The Integration of Immigrants in Germany. A Failure of the State?

Table of Contents

Table of Figures

Table of Abbreviations

1. Introduction

2. Race Relation Cycles

3. Analysis of the status quo – How is integration managed?
3.1 Asylum Procedure
3.2 Integration measures

4. Consequences of the integration system
4.1 Economy
4.2 Crime
4.3 Political Climate and society

5. Evaluation and policy advice

6. Conclusion

Bibliography

Appendix

Table of Figures

Figure 1: Comparison of survey and election results of the AfD and the CDU/ CSU

Table of Abbreviations

BAMF = Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt fUr Migration und FIUchtlinge)

1. Introduction

Migration and integration are challenges which are posed to national states through globalisation. While these aren’t new international phenomena, their extent is new. 2017’s refugee population globally was the highest since World War Two (UNHCR, no date).

“Wir schaffen das” (we make it) said Chancellor Angela Merkel in 2015, referring to the refugee crisis in Germany. Later, this sentence turned into a provocation since large parts of the German population accused her of denying reality (NTV 2018). Immigration and integration are still present topics in German politics.

In 2017, 10.6 million people in Germany are foreigners and 1.7 million have the status of ‘seeking protection’ (Destatis 2018). The amount of asylum applications in 2016 (745.265) was more than five times higher than 2013 (126.995) (BAMF 2018a, 30). In no other European state are so many asylum applications made as in Germany; in 2016 60 % of all asylum applications in Europe were made there (Eurostat 2017, 4).

How is Germany handling the large number of immigrants in terms of integration? What are strengths and weaknesses of the German integration system? What must be improved? Did the state fail? The thesis statement of this essay is that the integration system of Germany is rather a failure than a success story.

First, I will explain the Race Relation Cycles by Park. Afterwards, the current integration system in Germany will be critically analysed followed by an outline of its consequences. Next, the status quo of Germany’s integration system will be evaluated. Finally, I will state my advice for policy makers.

2. Race Relation Cycles

The Race Relation Cycles by Robert E. Park was the first approach to theorise integration of immigrants; its relevance still stands today. It describes integration as different stages of inter-group interactions (Park and Burgess 1970 [1921]).

The first stage is contact between immigrants and domestic inhabitants. A friendly curiosity among locals defines this stage. Immigrants search for pleasing ways to shape their lives in the new society. Unavoidably, this leads to competition between immigrants and the local population in the housing- and labour market (Park 1950, 106). In the second stage, competition leads to conflict. Domestic people want immigrants to only take positions in the social structure which they consider as disliked. Some immigrants disagree with this allocation; a conflict over valued positions arises. Part of this conflict includes discrimination, social strife and racial conflicts. A long process of adaption is following. During this process residential segregation stops, unilateral claims are given up and immigrants accept to only enter jobs which are not of interest for locals. That’s crucial for the third stage: accommodation. The domestic population and immigrants accept the ethnic differentiation. Through blending of both groups, the ethnic system disappears which leads to the fourth stage, assimilation (Park and Burgess 1970 [1921], 360).

Critics animadvert that the immigrant integration process is irreversible, progressive and linear in this model. Therefore, the model neglects that there can be setbacks in different stages through conflicts. In the model, immigrant integration has only one possible endpoint: total integration of the immigrant group (Esser 1980, p. 48-50.; Lieberson 1961; Lyman 1968, 17-19.; Price 1969, 214-216.; Shibutani et al. 1965, 131-133). Empirical evidence refutes this: differences between ethnic groups are visible after generations. However, Park is acknowledging this by asserting it could be that the unassimilated live as a permanent racial minority or that a caste system develops (Park 2005 [1950], 194).

Another point of criticism is the neglection of the immigrant’s influence on the receiving society – the influence and adaption are unidirectional. Evidence shows a bidirectional process since cultural practices diffuse. Park and Burgess acknowledge a possible mutual influence but don’t develop it further (Park and Burgess 1970 [1921], p. 360).

3. Analysis of the status quo – How is integration managed?

3.1 Asylum Procedure

After entering Germany, asylum seekers must register at a governmental agency. Only registered immigrants can apply for asylum. Afterwards, they’re accommodated in the nearest reception centre. Depending on their nationality, they stay there or move to another federal state which is specialised on immigrants with their nationality (BAMF 2019b). Then, the Dublin-procedure¹ will be checked. The asylum seeker must attend an interview where he gets informed about the Dublin-procedure. He must explain why he cannot be transferred into another member state of the European Union. The Dublin centre decides if another European state is responsible for the immigrant. If so, Germany initiates a take-back request to the responsible country. If the concerned country agrees, the immigrant gets deported (BAMF 2019c). The taking back of refugees often fails since European states or their home country don’t want to take them back (Brinken 2019). Furthermore, many immigrants aren’t traceable when the repatriation should take place: of 9233 taking back requests from the German government to Italy between 01.01.2018 and 31.05.2018, 8421 requests were accepted. Only 1384 were actually transferred. That’s not an individual case: of 1714 taking back requests to Greece, 36 were accepted and 5 immigrants were transferred (DPA 2018a).

