Excerpt
I Table of contents
I TABLE OF CONTENTS
II LIST OF FIGURES
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Problem and research question
1.2 Research objectives and methodology
1.3 Structure of the thesis
2. MIGRATION
2.1 Specifications
2.2 Migration theories
2.3 Historical review of migration in Germany
2.4 Legal framework for displaced people in Germany
3. ECONOMIC, EDUCATIONAL, HEALTH AND POLITICAL GENDER EQUALITY
4. EMPLOYMENT
4.1 Specification and relevance for individuals, society and state
4.2 Current situation of the German labour market
4.3 Employment of women and migrants
4.4 Support for displaced people on the German labour market
5. THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF POTENTIAL OBSTACLES
5.1 Cultural background
5.2 Child care
5.3 Language
5.4 Educational achievement and professional experience
5.5 Discrimination
5.6 Health restrictions
5.7 Non gender-specific factors
6. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS .. 38
6.1 Derivation of the hypotheses
6.2 Method
6.2.1 Approach
6.2.2 Type of survey
4.2.3 Sample
6.3 Results
6.3.1 Descriptive statistics
6.3.2 Evaluation of the hypotheses
7. OVERALL ANALYSIS OF IMPEDIMENTS
8. CONCLUSION AND OUTLOOK
8.1 Conclusion
8.2 Recommendations and critical reflection
III PUBLICATION BIBLIOGRAPHY
IV LIST OF APPENDICES
V APPENDIX
II List of figures
Figure 1: Asylum applications from 2006 until 2016
Figure 2: Integration phases of displaced people
Figure 3: Global Gender Report 2013
Figure 4: The cost of unemployment
Figure 5: Employment rate in Germany by age and gender in 2000 and 2014
Figure 6: Age structure of people with and without a migrant background in Germany
Figure 7: Country comparison according to Hofstede
Figure 8: Acquisition of education of migrants by gender and child care
Figure 9: Reasons for coming to Germany
Figure 10: Equal employment of men and women
Figure 11: Interest in doing an apprenticeship
Figure 12: Language as an impediment during job search
Figure 13: Feeling disadvantaged during job search
Figure 14: Physical and mental health
Figure 15: Conditions for staying in Germany
Abstract (English)
Because of the high number of involuntary migrants who arrived in Germany over the past years, displaced people may at least partly counteract the economic consequences of the demographic change in Germany. Yet, particularly displaced women are comparatively seldom employed in Germany. The purpose of this thesis therefore is to identify factors that impede the inclusion of displaced women into the German labour market and examine their respective importance. The employment of these women has, amongst others, positive effects on their social integration, the federal budget and the German economy. In this thesis, a theoretical analysis of relevant literature concerning the topics migration, gender equality, employment and impediments for labour market integration of displaced women is given. Afterwards, two surveys are presented. The first survey is a quantitative one analysing the data of 42 displaced women. The second one is qualitative, gathering information from five experts. Main impediments for integration of displaced women into the labour market are the lack of professional experience and education, particularly poor German skills. Other major difficulties are traditional role distribution and bias by employers, especially against women wearing headscarves. The results provide a basis for the creation or alteration of support offers that facilitate labour market participation for displaced women.
Abstract (Deutsch)
In den letzten Jahren beantragten überdurchschnittlich viele Geflüchtete Asyl in Deutschland. In der Theorie können die somit zusätzlich verfügbaren Arbeitskräfte die ökonomischen Konsequenzen des demographischen Wandels zumindest teilweise auszugleichen. Vor allem geflüchtete Frauen gehen jedoch vergleichsweise selten einer Beschäftigung in Deutschland nach. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist daher, Faktoren, die eine erfolgreiche Arbeitsmarktintegration erschweren, zu identifizieren und deren jeweilige Relevanz zu bestimmen. Unter anderem hat die Beschäftigung von geflüchteten Frauen positive Auswirkungen auf deren Integration in die deutsche Gesellschaft, den Bundeshaushalt und die deutsche Wirtschaft. Diese Arbeit beinhaltet eine theoretische Analyse der Themenfelder Migration, Geschlechtergleichstellung, Erwerbstätigkeit und Erschwernisse für die Arbeitsmarktintegration von geflüchteten Frauen. Anschließend werden zwei Studien präsentiert. Die erste, quantitative Studie analysiert die Daten von 42 geflüchteten Frauen. Die zweite, qualitative Studie trägt Informationen von fünf Expertinnen zusammen. Haupterschwernisse für die Arbeitsmarktintegration von geflüchteten Frauen sind fehlende Arbeitserfahrung und Bildung, vor allem in Bezug auf Kenntnisse der deutschen Sprache. Weitere schwerwiegende Problematiken sind traditionelle Rollenbilder und Vorurteile seitens der Arbeitgeber, besonders Frauen mit Kopftuch gegenüber. Die Ergebnisse bilden eine Basis zur Schaffung oder Änderung von Unterstützungsangeboten, die geflüchteten Frauen die Arbeitsmarktteilhabe erleichtern.
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Problem and research question
In 2016 alone, about 722,000 displaced persons have applied for asylum in Germany for the first time. Only a third of them were women. (cf. Worbs, Baraulina 2017, p. 3) That year was the peak year of arrivals. Currently, the situation has calmed a bit. In 2017, nearly 200,000 involuntary migrants applied for asylum, 40% of them women, which represents less than a third of the 2016 numbers. The total protection rate1 was at 44%. Most fled from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. Many come to Germany because it is a safe, economically attractive country. (cf. Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017, p. 8)
Due to the immense number of incoming people, the initial challenge for Germany consisted of providing essential supply such as shelter, food, clothing and medical care. (cf. Jovanovic 2016, n. p.) Over the last months and years, the relevant institutions have set up facilities and structures to welcome refugees and are prepared for new arrivals. Since many of those seeking protection within the German borders will not return to their countries of origin in the foreseeable future, it is important to support their integration. (cf. Özoğuz 2016, p. 24) In Germany, integration as a long-term process has the goal to involve all residents into the German society, including equal participation in all areas as well as duties such as learning the German language and knowing, respecting and complying with the German constitution and law. (cf. Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge n. y., n. p.)
