Chronicle of Nowhere People of India and Bangladesh. Monograph of Work on India-Bangladesh Enclaves


Project Report, 2017
59 Pages

Excerpt

Contents

Abstract of the topic and Key Words

Chapter 1 : Introduction about India-Bangladesh Enclaves

Chapter 2 : Background of Creation of India-Bangladesh Enclaves

Chapter 3 : The Process to De-enclave

Chapter 4 : Objectives and Location of the Study

Chapter 5 : Materials and Methodology

Chapter 6 : Status of Enclaves’ People during Pre-LBA, 2015 Execution Period

Chapter 7 : Status of Enclaves’ People during Post-LBA, 2015 Execution Period

Chapter 8 : Comparative Analysis of the Status of Erstwhile Enclaves’ People of India and Bangladesh

Chapter 9 : Conclusions

List of References

List of Maps, Charts and Tables

Photographs

Preface

I had been grown up hearing from my father the downhearted saga of partition of India and its subsequent impact on the people who lived in eastern part of undivided Bengal, which glaringly hammered my mind round the clock since my childhood. In the later part of my life, when I came to know about enclaves of India and Bangladesh and about the wretched inhuman condition of enclaves’ people, intensity of my mind to do something for our co-citizens had been climbed up. As soon as I got some opportunities from various funding agencies of Govt. of India for carrying out Research Projects, I did have no choice other than to work on enclaves’ issue. When I started said research projects, then the historic Land Boundary Agreement (LBA), 2015 between India and Bangladesh had not been accorded with and accordingly, exchange of enclaves between India and Bangladesh didn’t take place till then. Through initial literature review on the topic, I observed that the people of these enclaves were still alive and sustaining their lives without any governmental support and basic amenities years after years. They were struggling a lot; yet they could somehow manage to sustain their livelihoods without any institutional support. During later parts of my research projects, LBA, 2015 had been accorded and executed between India and Bangladesh and as a consequence, enclaves were exchanged between the two neighbouring countries. For the purpose, I carried out extensive field survey in enclaves of India and Bangladesh during the years 2015, 2016 and 2017. My honest endeavour was to explore the real impact of LBA, 2015 on the status of enclaves’ people of both the countries.

I express my indebtedness to the funding agencies of Govt. of India like UGC and ICSSR for financing my research projects on the issue. I articulate my heartiest gratitude to my wife, Mrs. Sarbani Roy Bhattacharya and my son, Mst. Sriman Archisman Bhattacharya, who had unerringly supported me during the days of my hardship for this work and without great sacrifice in their personal lives, this book would not have seen the ray of sunlight.

Place : Kolkata DEBARSHI BHATTACHARYA

Dated : 15.06.2018

Abstract :

Formation of enclaves in India and Bangladesh was the shocking outcome of historical partition of India in the year 1947. As a dire consequence, inhabitants of enclaves of both the countries were enforced to subsist in ‘no-man’s land’ as ‘nowhere people’ till 67 years after India’s independence and partition just due to derision of historical and political destiny. These marginalized people were unfairly deprived from getting basic amenities, rights, opportunities and Governmental support from either country until signing of the historic Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) between India and Bangladesh in the year 2015. As per LBA, 2015, 51 Bangladeshi enclaves inside Indian territory and 111 Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh territory were actually transferred to each other with effect from the midnight of 31 July 2015. A study had been undertaken through extensive field survey at the enclaves of both the countries to assess and analyze pre-LBA, 2015 execution status of and post-execution impact of LBA, 2015 on the people of these enclaves. For the purpose, questionnaire survey, personal interaction, group discussion, interview had been conducted to gather information from enclaves’ people, Govt. officials, representatives of enclaves’ union, public representatives etc. For the theoretical part of the study, various journals, periodicals, newspapers, reference books, Govt. reports, articles, reports of previous researchers, reports of electronic and print media etc. had been extensively considered. Entire population of erstwhile Indian and Bangladeshi enclaves covered under the study genially welcomed exchange of enclaves through LBA, 2015, as they got rid of their exiled life of long 67 years in enclaves by virtue of LBA, 2015. But even after execution of LBA, 2015, major problematic issues in these erstwhile enclaves have not yet been resolved; nor could enclaves’ people enjoy the quality of life enjoyed by their neighbours living just around these erstwhile enclaves. All the erstwhile enclaves’ people are still feeling anxious regarding their safe resettlement in these erstwhile enclaves. Most of them have not yet been satisfied regarding Govt. initiatives for infrastructural development within erstwhile enclaves as well as regarding their safe rehabilitation in erstwhile enclaves.

