. It could be argued that he was biased by his employer, but the fact that Shell tried to stop the release shows the dangerous content of the Hubbert paper.[42] Secondly, nobody can double check the interpretations of reserves by oil firms, lobby groups and states, because this data is not open to the public and therefore not transparent, nor are the information and methods they use to determine their predicted peak. This could be seen as protections of interests, because economic, political and security issues are a huge factor behind these estimates.[43] Thirdly is the psychological factor which leads to a collective marginalisation of disavowing, which leads to an attitude of denying the reality of the topic itself. An indistinct future about the amount and the timeframe of the availability of oil and its byproducts would seem to be psychologically denied by societies, as long as governments appease them with diminishing and expulsion of the peak oil topic. This could happen, if governments overwhelmingly focus on supporting technological solutions to prolong the oil age, refuse to publicly discuss peak oil and silence critical voices.[44]

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The Stone Age came not to an end not because of a shortage of stone, but according to the former Saudi Oil Minister Sheikh Yamani, “the Oil Age may come to an end for a shortage of oil.”[45] The impact of a declining resource without adequate substitutes in a globalised world based on energy and continuous growth is a calculation with too many elements. Fact is that the effects on states, global firms, and societies produce “an unprecedented risk management problem.”[46] Rising oil prices could lead to economic stagnation, followed by political instability and rising internal and external security problems, together with huge environmental issues by using polluting climate resources (e.g. coal), and to this date unforeseeable events affecting global societies. The world is constantly changing and such effects are not yet global, but first signs are happening now, like the 2008 financial crisis,[47] or resource conflicts, like in Venezuela,[48] or between China and several riparian states (Vietnam, Japan, and Malaysia) in struggles for possible offshore resource fields in the South Chinese Sea in 2014.[49]

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With all this information in mind, this dissertation will deal with the possible effects of declining oil resources on the armed forces, on security politics, and on the national economy of a global economic actor and a political power in Europe: Germany. This case is exemplarily for a heavily oil dependent country, which is regionally and internationally close linked to institutions and treaties. The oil supply and its products are crucial for an export orientated country like Germany, because of the linkage between prosperity, leverage, and security for its citizens and partners. These interconnections are heavily dependent on each other and cooperation is the key. How Germany is dealing with peak oil on the economic, political, and security level is important for their own future and exemplary for other countries to handle with scarce oil resources. Germany can set standards with reforms and innovations for the transition to a post-oil society, which could be a model for other countries, especially within the European Union.

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The dissertation asks the following key question:

How is the German government preparing for peak oil with respect to implications for the Bundeswehr, the economy, and their political strategy in respect of oil?

This question will be answered from a realism approach with analysis of German security, political and economic papers, examination of German security and political strategies, and with the evaluation of interviews with officials from the Department of Defence and from Krauss-Maffei Wegmann, a large German defence company.

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The first chapter is an analysis of German security studies and strategy papers of the German Ministry of Defence concerning policies to handle with scarce resources and the peak oil topic. The political implications and their consequential impacts on the Bundeswehr will be outlined to investigate the interconnections and differences of strategy papers and the reality.

The second chapter is an overview of the importance of oil for the German industry and of its economic situation as an oil importing country. Strategy papers of lobby groups show the significance of oil on this branch. Germany’s opinion on peak oil and the current state of affairs in research for oil substitutes will deepen the understanding of this important issue. An overview of the German defence industry will round off the chapter.

The third chapter deal with the German oil supplier countries and the thin line of the German foreign policy parameters, within the government has to ensure a constant oil supply with adequate relations to export countries and to respect their own given values. German energy policy guidelines will be explained with emphasising of an energy study of a Federal Ministry. Political opinion on peak oil shows an awareness of but also that German decision makers are disregarding and dismissing this future challenge, which could have massive implications on the German society and economy, which will be finally outlined.

The fourth chapter comprises of interviews with German officials from the security sector and from the German defence industry. The aim is to find evidence about the awareness of peak oil to the interviewees, about how the German Bundeswehr will manage the transition to a post-fossil army and about current and future strategies to ensure security of supply for oil.