One crucial aspect of integration is the participation in the German labour market. Not only displaced people benefit from finding employment in Germany. Due to the demographic change as well as the problem of skill shortage, employers and the German economy profit as well from additionally available employees. (Grünheid, Sulak 2016, p. 20) When looking at current asylum numbers it stands out that in 2017, nearly 30% of all asylum seekers were between 18 and 30 years old and therefore in a good age to enter the labour market. (cf. Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017, p. 7) The authors Grünheid and Sulak (2016, p. 21) put it as follows.
»Um dem demografisch bedingten Rückgang der Erwerbsbevölkerung entgegenzuwirken, sind mehrere Lösungsansätze denkbar: Der frühere Eintritt in das Erwerbsleben, der spätere Austritt aus der Erwerbsphase, eine Erhöhung der Frauenerwerbstätigkeit sowie der Zuzug von ausländischen Arbeitskräften.«
A study shows that it is especially challenging to integrate women with children into the labour market, followed by people older than 51, those involved in relative care, people with low qualifications and people with a migrant background. Most of the time more than one factor applies to one person. For example, women with children might as well take care of other relatives or migrants older than 51 lack qualifications. (cf. Bauer 2015, pp. 8–9)
Migrants as well as women provide an opportunity for the German labour market and are at the same time difficult to place in employment. Looking at chapter 4.3 where the employment situation of women and migrants in Germany is explained and at chapter 2.4 where the topicality of the issue of involuntary migrants is outlined, it becomes clear that there is a need to focus on displaced women. The thesis concentrates on the impediments displaced women are facing when entering the German labour market and therefore provide a basis for how these obstacles could be overcome. Explaining and analysing solutions for the identified problems goes beyond the scope of this work. The following research questions are important when analysing this topic. They will be answered throughout this thesis.
- Where are the displaced women from and why did they leave their countries of origin?
- What kind of qualifications do they bring, with special regard to their educational background, professional experience and relevant language skills?
- Do displaced women want to be employed in Germany?
- What are the main obstacles for displaced women to find an employment?
- What are their future plans concerning residence, educational aspirations and employment?
1.2 Research objectives and methodology
The purpose of this thesis is to answer the research questions listed above and find out which factors impede labour market integration of displaced women to which extent. To analyse the respective factors, theoretical knowledge is gathered before a quantitative and a qualitative survey are presented and evaluated. Migration, gender equality and employment are the three theoretical pillars this thesis builds on. Chapter 5 presents the factors potentially complicating successful inclusion of displaced women into the German labour market. Afterwards, the hypotheses as well as the structure and procedure of the surveys are described. The quantitative survey focuses on the views of displaced women living in Lower Saxony. It has been designed in order to gather relevant information about the family and household situation of the displaced women, their obtained qualifications of both educational and professional nature, their past and present employment situation and their migration experiences as well as their future plans. The qualitative survey on the other hand collects the opinions of several participants working with involuntary migrants or displaced women in particular. After a request of personal data and institutional information, three questions are posed concerning impediments and potential promotion of labour market integration of displaced women. Descriptive statistics are used to present the results. In the final part of the thesis both literary research and empirical findings are compared and jointly analysed.
1.3 Structure of the thesis
Firstly, the different notions concerning migration will be defined. General migration theories are explained before the history of migration and the current situation in Germany are explained. A special focus is put on involuntary migration. The next part aims to outline the degree of gender equality in the countries where most involuntary migrants are from as well as Germany and Iceland, the country that is closest to gender equality. Political, economic and educational participation as well as health-related issues are taken into account. Afterwards, terms around employment are specified and the importance of it for different actors, comprising of individuals, society and the state, is made clear. Again, the current situation will be examined, explaining recent developments relevant for the German labour market. The employment situation of women, migrants and displaced women is analysed in chapter 4.3. In chapter 4.4, an overview over support offers for displaced people on the German labour market is given. The last theoretical part aims to give an overview over the most relevant impediments that are faced when displaced women want to participate in the German labour market. This chapter is divided into the sub-categories cultural and family background, child care, language, educational achievement and professional experience, discrimination and health restrictions. In the last subchapter factors are presented that are not linked to gender. All genders are similarly affected by issues presented there, including the recognition of qualifications, the legal framework and the access to attractive working areas.
After the theoretical part is finished, the thesis continues with the empirical analysis. Firstly, the hypotheses are derived. Then, the methods for both surveys are explained consecutively. The approaches, the types of survey and the samples are presented. When describing the results, descriptive statistics are used. As a last component of this part, the hypotheses are evaluated. In this chapter, the quantitative survey asking displaced women is always presented first, followed by the qualitative survey conducted with experts.
In chapter 7, both literary research and the results of the two surveys are analysed together in order to identify to which extent each factor found impedes the integration of displaced women into the German labour market. The thesis finishes with a conclusion and a critical reflection. The appendix includes the quantitative questionnaires in German and English as well as the results of both surveys.
2. MIGRATION
2.1 Specifications
This chapter aims to define the different kinds of migrants in order to clarify the use of terms in this thesis. In combination with this, the different forms of protection will be specified.
In everyday language, a refugee is a person who fled a place. In the German right of asylum, only recognised refugees who comply with the conditions of the Geneva Convention on Refugees are called like that. That means a refugee must have fled because of a well-founded fear of being persecuted by governmental or non-governmental actors due to race, nationality, political views, religion or membership of a certain social group. Furthermore, anybody who violated the principles or goals of the United Nations cannot be recognised as a refugee. These principles include amongst others the renunciation of violence. (cf. Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017a, n. p.)
When ‘refugee’ is used in everyday language, the term often includes asylum seekers, asylum applicants, recognised refugees and beneficiaries of protection. The differences between these four terms will be shortly explained. An asylum seeker has not applied for asylum yet, an applicant is in the asylum procedure waiting for a decision. Recognised refugees have obtained refugee protection or eligibility for asylum. Refugee protection is granted when someone complies with the Geneva Convention. Eligibility for asylum applies when the persecution is executed by a government or when non-governmental persecution has been caused by the state. Beneficiaries of protection have received subsidiary protection or non-refoulement. Subsidiary protection applies when the conditions of the Geneva Convention are not fulfilled, but there still are substantial grounds that there is a threat of serious harm. A serious threat can for example be the imposition or enforcement of death penalty, torture or humiliating treatment and a serious threat of life due to arbitrary violence in the face of an international or domestic armed conflict. When none of the mentioned above forms of protection can be granted, but a deportation to the country of origin would violate the European Convention on Human Rights, non-refoulement offers protection. In case of non-refoulement, work permit has to be requested. In case of any other form of protection, it is granted after a stay of three months and when not living in collective housing anymore. (cf. Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017a, n. p.)