Keywords - Enclaves, Adverse Possessions, Exchange of Enclaves, Enclave Settlement Camp, Land Boundary Agreement (LBA).

Chapter 1 : Introduction about India-Bangladesh Enclaves

It is really hard to believe that there were some slivers of land in independent India and Bangladesh till just three years ago, where country’s independence defined its people in different approach, resulting in creation of a separate class of ‘stateless people’ within these two neibouring countries. On a fine morning, a country had been divided into two parts, intersecting hearts of a section of marginal people living adjacent to the border line of divided eastern India, resulting in drawing of a porous border which virtually seized countless golden days from their lives, making them marginalized “enclaves’ people” only. Although these people were not at all responsible for their such awful fortune; yet they were forced to live in ‘no-man’s land’ as ‘nowhere people’ till 67 years after India’s independence and partition just due to derision of historical and political destiny. These ill-fated people were the people of enclaves of India and Bangladesh with combined population of more than 53,000.

Enclave or exclave (Chhitmahal in Bengali language) refers to a portion of territory of one country, which is wholly separated from its mainland, completely surrounded by the territory of foreign country. More clearly, the land geographically completely separated from its mainland and is fully cordoned by the foreign state. “From the point of view of the state in which it is located, is termed as an enclave and the state to which it belongs to is an exclave” (Schendel, 2005). But for the purpose of the study undertaken, two terms enclave and exclave are used synonymously. It is interesting to note that most of the enclaves of the world laying in India and Bangladesh during the recent past; although enclaves occurred frequently throughout the history and particularly Western Europe was rich in enclaves. Physically, enclaves in India and Bangladesh were found in three different forms, such as ‘1st-order enclave’; ‘2nd-order enclave’ or ‘counter-enclave’ (i.e. enclave within an enclave) and ‘3rd-order enclave’ or ‘counter-counter enclave’ (i.e. an enclave laying within a counter-enclave). As per Report of the India-Bangladesh Joint Field Inspection , apart from one non-exchangeable Bangladeshi enclave inside Indian territory, 111 exchangeable Indian Enclaves inside Bangladesh and 51 exchangeable Bangladeshi Enclaves inside India had been identified (Report, 1996). These included a few ‘2nd-order enclaves’ or ‘counter-enclave’ as well as a ‘3rd-order enclave’ or ‘counter-counter enclave’ (i.e. a Bangladeshi enclave surrounded by an Indian enclave, which itself surrounded by another Bangladeshi enclave). All these exchangeable 162 enclaves in India and Bangladesh contained a total population of 53,384 (MEA, Exchange of Enclaves between India and Bangladesh, 2015). In India, all these splinters of Bangladesh were situated in the District of Coochbehar under the State of West Bengal. On the other hand, in Bangladesh, these flakes of India were located in its four Districts under Rangpur Division, of which 59 were in Lalmonirhat District, 36 were in Ponchogarh District, 12 were in Kurigram District and 4 were in Nilphamari District (Jugantor, 2015). These disjointed territories within the two countries created an inhuman situation for the enclaves’ people and they were compelled to sustain their existence under a hardnosed situation of statelessness without any state aid and support from either side. Enclaves of India and Bangladesh are mapped as below :

Map – 1 : Map of Enclaves

illustration not visible in this excerpt

Apart from these, there were 35 Indian Lands under Adverse Possession of Bangladesh and 42 Bangladeshi Lands under Adverse Possession of India (Faculty of Studies, 2001). There were several places along the Indo-Bangladesh Border, where lands falling on Indian side of the demarcated International Boundary (IB) [ i.e. De-jure Boundary] were actually occupied by Bangladesh (i.e. Indian land under Bangladesh occupation) and vice versa (i.e. Bangladeshi land under Indian occupation). Thus, the de-facto boundary (i.e. actual line of control) didn’t not coincide with the de-jure boundary (i.e. demarcated International Boundary) in practice. Land falling between the de-jure and the de-facto boundary is called ‘Adverse Possession’ (Chatterjee, 2011). In India, these ‘adverse possessions’ were located in the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and West Bengal. Adverse Possessions of India and Bangladesh are mapped as below :