The conclusion will summarise the results and assess the current policies and strategies. Questions and recommendations will close this dissertation to make clear how strategies could be improved and why an active dealing with this topic could foster German security and future.

1. German armed forces and peak oil

The Bundeswehr is the visible demonstration of the sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Germany. The operational readiness is vital for the averting of dangers to the German country and for their engagement in Europe and the NATO alliance. This chapter starts with the basis and facts about the Bundeswehr, followed by the frameworks of energy security of two strategy papers. The 2011 peak oil study, with its estimations and recommendations is the core of this section, which will be followed by the political implications and the impacts on the Bundeswehr. The future ability to ensure its duty for the German country and within the international environment is very much dependent on the conclusions and the will of the political decision makers to accept the challenge of a transition to a post-fossil time.

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The fundament of the German Bundeswehr is Article 87a of the German Basic Law: ‘The Federation shall establish Armed Forces for purposes of defence.’[50] The mission of the Bundeswehr is to guard Germany and its citizens, to secure the external capacity to act, to defend its allies, to contribute stability and partnership in an international context and to promote multinational cooperation as part of the European and transatlantic alliance system.[51]


[1] D. Lerch (2010) ‘Making sense of peak oil and energy uncertainty’, in R. Heinberg and D. Lerch (eds.) The Post Carbon Reader, pp.208-210.

[2] D. Pimtel, How Much Human Energy Is Contained in One Barrel of Oil? [Online]. VHEMT [cited May, 5th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[3] J. Urry (2013) Societies beyond oil – Oil dregs and social future, pp.6-10, 35.

[4] T. DiMuzio (2012) ‘Capitalizing a future unsustainable: Finance, energy and the fate of market civilization,’ in Review of International Economy, Nr. 19:3, pp.365-366.

[5] S. Mulligan (2010) ‘Energy, Environment, and Security: Critical Links in a Post-Peak World’, in Global Environment Politics, Vol. 10, Nr. 4, November 2010, pp.79-80.

[6] J. Urry (2013) Societies beyond oil – Oil dregs and social future, p.86.

[7] The White House Homepage [Online]. State of the Union, updated January 31, 2006 [cited May, 6th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[8] J.L. Smith, World Oil: Market or Mayhem? [Online]. MIT Center for Energy and Environmental Policy Research [cited May, 5th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[9] G. Bridge and P. LeBillon (2013) Oil, p.5.

[10] K.S. Deffeyes (2005) Beyond Oil – The view from Hubbert’s Peak, pp.13-16.

[11] S.-A. Mildner, S. Richter and G. Lauster (eds.) Resource Scarcity: A Global Security Threat?, SWP Research Paper, March 2011, p.7.

[12] ASPO International Homepage [Online]. ‘Die Pralinenbox ist geplündert’, Section Aktuell [cited July, 21st 2014]. Available from: <>.

[13] J. Rees (1990) Natural Resources, 2nd edition, pp.18-19.

[14] International Energy Agency [Online]. ‘FAQs: Oil’, Section About us [cited May, 14th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[15] G. Bridge and P. LeBillon (2013) Oil, p.5.

[16] [Online]. ‘The Supply Chain’, Section Think Fuel [cited May, 14th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[17] J. Urry (2013) Societies beyond oil – Oil dregs and social future, p.39.

[18] G. Bridge and P. LeBillon (2013) Oil, pp.8-9.

[19] J. Urry (2013) Societies beyond oil – Oil dregs and social future, pp.40-42.

[20] G. Bridge and P. LeBillon (2013) Oil, p.22.

[21] S. Mulligan (2010) ‘Energy, Environment, and Security: Critical Links in a Post-Peak World’, in Global Environment Politics, Vol. 10, Nr. 4, November 2010, pp, 79, 89.

[22] G. Bridge and P. LeBillon (2013) Oil, pp.22-25.