To summarise all people mentioned above – asylum seekers, asylum applicants, beneficiaries of protection and recognised refugees – the terms ‘displaced person’ and ‘involuntary migrant’ are used in this thesis. In this context, displacement describes the enforced departure of someone from the home area. Involuntary means that the degree of choice for an autonomous decision is little or non-existent. Both displaced persons and involuntary migrants are therefore people who had to leave their area of origin due to outer circumstances. The only exceptions where the term ‘refugee’ is used in this thesis are the descriptions of models where the developer of these concepts solely utilises the word ‘refugee’.
Also, the difference between a displaced person and a migrant must be made clear. Displaced people are, as explained above, forced to leave their place of origin. The term ‘migrant’ offers a more general description. Often, this notion refers to people moving from their home to another place voluntarily. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) defines it as follows. »Migrants, especially economic migrants, choose to move in order to improve their lives. Refugees are forced to flee to save their lives or preserve their freedom« (cf. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees n. y., n. p.). Yet, as explained above, there are involuntary migrants as well. Petersen (1958, p. 261) differs between voluntary, impelled and forced migration, whereas the latter two terms both correspond to involuntary movements. Voluntary migration refers to movements that occur due to individual desires. This form of migration is often motivated by economic factors and the search for a better life. The terms forced and impelled migration measure the amount of free choice a person has when it comes to the decision to move. Forced migration is characterised by external forces that leave no choice but fleeing. In case of impelled migration, the individual maintains some degree of choice. The migrant has the possibility to evaluate the aspects involved and subsequently choose between migrating and staying in view of an external menace. This classification aims to identify the activator for and the objective of migration as well as whether the migrant is a displaced person or not. It is an important tool in order to define the legal status of a migrant. However, often the transitions between the different forms of migration are blurred. (cf. University of Manitoba 1995, pp. 17–19) In general, it can be said that migrants move from their home area to another place for any reason. Both immigrants and emigrants fall under the term ‘migrant’. From the point of view of a region, for example Germany or the European Union, immigrants move into that region and emigrants move out of that region.
2.2 Migration theories
After having clarified the different terms related to displaced people, several migration theories will be explained. Firstly, macro, meso and micro theories will be presented. This is followed by
theories of conflict prevention including causes for flight. Subsequently, the kinetic model by Kunz will be described. Finally, Kunz’s classification into majority-identified, events-related and self- alienated refugees will be explained.
Macro, meso and micro theories aim to describe general and individual reasons for migration. Macro theories describe objective, structural conditions that operate as push and pull factors for migration movements. In the context of migration, push factors are conditions that ‘push’ people away from one place, conditions that make them leave. Push factors for economic migration for example include economic conditions such as unemployment and low wages in comparison to the country of destination. In case of involuntary migration, generalised violence, war and state repression often act as push factors. The conditions that ‘pull’ migrants into a place, that make a country attractive for them, are called pull factors. Pull factors include favourable migration legislation and a promising labour market situation. For displaced people, general safety within the country of destination usually is strong pull factor. In many situations, push and pull factors operate together. That means a bad framework in the country of origin combined with good perspectives in the country of destination may cause voluntary migration and influence the course of forced displacement. However, macro theories alone cannot explain why people emigrate from certain places and from others with similar conditions they do not. (cf. Boswell 2002, p. 3)
Meso theories may elucidate this phenomenon. Additionally, they aim to explain the persistence of migration. They build on two concepts: systems and networks. A migration system refers to the context in which migration takes place. That may for example be a group of countries interconnected through political, economic and cultural linkages as well as migratory flows. Networks are defined as a range of individual and collective players that affect the extent and direction of migratory flows. These players include amongst others actual and potential migrants, their families, companies as well as social and religious groups. They influence migratory flows by providing resources such as information, contacts and economic and social support. Meso theories therefore build on complex linkages between areas influencing migratory flows. (cf. Boswell 2002, pp. 3–4) This model explains amongst others why emigration mostly occurs from middle-income countries, not from the poorest ones. High-volume migration is more probable when certain conditions are fulfilled. Sufficient resources and access to information are as beneficial for large-scale migration as are ties with countries of destination. When leaving or entering a country illegally, financial resources are crucial to pay for forged travel documents and tickets or smugglers. Poor countries with economies based on subsistence farming and little trade or contact with other regions do not meet these conditions. (cf. Boswell 2002, p. 8)
The third level, micro theories, concentrates on aspects affecting the individual decision to move. Micro theories analyse how potential migrants weigh up the costs, including financial and non-monetary such as psychological resources, and potential benefits, for example physical safety and higher wages. They are based on the rational choice theory and aim to control results assumed on both macro and meso theoretical levels. (cf. Boswell 2002, p. 4)
Macro, meso and micro levels also exist in theories of conflict prevention. Additionally, conflict prevention theories are split into causes of conflicts and migration by potential levels of intervention or prevention. A distinction is made between root causes, proximate causes, enabling conditions and sustaining factors. Root causes describe the structural and systemic framework that provides the prerequisites for forced displacement or voluntary migration. Economic underdevelopment, a weak government and serious social fragmentation would be classified as root causes. During this phase, ‘structural’ or ‘heavy’ intervention could calm the conflict. Proximate causes refer to instant conditions releasing the movement. Examples would be the escalation of a violent conflict, individual social or religious persecution, or sudden new opportunities abroad. ‘Operational’ or ‘light’ intervention could promote de-escalation. Yet, at this point intervention is very difficult. Enabling conditions provide the actual opportunity to migrate and stay in a country of destination. Factors would be monetary and non-monetary resources, legislation and border controls, travel opportunities and networks. Sustaining factors promote continuous or chain migration from certain areas. For example, functioning migration networks promote this development. (cf. Boswell 2002, pp. 4–5)