Map – 2 : Map of Adverse Possession

illustration not visible in this excerpt

Inhabitants of enclaves of both the countries sustained their lives without any state support, constitutional rights and basic amenities for their livelihoods year after year. Being completely surrounded by the territory of a foreign state, they couldn’t even travel to their ‘mother land’ by crossing the territory of the foreign state. On the other hand, Governmental support system of the mother state couldn’t get any access to these enclaves due to the barrier of international boundary (IB) in between. Thus, inhabitants of enclaves had been unjustly deprived from Governmental services, essential facilities and basic opportunities for their livelihoods from their concerned mother state for long 67 years after India’s independence and partition until signing of the historic Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) between India and Bangladesh in the year 2015, by means of which these deprived people got rid of their long exiled lives in enclaves.

Chapter 2 : Background of Creation of India-Bangladesh Enclaves

History itself intertwined destiny of some of our co-citizens in snide wires. Now-a-days, erstwhile enclaves of India and Bangladesh are of course contiguous part of either Indian or Bangladeshi mainland; but till 67 years after India’s independence and partition, these places were mere fragmented territories of India and Bangladesh disjoined from the respective mainland completely surrounded by the other country. As a consequence, respective native state did not get any access to administer these enclaves; nor to provide any basic services and amenities to these enclaves’ people. Enclaves in India and Bangladesh were emerged for a variety of historical, political and geographical reasons. Undivided India was never a ‘one-state’ country. There were so many princely states within the Indian subcontinent, which neither the Mughals nor the British could bring under their direct administrative control. On the other hand, it had been frequently observed that the imperial rulers often allowed semi-autonomous Zamindari estates or Princely states to grow in the frontier areas in order to ensure security to the far-flung areas. Throughout the middle ages, especially during the Mughal era, there were so many detached territories in the Indian subcontinent belonging to one Raja or Zamindar, which were entirely surrounded by the territories of others’ jurisdictions. All through the history, these local rulers quite often tried to enlarge their territories by means of war, marriage, purchase, stakes through gambling games etc. In this process, they often possessed some territories far away from their own ruling jurisdictions, laying completely surrounded by other’s territory. Thus the origin of the most enclaves in India and Bangladesh can be traced to the relics of the pre-colonial era. In the Indian side, enclaves were found only in the District of Coochbehar of the state of West Bengal, which were formerly under the ruling jurisdictions of the King of Coochbehar. On the other hand, enclaves were found only in a small and narrow section of the northern boundary of Bangladesh within its present Districts of Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Nilphamari and Panchogarh. These areas were under the jurisdiction of the Maharaja of Rangpur during the Mughal period. So it can be assumed that the enclaves might have their origin in the acts of friendship or hostility of the neighbouring local chiefs of these areas over the centuries. With the emergence of two nation-states of India and Pakistan and consequent demarcation of their political boundaries in 1947, many such fragmented territories being fallen under the barriers of international boundary (IB) got the status of enclaves. Creation of these enclaves in India and Bangladesh thus contains a long historical backdrop, when Shahjahan was the Mughal Emperor and Raja Prananarayana was the King of Coochbehar Estate. Raja Prananarayana occupied certain portion of territory within the Mughal territory by defeating Mughal Emperor. Thus, the King of Coochbehar ruled over some portion of lands which were completely surrounded by lands belonging to the Mughal Empire. Similarly Mughals also wrested some portion of territory within the Coochbehar Estate, which later came under the rule of the Maharaja of Rangpur (Studyacer, 2010). So, these territories were geographically separated from the Coochbehar and Rangpur Estates, ruled by one emperor within the jurisdiction of the other’s Estate. By the late seventeenth century, the Mughals, capitalizing on the palace tension of Coochbehar, waged a number of invasions in the Kingdom and annexed three of its southern districts namely Kakina, Kazirhat and Fatehpur (Rabbani, 2005-06). The disputes between the Mughals and the King of Coochbehar continued until 1713, when a treaty was signed between the two. Under the treaty, Coochbehar ceded those three districts and in addition, it also lost its sovereignty over three further districts of Boda, Patgram and Purvabhag. These districts were not integral areas, rather contained pockets of other’s zamindari that remained under the sovereignty of Coochbehar estate. Likewise, there were some pockets of land within the territory of Coochbeher belonging to Boda, Patgram, and Purvabhag (Rabbani, 2005-06). This led to the emergence of a number of enclaves in India and Bangladesh. From the time immemorial, Coochbehar estate retained possession of lands outside its boundary within the territory of Mughal Empire. Similarly Mughals were also able to retain their holdings in the Coochbehar kingdom. Such holdings, detached from the mainland were then locally known as Chhitmahal. “As per historical records, such little territories were apparently the result of a confused outcome of a 1713 treaty between the Kingdom of Coochbehar and the Mughal Empire. Possibly, the Kingdom and the Mughals ended a war without determining a single boundary for what territories had been gained or lost” (Wikipedia, 2008) . In this context, some advocate otherwise. According to an unverified popular legend, these slices of land were used as stakes in card or chess games or other gambling centuries ago between two regional kings, the Raja of Coochbehar and the Maharaja of Rangpur. Erstwhile Indian enclaves, those now situate inside Bangladesh, were the property of the King of Coochbehar before India’s independence and partition. Similarly, erstwhile Bangladeshi enclaves, those now lay inside India, were the property of the Maharaja of Rangpur prior to India’s independence and partition. There was also hearsay about the origin of these enclaves that if some of the local Raja entered into the neighbouring territories for recreation or hunting as royal guests and pitched tent in some place, that area was given to him as a mark of honour or to strengthen their friendship. “In 1947, when the British finally left India after almost two centuries, they created two countries, India and Pakistan, out of one. In order to partition the country, they brought in a lawyer, Cyril Radcliffe, to demarcate the boundary between India and what was to become Pakistan, who demarcated the India-Pakistan border in straight lines cutting across territories” (Butalia, 2002). The fact that the two Estates of Coochbehar and Rangpur chose not to join either India or Pakistan at the time of Independence also played a significant role in the process of creation of these enclaves. In 1949, Cooch Behar joined India and in 1952, Rangpur chose to be part of Pakistan. “What posed a problem was the fact that over the time, they had been conquering each other's territories” (Kaur, 2002). Combined effect of all these incidences resulted in creation of enclaves of India inside Bangladesh and vice-versa.