[23] C. Helman, ‘The World's Biggest Oil Companies, 2013’, Forbes, 17 November 2013, Business section [cited May, 14th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[24] Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [Online]. ‘Member countries’, Section About us [cited May, 15th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[25] International Energy Agency [Online]. ‘FAQs: Oil’, Section About us [cited May, 14th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[26] U.S. Energy Information Administration [Online]. ‘Short-Term Energy Outlook: Global Petroleum and Other Liquids’, Section Steo Report [cited May, 15th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[27] N. Rost, A. Poldrack and J. Gensior (2014) Peak Oil-Herausforderung für Thüringen, p.9.

[28] T. Whipple (2010) ‘Peak Oil and the Great Recession’, in R. Heinberg and D. Lerch (eds.) The Post Carbon Reader, pp.247-249.

[29] J. Vidal ‘WikiLeaks cables: Saudi Arabia cannot pump enough oil to keep a lid on prices’ [Online]. The Guardian, Section Business (Oil, The US embassy cables), updated February 8th 2011 [cited May 15th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[30] P. Maass (2009) Crude World, p.19.

[31] K. Aleklett (2012) Peaking at Peak Oil, p.126.

[32] G. Bridge and P. LeBillon (2013) Oil, pp.26-27.

[33] C. Xu and L. Bell, ‘Worldwide reserves, oil production post modest rise’, Oil & Gas Journal, updated February, 12th 2013 [cited May 15th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[34] K. Aleklett (2012) Peaking at Peak Oil, pp.75-77.

[35] ASPO International [Online]. ‘About Peak Oil’ [cited May, 16th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[36] M.K. Hubbert‘Nuclear energy and fossil fuels’, in Drilling and Production Practice, Nr. 95, June 1956, p.8.

[37] Ibid., p.24.

[38] K.S. Deffeyes (2005) Beyond Oil – The view from Hubbert’s Peak, p.44.

[39] J. Urry (2013) Societies beyond oil – Oil dregs and social future, pp.98-101.

[40] N. Rost, A. Poldrack, J. Gensior (2014) Peak Oil - Herausforderung für Thüringen, p.5.

[41] R.L. Hirsch (2005) Peaking of World Oil Production: Impacts, Mitigation, & Risk Management, pp.8, 19.

[42] K. Aleklett (2012) Peaking at Peak Oil, p.7.

[43] J. Urry (2013) Societies beyond oil – Oil dregs and social future, pp.102-103.

[44] R. Heinberg (2007) Peak everything, pp.127-129.

[45] J. Friedrichs (2010) ‘Global energy crunch: How different parts of the world would react to a peak oil scenario’, in Energy Policy, Nr.38, p.4562.

[46] R.L. Hirsch (2005) Peaking of World Oil Production: Impacts, Mitigation, & Risk Management, pp.4.

[47] T. Whipple (2010) ‘Peak Oil and the Great Recession’, in R. Heinberg and D. Lerch (eds.) The Post Carbon Reader, pp.251-255.

[48] International Association for Energy Economics [Online]. Rossi, C.A. ‘Oil Wealth and the Resource Curse in Venezuela’ [cited May, 17th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[49] BBC News [Online]. ‘Q&A: South China Sea dispute’, Section Asia, updated May 8th, 2014 [cited May, 17th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[50] Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection [Online]. ‘Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany’, Art. 87a [cited June, 11th 2014]. Available from: <>.

[51] Bundeswehr Homepage [Online]. ‘Auftrag und Aufgaben’, Section Grundlagen, updated December 3rd, 2013 [cited June, 11th 2014]. Available from: <!ut/p/c4/DcLBDYAwCADAWVwA_v7cQvujlhLSBg1Su77mDhP-jF4VCr2MOu54nLrmCXkWhiecNZoT12AQH1Y6CRvQqOEkeLdt-QDDPuoC/>.

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Security implications of Peak Oil on Germany
Queen's University Belfast  (School of Politics, International Studies, and Philosophy)
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Peak Oil, Bundeswehr, Economy Oil, Ressource Politics, Ölknappheit
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Peter Finke (Author), 2014, Security implications of Peak Oil on Germany, Munich, GRIN Verlag,


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