Another theory based on push and pull factors, but also taking kinetic factors into account, is the kinetic model by Kunz. This model focuses on forced migration only and distinguishes between anticipatory and acute refugee movements. Even though this theory is from 1973, it is still relevant for current research. The anticipatory refugee movement includes the migration of all those who are prepared for the flight and their country of destination. Typically, they have chosen their destination country, acquired basic language skills, hold financial securities and know how to find a new employment. Reasons for leaving include war, persecution and other dangerous occasions. Anticipatory refugees flee before the circumstances become too hazardous and before the expected events begin. They are characterised as well-educated and usually come from solid family backgrounds. (cf. Kunz 1973, pp. 131-132) Acute refugee movements express themselves through huge groups of people suddenly leaving their home area when outer circumstances get too dangerous. In this case, push factors are very strong. Acute refugees have little other opportunities than fleeing. This kind of involuntary migrants is not well-prepared for flight and has little idea about the country of destination. The main objective is getting somewhere safe. Many flee to a nearby country. Often, in that country the living conditions are so bad that usually this country is left as well. It takes some time before acute refugees realise that return is not an option and new plans are needed. That is when they actively start searching for a safe country with good prospects to stay. Which immigration country they choose is often affected by the media, aid organisations, smugglers or human traffickers. (cf. Kunz 1973, pp. 132–133)
Kunz also classifies displaced people into the groups majority-identified, events-related and self-alienated refugees. Displaced people who do not identify with their former government, but with their compatriots are called majority-identified refugees. They share a strong disagreement with political and social events with many people from their country. When living abroad this attitude barely changes. This kind of displaced people is most likely to repatriate. Involuntary migrants who left their country of origin due to discrimination against the group they belong to are identified as events-related refugees. They often feel alienated from their compatriots and maintain little interest in their country of origin. Repatriation is an option for some, but only if conditions in the home area have changed essentially. (cf. University of Manitoba 1995, pp. 12-13) Self-alienated refugees neither identify themselves with the government nor with the society of their country of origin. Often, they leave for a range of complex, individual reasons. They feel alienated since their personal philosophy does not correspond to the common philosophy of their home country. (cf. Kunz 1981, pp. 43–44)
2.3 Historical review of migration in Germany
As the presented theories show, research on migration has already been conducted for a long time. It is important to know that both voluntary and involuntary migration is not a new topic. It occurred any time in history and everywhere around the world. Even though German authorities have denied the fact for a long time, Germany2 has been an immigration country since many decades or even centuries. That means that more people immigrate than emigrate. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, p. 8) The following text will focus on relatively current migration in Germany from the 1880s until now.
As a result of industrialisation and increased emigration of Germans towards America the demand for foreign workers had been growing from the 1880s on. Only during the Weimar Republic the number of foreign workers decreased while forced migration became of greater importance. More than 10 million Europeans left their home area as a consequence of territorial provisions determined by the Treaty of Versailles. The biggest migratory movement of the 20th century, however, occurred between 1933 and 1945 where especially flight, displacement and deportationinto forced labour marked the movements. Germany functioned as the centre of and motor for this involuntary migration that occurred mainly within Europe. After 1945, the war left 22 to 24 million displaced persons, including forced labourers and former concentration camp prisoners looking for a new home or trying to repatriate. (cf. Bade, Oltmer 2005, n. p.)
This part of German history is important to explain subsequent political decisions. As an answer to the (non-)acceptance of involuntary German emigrants by other countries during wartimes, the German government created article 16 of the constitution: »Politisch Verfolgte genießen Asylrecht«. This article became the globally most open right for asylum. However, with an increasing use of this right, German authorities introduced restrictions. Firstly, these restrictions were solely applied in practice. Later the constitution itself was changed. This development will be explained after having presented the history of guest workers in Germany that provides relevant background information concerning this issue.
Germany started recruiting guest workers after World War II, to offset the missing labourers. Most guest workers were from Southern Europe, Turkey, Tunisia and Morocco and mainly executed hard physical work for low salaries. The plan was that they would come at an age at which they finished education and leave before retirement, so that they would pay into the social security system, but would not get anything from it. For the sending countries that was a way to reduce unemployment and boost the local economy with the salary the guest workers sent to their families at home. Therefore, the German social security system profited as well as the sending countries, generating a win-win situation. A rotation of the guest workers was planned, meaning the old ones would leave after a few years and be replaced by new ones. Hence, Germany put no efforts into integration. The guest workers came alone, were accommodated with other guest workers and had little contact with Germans. Yet, the plan did not succeed. In 1973, a recruitment ban was established. By then, 14 millions guest workers had come to Germany and 11 million had left. The remaining 3 million stayed in the country and many of their families joined them. (cf. Herbert 2001, 224-257)
Involuntary migration from Eastern Europe affected Germany at the same time. During Cold War displaced people were welcomed with pleasure since they were a proof that living in the Western systems was better than in the Eastern ones. Yet, with the recruitment stop of guest workers in 1973, the number of asylum seekers increased rapidly. After the Cold War had ended, displaced people from Eastern Europe were not needed as a proof that living conditions in the West were better. Instead, they posed a supplementary burden for the welfare state.
In 1980, most displaced people came from third world countries. Even though most were not allowed to work, this development increased social fears evolving from growing unemployment. Racism and the fight against ‘economic refugees’ intensified. For authorities, ‘political persecution’ referred to reasons for persecution rather than reasons for flight. For example, if torture was a common penalty or interrogative instrument in the home country of an asylum seeker, it did not count as ‘political’ persecution and asylum was not granted. Additionally, entries into Germany were blocked and visa requirements became restrictive in order to minimise involuntary migrant flows. These developments were not effective since human traffickers and ‘bogus asylum seekers’, seeking asylum in order to get access to the black market, were rarely affected.
On July 1, 1993, a change in the constitution regulated that asylum is not granted for displaced persons from countries regarded as free from persecution. The same regulation applies to those who arrive in Germany after passing ‘safe third countries’ by which Germany is surrounded completely. Therefore, Germany cannot be reached legally by land. Due to the costs travelling by air has a social selection function. A consequence is that now many displaced people conceal their identity, origin and route of travel. Human traffickers and organised crime are supported by this development. Furthermore, many involuntary migrants do not apply for asylum. (cf. Bade, Oltmer 2005, n. p.) However, in terms of application numbers the change had the desired effect. From 1993 until 2008, application numbers have nearly continuously been falling from about 438,000 to 28,000 initial and subsequent applications. The possibility to make a subsequent application if the asylum applicant has been rejected asylum in the initial procedure exists since 1995.