Chapter 3 : The Process to De-enclave

The process to ‘de-enclave’ all these enclaves between India and Bangladesh had been started within 10 years after independence and partition of India. Governmental endeavour to ‘de-enclave’ was firstly manifested through Nehru-Noon Agreement in 1958 by means of exchange of enclaves between India and the then Pakistan, but the matter then hanged for a Supreme Court case in India. With reference to said 1958 Nehru-Noon Agreement, negotiations were resumed after East Pakistan became an independent country as Bangladesh in 1971. In 1974, the Indira-Mujib Treaty of Friendship was supposed to address all land border disputes between India and Bangladesh, who shared 4,096.7 kms long porous border in between. Both countries were able to conclude the Land Boundary Agreement (LBA), 1974 to find out an ultimate resolution to this complex nature of border demarcation except for the three outstanding issues pertaining to : (i) Exchange of enclaves; (ii) Settlement of adverse possession; (iii) Undemarcated land boundary of approximately 6.1 kms. in three sectors, viz. Daikhata-56 in West Bengal, Muhuri River–Belonia in Tripura and Lathitila-Dumabari in Assam (MEA, Land Boundary Agreement Protocol between India and Bangladesh, 2011). As an outcome of said LBA, 1974, India was to hand over the sovereignty of the Tin Bigha Corridor, a strip of Indian land covering an area of 178 by 85 metres (584 ft × 279 ft) and thereby allowing access to the Dahagram–Angarpota Bangladeshi enclave. On the other hand, Bangladesh was to hand over the South Berubari area covering an area of 7.39 sq. kms. (2.85 sq mi) (Corridor, 2008). Bangladesh duly handed over the sovereignty of the smaller South Berubari to India instantly in 1974. India, however, could not lease out the Tin Bigha Corridor to Bangladesh till 1992, as it required constitutional amendment which could not be done due to political reasons in India. Finally, on 26th June, 1992, as a counterpart of the 1974 LBA package, the Tin Bigha Corridor had been leased out by India to Bangladesh in perpetuity, giving her access to Dahagram-Angorpota Enclave in order to enable her to exercise sovereignty on this twin enclave. The twin Dohogram-Angorpota Bangladeshi enclave inside Indian territory is administrated by Patgram Upozila of Lalmonirhat District under Rangpur Division of Bangladesh and geographically located within Mekhligunj Block under Coochbehar District of West Bengal, India. It is the largest Bangladeshi Enclave and is separated from the contiguous area of Bangladesh at its closest point by 178 metres (584 ft). Initially, the Corridor was opened for only one hour a day, which was gradually increased until 2002. In 2002, it was opened for 12 hours a day during daylight hours. On and from 19th October, 2011, the Tin Bigha Corridor remains open 24 hours a day. This 24 hours opening of Tin Bigha Corridor has brought significant changes in the question of socio-economic, political and security status of the people of Dohogram-Angarpota Bangladeshi Enclave. Tin Bigha Corridor and Dohogram-Angarpota Bangladeshi Enclave are mapped as below:

[For copyright reasons, the Map 3 is not included]

Map – 3 : Map of Tin Bigha Corridor and Dohogram-Angarpota Bangladeshi Enclave

Exchange of enclaves redrawing of the international boundary and to maintain status quo of adverse possessions, India required a constitutional amendment according to Article 368 of its Constitution. Although Bangladesh duly ratified LBA, 1974 in its parliament, but India then failed to pass necessary constitutional amendment in its Parliament to ratify said agreement. In September, 2011, Governments of India and Bangladesh announced, by virtue of Monomohan-Hasina Land Boundary Agreement, an intention to resolve the issue by means of swapping 162 enclaves, allowing choices of selection of their nationality to enclaves’ residents. As a consequence, India would have received 51 Bangladeshi enclaves inside India covering an area of 7,110.02 acres, while Bangladesh would have got 111 Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh covering an area of 17,160.63 acres. In India, One Hundred and Nineteenth Constitution Amendment Bill, 2013 put forward to give effect to this proposed land exchange. But India again failed to pass necessary constitutional amendment in its Parliament to approve said land boundary agreement with Bangladesh (Encyclopedia, 2010).

After several postponements and delay in settlement of the appalling destiny of the people of these enclaves, their wretched destiny of long almost seven decades came to an end when India ratified the Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh by its 119th Constitutional Amendment in May 2015 in both the houses of its Parliament. Immediately thereafter, aforesaid 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh (covering an area of 17,160.63 acres) and 51 exchangeable Bangladeshi enclaves in India (covering an area of 7,110.02 acres) along with 35 Indian Lands under Adverse Possession of Bangladesh (covering an area of 2267.682 acres) and 42 Bangladeshi Lands under Adverse Possession of India (covering an area of 2,777.038 acres) (MEA, India-Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement, 2015) had been exchanged between the two countries by virtue of historic Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) accorded between the Govt. of Republic of India and the Govt. of Peoples’ Republic of Bangladesh on 6th June, 2015 with only one exception. Dohogram-Angarpota, the twin Bangladeshi Enclave situated in Mekhligunj Block under Coochbehar District of West Bengal, India, covering a total area of 18.68 sq. kms. (Wikipedia, Tin Bigha Corridor, 2011) with a combined population of around 20,000 has not been exchanged and it still remains as an integrated part of Bangladesh as per resolution adopted through LBA, 1974, although it is completely surrounded by Indian territory.