In 2016, the number of initial and subsequent applications for asylum was nearly 27 times higher than just eight years earlier. Most displaced persons came from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq. The current flow of involuntary migration has a range of reasons. Most people flee as a consequence of war, religious and political persecution as well as a lack of perspectives. In the current main countries of origin, more and more people realise that conflicts will not end in the foreseeable future and, with the loss of hope, decide to flee. Most are acute refugees. Because many neighbouring countries do not have the capacity or willingness to receive the masses of displaced persons, many who fled to such a country fear deportation back to their home area. They therefore continue their flight to another country. Human traffickers profit from smuggling and therefore support involuntary migrant movements. Last, but not least some European countries, especially the Balkans, widely ignore the third-country regulation since they cannot afford caring for the great number of displaced people. Therefore, they let those people leave the country. The destination of many is Germany because of the country’s political and economic stability, the favourable labour market and, in comparison to for example Scandinavia, a relative closeness to many countries of origin. (cf. Middelhoff 2015, pp. 1–3)
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure 1: Asylum applications from 2006 until 2016 (adapted from Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017b, p. 3)
Taking into account both voluntary and involuntary migration, from 1950 until 2014, 44 million people immigrated to Germany while 32 million Germans and non-Germans emigrated. About 12 million immigrants stayed in the country. (cf. Özoğuz 2016, p. 14) Nowadays, nearly one out of five people has a migrant background. Having a migrant background means that the person itself or one of that person’s parents is a foreigner or a naturalised German. (cf. Bundesministerium für Familien, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend 2017, p. 4) There are significant contrasts between different age groups. 35% of all children younger than ten have a migrant background while out of those between 20 and 45 it is only a quarter. (cf. Autorengruppe Bildungsberichterstattung 2016, pp. 161-166)
2.4 Legal framework for displaced people in Germany
This chapter outlines the legal procedure displaced persons must go through after having arrived in Germany. The process can be divided into three phases. The first one focuses on arrival and registration of the asylum seeker, the second one on the asylum process and the last one on integration itself. When arriving in Germany, the asylum seeker has to register immediately with law enforcement officials, a Foreigners Registration Office, an initial reception facility or an arrival centre. The asylum seeker can do that right at the border or within the country. If not already there, the authorities transfer the asylum seeker to the nearest initial reception facility and arrival centre, where a biometric identification and several security checks take place. Subsequently, the asylum seeker is accommodated within a refugee accommodation with the so-called EASY system. EASY stands for »Erstverteilung von Asylbegehrenden«.
The asylum seeker must now apply for asylum. During the process, the applicant goes through the initial application, a consultation and an interview with the competent authority. Afterwards, the applicant receives the decision about the case. Asylum seekers from so-called unsafe countries in general have high prospects to stay. The probability that asylum is granted is greater than 50%. The same probability for asylum seekers from so-called safe countries lies beneath 20%. In complex cases, decisions are made individually and in ‘Dublin cases’, the third-country regulation applies. When asylum in Germany is denied, the asylum seeker is either obliged to return to the country of origin – unless non-refoulement is granted – or, when the Dublin Regulation applies, is transferred to another European country.
When asylum is granted or the applicant has good prospects to stay, the third phase begins. In case the asylum process has not ended yet, applicants with good prospects to stay are in both the second and third phase at the same time. Integration is supported on several levels. An integration course consisting of language and orientation classes is offered. Meetings with the local job centre are supposed to promote labour market preparation and integration. Additionally, local guides, a range of organisations, clubs and associations as well as individual citizens support the process on a voluntary basis.
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure 2: Integration phases of displaced people (adapted from Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017c, pp. 7–19)
Rights of the individual depend on the type of asylum that is granted. Recognised refugees and those who are granted eligibility of asylum obtain a residence permit for three years which can be converted into a settlement permit after three or five years, if further conditions are fulfilled. These conditions include for example sufficient knowledge of the German language and the ability to cover the means of subsistence. Labour market access is not limited and a right to privileged family reunion is given. Applicants who received subsidiary protection have a residence permit for one year that can be prolonged for two more years several times. Settlement permit can be obtained after five years, including the duration of asylum process, when further conditions are fulfilled. With subsidiary protection, labour market access is unlimited, too. Family reunion is currently suspended. (cf. Spiegel Online 2018, n. p.) With non-refoulement, similar rights apply. The main difference is that for labour market access a special permit issued by the Alien’s Department is needed. There is no entitlement to privileged family reunion. (cf. Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2017a, n. p.)
3. ECONOMIC, EDUCATIONAL, HEALTH AND POLITICAL GENDER EQUALITY
No country has reached gender equality so far. (cf. Karsch 2016, p. 16) In the following text, the different situation of the female and male population in Germany and all over the world will be outlined. Firstly, the Global Gender Gap Report 2013 is presented. Then, theories about traditional role distribution are explained. Violence against women is the last topic of this chapter. A review about women on the labour market is given in chapter 4.3, since by then the terms concerning employment have been clarified.
The Global Gender Gap Report 2013 is based on research in four areas: economy, education, health and politics. The first pillar, »Economic Participation and Opportunity«, includes three concepts. Firstly, it concentrates on the labour market participation gap. Secondly, the remuneration gap is looked at quantitatively, focussing on average salaries, and qualitatively, analysing the extent of wage equality for similar work. Thirdly, the advancement gap takes into account the ratio of women and men among legislators, senior officials and managers on the one hand as well as technical and professional workers on the other hand. The field of »Educational Attainment« involves differences in literacy rates and the access to primary-, secondary- and tertiary-level education. The category »Health and Survival« concentrates on healthy life expectancy of men and women, taking into account time lost to violence, disease and other aspects. Furthermore, the gender ratio at birth is considered to measure the ‘missing women’ phenomenon in countries where boys are preferred. The fourth pillar, »Political Empowerment«, aims to capture the ratio of men and women at high political levels, including ministers and members of the parliament. Also, the amount of time is measured that male and female prime ministers and presidents spent in their positions over the last 50 years. Due to a lack of available data, local developments are not mentioned.