As per LBA, 2015, 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 35 Indian Lands under Adverse Possession of Bangladesh henceforth be treated as own lands of Bangladesh; whereas 51 exchangeable Bangladeshi enclaves in India and 42 Bangladeshi Lands under Adverse Possession of India henceforth be considered as own lands of India. Accordingly, 51 Bangladeshi enclaves inside India and 111 Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh were theoretically transferred to the other country with effect from the midnight of July 31, 2015. Thus, India received 2,777.038 acres of adverse land and 7,110.02 acres of Bangladeshi enclaves’ land from Bangladesh; whereas it transferred 2267.682 acres of adverse land and 17,160.63 acres Indian enclaves’ land to Bangladesh. Such exchange of lands is basically a switch from a de-facto situation to a de-jure one, since these enclaves and adverse possessions were already occupied by the respective countries. By virtue of LBA, 2015 Protocol, people residing in these enclaves were free to choose their nationality as per their own will. If they decided to stay in their birth soil by altering their citizenship (e.g. if a person of Indian enclave residing within Bangladesh territory opted to stay in Bangladesh as a Bangladeshi Citizen), they would get all benefits of citizenship of the concerned state where they opted to live. On the other hand, if they wished to migrate themselves into their mother state (e.g. if a person of Indian enclave residing within Bangladesh territory opted to migrate in Indian mainland), they would also get all benefits of citizenship of the mother state in the concerned mainland. The concerned mother state would offer adequate rehabilitation packages to such people in their mainland. It had been highly expected from all the corners that “this long overdue exchange would endeavour to harmonize India’s land boundaries and, more importantly, would improve the lives of all those residents of the enclaves who, by an unfortunate twist of fate, had been living without any national identity and without enjoying or ever knowing the quality of life enjoyed by their neighbours living just around these enclaves” (Das, 2013). In the mean time, three years have already been passed after execution of LBA, 2015. So, it is now the time to assess and evaluate real impact of execution of LBA, 2015 on the erstwhile enclaves’ people of India and Bangladesh. The undergoing study is an honest endeavour to explore the present reality of the issue.

Chapter 4 : Objectives and Location of the Study

With the objective of assessing ground level status of the people of erstwhile enclaves in India and Bangladesh, I carried out an extensive field survey during the years 2015, 2016 and 2017 in both the countries. Survey had been conducted on random sampling basis in large, medium and small size enclaves of India and Bangladesh and interacted with enclaves’ people of all ages, genders. Following were the objectives of my study :

(i) Assessment of ground level situation of enclaves’ people of India and Bangladesh before execution of Land Boundary Agreement (LBA), 2015.
(i) Assessment of level of acceptance of exchange of enclaves through LBA, 2015 among erstwhile enclaves’ people of India and Bangladesh.
(ii) Assessment of satisfaction levels of enclaves’ people about their decision regarding choice of citizenship by virtue of LBA, 2015.
(iii) Assessment of satisfaction levels of enclaves’ people about the exchange deal and rehabilitation packages offered to them.
(iv) Assessment of extent of implementation of rehabilitation packages for the erstwhile enclaves’ people by the concerned state.
(v) Assessment of extent of infrastructural developmental works initiated by the concerned state within the erstwhile enclaves under respective jurisdiction.
(vi) Comparative analysis of the status of erstwhile enclaves’ people of India and Bangladesh after execution of LBA, 2015.

For the purpose of the study undertaken, I had randomly chosen seventeen (17) Bangladeshi enclaves inside Indian territory, out of total 51, situated in Mekhligunj, Sitalkuchi, Mathabhanga and Dinhata Blocks under Coochbehar District, West Bengal, India and all the three Enclave Settlement Camps (Rehabilitation Camps) set up for temporary resettlement of migrated erstwhile Indian enclaves’ people came from Bangladesh at Haldibari, Mekhligunj and Dinhata Blocks under Coochbehar District, West Bengal, India. On the other hand, I had randomly chosen twenty seven (27) Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh territory, out of total 111, situated in Lalmonirhat, Ponchogarh and Kurigram Districts under Rangpur Division, Bangladesh.

Chapter 5 : Methodology and Materials

The undertaken study involved both primary and secondary data collected from various sources including empirical analysis of field survey and analysis of literature survey. The data used for empirical analysis had been collected from field survey in form of personal interaction, interviews, group discussion and answers to the questionnaires. Secondary data were collected from Govt. reports / press releases, reports of previous researchers, concerned experts’ opinions, articles, books, print and electronic media, internet sources etc. A questionnaire containing series of effective questions had been set out to gather information from erstwhile enclaves’ people, Govt. officials, representatives of erstwhile enclaves’ union, public representatives, local administrative personnel, local residents surrounding enclaves and from all other concerned persons / authorities, including previous researchers / academicians / experts in relation to the matter of undergoing study.