The ratios are transformed into scores between 0 and 2, where 1 represents perfect equality while 0 and 2 are total inequality. With a score smaller than 1, women are disadvantaged; a score bigger than 1 describes a discrimination of men. The 136 countries evaluated according to the explained criteria correspond to 94% of world population. (cf. World Economic Forum 2013, p. 4)
Within the Global Gender Gap Report 2013, Germany took 14th place with a score of 0.758, indicating less favourable conditions for women than for men. In comparison, the evaluated countries where most involuntary migrants are from rank from place 61 for Russia to 135 out of 136 for Pakistan. Russia has the highest score with 0.698 followed by Nigeria with 0.647 on rank 106. Pakistan has the lowest score with 0.546. The following table gives an overview about the different countries of origins compared to Germany and Iceland, the country that was ranked first.
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Figure 3: Global Gender Report 2013 (adapted from World Economic Forum 2013, pp. 110–360)
Even though the numerical differences between the countries are high, tendencies are similar in all listed countries. Women are by far most underrepresented in politics, followed by participation and opportunity within the economy. Except for Pakistan and Nigeria, educational attainment of men and women is nearly equal or equal. The score of »Health and Survival« is near 1 in all mentioned countries.
Out of the listed countries of origin, Pakistan indicates the highest political empowerment of women with a score of only 0.149. The other mentioned countries of origin have a lower score. In comparison, Germany is at 0.361 and Iceland at 0.754. The lowest political gender equality is documented in Arab and Middle Eastern countries. Concerning economic participation and opportunity, Syria with 0.25 and Pakistan with 0.31 have the lowest scores of all investigated countries in the survey. They are followed exclusively by Middle Eastern and North African countries, including Turkey and Iran. Educational attainment is mostly an issue in sub-Sahara Africa. The scores for the listed countries of origin are relatively high. As stated above, the section concerning health and survival is nearly equal for men and women in all investigated countries.
In a general overview it is made clear that Middle Eastern and North African countries are the ones with least gender equality with an overall score below 0.6. They are followed by sub-Saharan Africa and Asia and the Pacific with a score of nearly 0.7. Gender equality is rated highest in North America with a score near 0.8, followed by Europe and Central Asia. (cf. World Economic Forum 2013, p. 23)
These results of the survey are confirmed by other sources. Out of all illiterate people in the world, about two thirds are women. 70% of all people living in extreme poverty are women, increasing the risk of being victims to violence and diseases. (cf. Karsch 2016, p. 172) Displaced women who have come to Germany indicate significantly lower educational achievements than displaced men. 21% have not attended school. For men this share is at 14%. (cf. Worbs, Baraulina 2017, p. 1)
In many countries, traditional role distribution with men as breadwinners and women as homemakers is common. The social exchange theory by Blau explains role distribution as the division of labour in order to maximise profits. The theory takes into account that most of the time the partners have an unequal amount of power due to different resources, alternatives and interests in the social exchange. (cf. Blau 2008, p. 59) This theory is criticised for assuming rationally calculating actors who only aim to maximise their individual profit. It is questionable if a relationship can be seen this way since irrational emotions often seem to play an important role. (cf. Esche 2015, p. 57) »A treatise on the family« by Becker focuses on the same concept. However, Becker states that both partners strive for joint benefits. The specialisation on the economic or private area respectively can be beneficial if both partners pursue the same interests, share opinions and there is no threat of termination of the relationship. (cf. Becker 2010, n. p.) If a relationship with this kind of role distribution ends, especially the partner who was in charge of homecare struggles. The economic dependency on the partner increases the risk of poverty and domestic violence. In most cases, power is not balanced between two partners and, in case of traditional role distribution, women strongly depend on their husbands.
The theory of complicity of women argues that this dependency is equal to self-abandonment in order to ensure existence. This promotes patriarchy and makes women at least partly responsible for their comparatively small share of power. (cf. Rommelspacher 1998, p. 109) However, the homemaker cannot always be seen as the ‘weak’ partner within a relationship. For example, in rural Morocco many women are in charge of the most important decisions since they are the ones caring for household and family. Yet, they officially identify their husbands as head of the family. (cf. Haas, Rooij 2010, p. 9)
Some facts concerning the category »Health and Survival« are listed here. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), in 2013, more than a third of all women worldwide had experienced physical or sexual violence. In Germany, the share was at 40% and in some countries it rose to 70%. Violence of women against men is not common. In Germany, men were held responsible for 95% of all sexual assaults. About 16% or 603 million women lived in countries where domestic violence is not punishable. In Germany, about 12 women per year die due to honour killing, often disguised as accident.
Forced marriage or ‘male provider marriage’ exists in most countries. UNICEF estimates that one fourth of all women live in a forced marriage. This type of marriage is often motivated by traditions, economic or social profit expectations and control of unwanted sexual practice. In some cases, this concept shall protect a woman and provide her with essentials. When being married, many women do not continue education. They are economically dependent on their husband.
Circumcision is an issue as well. Each year three million women are circumcised, mostly minors from Africa and the Middle East, and often without anaesthesia. About a quarter of the 150 million circumcised women die due to the consequences. Poor hygiene often causes deadly infections. Religious, medical and social arguments are brought up for circumcision. Virginity can be proven for husbands and parents; circumcisers profit financially.
Human trafficking affects women and girls in 80% of all cases. Two thirds are trafficked for the purpose of sexual abuse. In 2015, more than half of the registered 542 trafficked women in Germany were younger than 21, eight girls were younger than 14. All over the world, 4.5 million women from 152 countries, mainly South America and sub-Saharan Africa, were registered as such. (cf. Karsch 2016, pp. 262-273)
These forms of violence are especially executed against women. Men suffer mostly from war and experiences during military and civilian service. Yet, representative research on the topic of violence against men does not exist in Germany. (cf. Bundesministerium für Familien, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend 2006, p. 12)
4. EMPLOYMENT
4.1 Specification and relevance for individuals, society and state
This chapter begins with a specification of terms concerning ‘employment’. Afterwards, the costs of unemployment and employment are categorised and explained. The topic of voluntary work is not taken into account in this thesis since this would go beyond the scope of this work.
An employed person is anyone who earns income for labour, involving mental or physical effort. Employment can be described as »the state of having paid work« (Oxford Dictionaries n. y., n. p.). The most relevant definition for this thesis implies that labour is an activity performed in order to accomplish an objective or result. Labour can, amongst others, also describe the place where a person is employed, a period of time spent in employment, a job itself or task(s) to be carried out.
‘Work’ has a similar meaning. Yet, the term is especially used in the context of physical work and does not always imply a financial reward. The working population of a country includes everybody who is employed by a company or individual, is self-employed or supports a self-employed family member on an economic level, regardless of the volume of this activity. (cf. Helmrich et al. 2012, p. 11) In Germany, every citizen of the European Economic Area (EEA) and Switzerland3 is allowed to enter the labour market without a particular permit and enjoys the same rights as citizens of Germany. (cf. Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2017b, p. 5)
While employment has mostly positive effects on everybody involved, unemployment causes deficits for a range of actors. These deficits mainly concern employed and unemployed individuals, society and government. Additionally, the costs are borne by the families of the unemployed as well as different social groups. These costs can be economic, political and social. The following table gives an overview over the different costs assigned to the corresponding actor.
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Figure 4: The cost of unemployment (adapted from Junankar 2016, pp. 394–395)
Unemployment as a consequence of more available than needed employees may affect the salary increases of employed individuals negatively and lower the probability of getting a better paid or more satisfying work. It increases the threat of job loss. The unemployed person as well suffers from a loss of income that could have been received at the moment and in the future. The probability of obtaining employment in the future is decreased.
The main two social or psychological costs to unemployed individuals are a decreased self-esteem and a loss of social status. Both factors are highly interconnected. Conversely, employment promotes self-worth significantly, the more, the more demanding it is. (cf. Potreck-Rose, Jacob 2015, pp. 31–32) Different authors describe employment as the decisive factor for identity, recognition and appreciation, dignity and self-respect. For many, labour is strongly connected with self-realisation. Especially in the German culture, labour and employment are of great significance. (cf. Salewski 2017, pp. 61–62) This is quite a current point of view. Until the 1990s, unemployment was seen as inevitable and as a primarily structural problem. Nowadays, the image of unemployment has changed. The bias is that especially long-term unemployed people are lazy and difficult to place. Their situation is self-inflicted and their willingness to make concessions is generally low. (cf. Hirseland, Ramos Lobato 2014, p. 188) (cf. Marquardsen 2007, p. 259) After some adjustment time, migrants tend to internalise this cultural value of labour as well. (cf. Salewski 2017, pp. 61–62) The bias brings about a negative self-perception and promotes isolation significantly. Mental issues often evolve as a consequence of unemployment. Direct experiences of stigmatisation lower the self-esteem additionally. With unemployment, social interactions and activities decrease. Usually available contacts such as colleagues are hardly replaceable. Additionally, the missing daily routine increases the risk of health problems. (cf. Bauer 2015, pp. 6–7) Within most cultural contexts, labour is traditionally bound to masculinity. It is therefore likely that particularly men suffer when they are unemployed. However, this image is about to change. (cf. Salewski 2017, pp. 61–62) Since employment promotes mental stability and contact with Germans, it can be a decisive factor for inclusion of migrants into society. Especially for displaced people who are mentally less stable, integration into the labour market can be crucial. Both economic independence and participation in society are promoted by their employment.
The families of unemployed individuals are also affected negatively. (cf. Bäcker et al. 2000, p. 389) Children adapt behaviours from their parents. Missing role models in this field often influence their employment situation negatively. Low educational achievement is transmitted transgenerationally. Together with health restrictions and no completion of an apprenticeship, this is the main reason for unemployment. Therefore, with poor educational achievement unemployment is transmitted as well. (cf. Ramos Lobato 2017, pp. 3–4) Since in Germany migrants often have lower qualifications than non-migrants, these people are at an especially high risk. Particularly in face of the currently high influx of asylum seekers, it is a challenge for Germany to counteract the ‘inheritance’ of low educational achievement. (cf. Bundesministerium für Familien, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend 2017, p. 7)
For society, the economic cost of unemployment is an output loss of current and future production. The more people are not employed, the more the balance of power shifts from employees to employers. This happens on an industrial and on a political level. Due to an increased poverty rate and social fears, tensions between different social groups and illegal activities evolve. As described above, physical and mental diseases are promoted and raise morbidity and mortality rates. Another influence on these rates may be criminal activity.
In Germany, the government pays unemployment benefits and social security payments to unemployed. That means higher expenses on the one side while on the other side there is a lack of tax income due to lower income and expenses. When unemployment rates continue to grow, the government may try to change the situation by altering the political direction. This may cause unwanted effects such as insecurity, fear and dissatisfaction among the population, increasing the risk for racism and right-wing extremism. It may also increase the unemployment rate in the end.
It is important to outline that these are potential, not necessary consequences. (cf. Junankar 2016, pp. 394–395)
Unemployment is not only negative. Even though benefits are estimated being less significant than costs, they do exist. For example, unemployed individuals may enjoy leisure or having the time to work on their own projects. The economy may profit due to decreased purchase power as a consequence of unemployment, since inefficient companies are eradicated from the market and economic power is bundled. The economy undergoes a process of revitalisation. These changes are not necessarily positive, but they may be. (cf. Junankar 2016, p. 396)
4.2 Current situation of the German labour market
The first part of this chapter focuses on current developments and numbers concerning the German economy, including the labour market. Then, reasons for and effects of the demographic change are explained. Last, but not least, the topics labour and skill shortage will be specified.
Germany has one of the most advanced national economies in the world. The gross domestic product of 2016 amounted to 48,839 US dollar, being an indicator for high development and living standard. On average 37.9 million habitants between 20 and 64 years were employed in 2014 which is a record in German history. The main reasons were positive economic conditions and therefore disposable workplaces as well as a high motivation to be employed by the population. Especially women entered the German labour market increasingly over the past years and decades. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, p. 21) The unemployment rate in 2016 was at 4.1% and one of the lowest ones worldwide. The European Union had an unemployment rate of 8.5%. Southern Germany had fewest unemployed per unfilled position, Eastern Germany most. (cf. Make it in Germany 2017, n. p.) Yet, 23% of all employees are working for marginal compensation, most of them women. This share has been rising by 10% over the past 20 years and lies above the European average. (cf. Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2017a, n. p.) For companies the high employment rate is not necessarily positive. In 2016 about 43,000 apprenticeships were not filled which is more than 10,000 more than just three years earlier. Only looking at young people from 15 to 24 years, the unemployment rate in 2016 accounted for 18.7% in the EU compared to 7.1% in Germany. Particularly young people profit from the system of dual vocational training. The German labour environment is characterised by favourable working hours and a quantity of holidays. In 2014, within the EU only Denmark and France had a lower planned working time per year than Germany with 1,651 hours. Germany and France have most holidays with an average of 41 days per year. The EU average lies at 35.7 days, Belgium has only 29. (cf. Make it in Germany 2017, n. p.)