Out of total fifty one (51) Bangladeshi Enclaves inside Indian territory, seventeen (17) enclaves of different sizes and population bases were randomly chosen for the field survey purpose conducted during the years 2015, 2016 and 2017, which included large, medium and small size enclaves in Mekhligunj, Mathabhanga, Sitalkuchi and Dinhata Blocks under Coochbehar Districts of West Bengal, India. Out of seventeen Bangladeshi enclaves chosen for field survey, 06 were located in Mekhligunj Block, 02 were in Sitalkuchi Block, 02 were in Mathabhanga Block and 07 were in Dinhata Block under Coochbehar District of West Bengal, India. Personal interaction, group discussion and questionnaire survey had been carried out with the enclaves’ people, leaders of the enclaves’ union, BSF personnel and officials of local civil administration. Survey had been conducted with all ages, genders and religions of enclaves’ people.

Details of seventeen erstwhile Bangladeshi enclaves inside Indian territory chosen for field survey purpose on simple random sampling basis are shown below under Table – 1 :

illustration not visible in this excerpt

During said field survey, total 312 inhabitants of Bangladeshi enclaves of different age, gender and religion were interacted with, details of them are shown below under Table – 2 and 3 :

TABLE 2 : Age and Gender-wise classification of the inhabitants of Bangladeshi enclaves inside India interacted with during the field survey :

illustration not visible in this excerpt

TABLE 3 : Religion and Gender-wise classification of the inhabitants of Bangladeshi enclaves inside India interacted during the field survey :

illustration not visible in this excerpt

During the field survey conducted in June, 2016 and May, 2017, all the three Enclaves Settlement Camps (Rehabilitation Camps) set up in Haldibari, Mekhligunj and Dinhata Blocks under Coochbehar Districts of West Bengal, India, for temporary resettlement of the migrated erstwhile Indian enclaves’ people came from Bangladesh were also surveyed, details of which are shown below under Table – 4 :

TABLE 4 : Details of Enclaves Settlement Camps set up for the migrated Indian Enclaves’ people came from Bangladesh surveyed during the Field Works

illustration not visible in this excerpt

During said field survey, total 113 migrated inhabitants of erstwhile Indian enclaves temporarily rehabilitated in Enclave Settlement Camps of different ages, gender and religion were interacted with, which included 38 from Haldibari Camp, 28 from Mekhligunj Camp and 47 from Dinhata Camp. Details of them are given below under Table – 5 and 6 :

TABLE 5 : Age and Gender-wise classification of inhabitants of erstwhile Indian enclaves temporarily resettled in Enclaves Settlement Camps in India interacted with :

illustration not visible in this excerpt

TABLE 6 : Religion and Gender-wise classification of inhabitants of erstwhile Indian enclaves temporarily resettled in Enclaves Settlement Camps interacted with :

illustration not visible in this excerpt

Out of total hundred and eleven (111) Indian Enclaves inside Bangladesh territory, twenty seven (27) enclaves of different sizes and population bases were randomly chosen for field survey purpose, which included large, medium and small size enclaves in Lalmonirhat, Ponchogarh and Kurigram Districts under Rangpur Division of Bangladesh. Out of total twenty seven Indian enclaves chosen for field survey, 17 were located in Lalmonirhat District, 07 were in Ponchogarh District and 03 were in Kurigram District in Bangladesh. Personal interaction, group discussion, questionnaire survey had been carried out with the enclaves’ people, leaders of the enclaves’ union, BGB Personnel and local civil administration. Survey had been conducted with all ages, genders and religions of enclaves’ people.

Details of twenty seven Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh territory chosen for field survey purpose on simple random sampling basis are shown below under Table – 7 :

illustration not visible in this excerpt

During said field survey, total 466 inhabitants of erstwhile Indian enclaves of different ages, gender and religion were interacted with, the details of them are shown below under Table – 8 and 9 :

[...]

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Details

Title
Chronicle of Nowhere People of India and Bangladesh. Monograph of Work on India-Bangladesh Enclaves
Course
Research Project
Author
Year
2017
Pages
59
Catalog Number
V429731
ISBN (eBook)
9783668751842
ISBN (Book)
9783668751859
File size
20781 KB
Language
English
Tags
chronicle, nowhere, people, india, bangladesh, monograph, work, india-bangladesh, enclaves
Quote paper
Debarshi Bhattacharya (Author), 2017, Chronicle of Nowhere People of India and Bangladesh. Monograph of Work on India-Bangladesh Enclaves, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/429731

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