Since decades, the national labour market is affected by the shifting age structure of the German population. The fundamental factors of demographic changes are the development of births, deaths and net migration4. Until the beginning of the 1970s, the population grew. This was mainly due to birth surpluses. 1964 was the peak year of births of the ‘baby boomer’ generation, counting nearly 500,000 more births than deaths. Afterwards, birth rates declined. From 1972 on, the number of deaths exceeded the number of births. This development still endures. In 2014, there were about 150,000 more deaths than births. Yet, due to migration the population has not been shrinking over the past decades. From the middle of the 1990s until 2016, there were 81 to 82 million habitants living in Germany at any time. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, pp. 6–7) Only the age structure has shifted. In 2016, 18% of the population was younger than 20 years while 21% were older than 65. The young share of the population has been and is decreasing, the elder part growing. The current median age, meaning that half of the population is younger and half is older than the given age, is at 47 for women and 45 for men. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, pp. 12–14)
The aging population is the main reason for an aging working population active on the German labour market. In 2000, 46% of men and 29% of women between 55 and 64 were in employment. 14 years later, the percentages increased by nearly 30% for both genders. 71% of men and 60% of women were employed in 2014. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, p. 23)
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Figure 5: Employment rate in Germany by age and gender in 2000 and 2014 (adapted from Grünheid, Sulak 2016, p. 20)
The ‘baby boomers’ born before the 1970s currently represent a huge share of all employees. The problem is that most will have retired by 2030. Due to a prolonged training phase, young people nowadays enter the labour market years later than they used to do. While in 2013, 49 million Germans were of working age, by 2060 this number is estimated to decrease by 11.5 million to 37.5 million.
Several consequences are feared. The state is challenged by the loss of tax revenue due a smaller share of employees at the same time as a growth in social expenditure for retirement and health care. The demographic change poses a particular challenge for the care sector. Traditional structures where family members care for their elder relatives have been diminishing. An increased number of Germans does not have descendants who could care for them. Therefore, the elder population must increasingly be cared for by institutional providers. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, pp. 19-21)
A decrease in innovation and productivity may be a threat to German enterprises as well as the challenge to recruit qualified staff. There is a threat of both labour and skill shortage. Labour shortage means that less potential employees are available than there are jobs on the labour market. This term includes all workers without regarding their qualifications. (cf. Obermeier 2014, n. p.) A skill shortage on the other hand refers to a lack of employees with the specific skills needed on the labour market. The word consists of the terms ‘skill’ and ‘shortage’. A skilled person is someone who has obtained a university degree or has completed at least two years of vocational training. A skill can therefore be defined as a university degree or an apprenticeship of minimum two years. The term ‘shortage’ implies a lack of something. That means there is a higher demand for than supply of skilled people. A mismatch of the needed skills and the skills available on the labour market arises. The main reason for skill shortage is the demographic change. (cf. Helmrich et al. 2012, p. 11) In Germany, skill shortage is mainly a problem in the technical, health and care sector. (cf. Make it in Germany 2017, n. p.)
As quoted in the introduction, several measures against labour and skill shortage exist. The age of labour market entrance can be lowered, retirement can be delayed and women and migrants are potential employees who can be more deeply involved. The general aim is to activate skilled people from Germany and elsewhere. (cf. Make it in Germany 2017, n. p.) Aydan Özoğuz, the German Federal Government Commissioner for Migration, Refugees and Integration, states that Germany definitely needs migrants to cover the demand for skilled people. (cf. Özoğuz 2016, p. 8) The following figure shows the age structure of people with and without a migrant background. It is noticeable that people with a migrant background are on average significantly younger than those without. They therefore form some counterweight against the demographic change.
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Figure 6: Age structure of people with and without a migrant background in Germany (adapted from Grünheid, Sulak 2016, p. 56)
4.3 Employment of women and migrants
Before explaining the circumstances of migrants on the German labour market, the employment situation of women, mostly in Germany, is outlined. Even though there are 60 million more women than men worldwide, the female population earns only 10% of world income and possesses less than 10% of property. (cf. Karsch 2016, p. 172) In Germany, about 3% more women are highly qualified than men. Yet, a higher share of men is employed. At the peak age of labour market participation, 90% of all men work and 81% of all women. The peak age for men is between 35 and 45 while women are more often employed ten years later. Nearly half of the employed female population is working less than 32 hours per week. This condition only applies to 11% of all working men. Both latter aspects are connected to compatibility problems of family and employment. When it comes to child and relative care most families stick to traditional role distribution. Women are usually not employed for a certain period of time or not at all. 27% of those who work in part time state children and relatives as a reason for this. Another 20% refer to other family and personal duties. In comparison, 3.5% of men working in part time mention care and 6% family and personal duties as reasons. (cf. Grünheid, Sulak 2016, pp. 21-22) Another difference between women and men on the labour market is the average income. In 2015, men earned 4,382 Euros gross and women 3,507 Euros. This difference evolves mostly due to a higher share of women working in part time and in poorly paid service professions. (cf. Make it in Germany 2017, n. p.)
[...]
1 The total protection rate implies those applicants who were granted asylum, subsidiary protection or non-refoulement. These terms are defined in chapter 2.1.
2 During the time of the Germany division, this term refers to Western Germany only in the following text.
3 The EEA includes all EU member states, Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein. Switzerland is not part of the EEA. Yet, because of the Agreement on Free Movement of Persons between the EU and Switzerland the country enjoys the same legal status. (cf. Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2017b, p. 5)
4 Net migration identifies the numerical difference between emigrants and immigrants. A positive number describes a surplus of immigrants; a negative number represents a surplus of emigrants.