Afterwards, the personal hearing follows. Due to its significance for the immigrant, preparation is provided by aid organisations and the state. The interviewer examines if statements of the immigrant are credible (BAMF 2019d).

Based on the interview and evidences, the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) decides about the asylum application. The immigrant can apply again for asylum after rejection (BAMF 2019e). It’s forbidden to deport an immigrant if repatriation violates the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms or the Geneva Refugee Convention and if the immigrant is exposed to a substantial threat of his life, body or liberty in case of a return (BAMF 2019f).

The duration of an asylum procedure in the second quarter of 2018 was 7.3 months. In the first quarter it took 9.2 months because there were more new arrivals in Germany (DPA 2018b). Nearly every immigrant whose asylum application gets rejected applies again. An administrative court decided, one third of asylum decisions in the first 9 months of 2018 were wrong. Yet, the federal government denies having structural problems (Kastner 2019). The BAMF branch office in Bremen decided wrongly about at least 1200 asylum applications between 2013 and 2017 because it didn’t check if passports were real (Rothenberg 2018).

3.2 Integration measures

Reception centres offer a compulsory short-term introduction course since 2015. It’s available for everyone and covers rudimentary language skills and knowledge concerning everyday living in Germany (Brinken 2019).

Apart from this, there are long-term courses which take 600-1000 class hours. They consist of a language part and an orientation part. The orientation part covers contents like German history, cultural values, religious freedom and gender equality (BAMF 2019g). Only immigrants with good prospects of remaining get access to it. As explained above, there are several cases in which the application of immigrants is denied and they still stay in Germany. These people cannot participate in integration courses (Brinken 2019).

The BAMF offers the “ESF-BAMF-Programm” which provides occupational language development. To access it, immigrants have to be registered as job seeking and need a language competence of A1. It includes analysis of complicated texts, basic IT training, factory tours and an internship. The 4,14 Euro fee per teaching unit can be paid by the employer (BAMF 2019h).

The BAMF supports 280 social integration projects which aim that immigrants and locals interact. By participating, immigrants improve their language skills, experience German cultural values and add value to the society. One project is called “Students meet Society”: students with migrant background help voluntarily in social projects (BAMF 2019i).

4. Consequences of the integration system

4.1 Economy

Three months after their registration, refugees are allowed to work. Immigrants whose asylum application was accepted get access to the job market as well as immigrants with subsidiary protection status or officially accepted refugees (Brinken 2019). 1.1 Million refugees are registered in Germany (Mediendienst-Integration 2018a). 456.000 refugees are seeking work, 175.000 are unemployed (Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2018, 8).² 25 % of the refugees who entered Germany since 2015 have a job. The majority of them work as cleaners, in the logistics and security sector. The Institute for Employment Research stated in May 2018 that if employment growth continues, 50 % of all immigrants will have a job in 5 years (Tagesschau 2018a).

The German economy faces two major challenges: shortage of specialists and demographic population change (Türk et al. 2018, p. 2). The Institute of the German Economy assumes, the German population won’t shrink until 2035 since high immigration in 2015. However, even though the overall aging of the German population slows down because of immigration, it still continues. Therefore, the institute assumes the German GDP growth halves in the next 20 years (Klös 2018). 440.000 qualified workers are missing in the German job market, especially in natural sciences related jobs and IT. The German GDP would be 0.9 % or 30 billion Euros higher without this shortage (Burstedde et al. 2018). Considering the education of refugees, it’s unlikely they will fill in the specialist’s gap soon. 25 % got elementary education or no education at all. 17 % went to university (Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2018, 6).

Craft and small businesses which don’t require employees with higher education benefit from refugee immigration. The Human Resources Head of the company Artemis claims, refugees are more disciplined and motivated than Germans. However, the company has to invest more in theoretical and non-formal education than it did before. He criticises, refugees who were apprentices were deported as well as trained workers (ZDF 2019, 23:30-24:35).

4.2 Crime

Do immigrants commit more crimes than Germans? It’s not easy to answer this. German crime statistics has pitfalls. When tourists commit crime in Germany, it’s part of German crime statistics but when German tourists in a foreign country commit crime, it’s not. Germany has 37 million tourists per year, therefore this is a considerable factor. The majority of immigrants are young men; this demographic is committing more crimes worldwide than any other. 13 % of the German population were foreigners in 2017, while 32, 5 % of the convicts were foreigners. Whereas a recognised refugee committed less crimes statistically than a German citizen (Bundeskriminalamt 2018; Ludwig 2018).

There have been several crimes against refugee accommodations: 995 in 2016 and 264 in 2017 (Tagesschau 2017). The security of a refugee accommodation in Cottbus let right-wing extremists enter it. Employees of the security company posted Nazi content on Facebook (Sputnik 2018). The crimes committed against refugees in the first six months of 2018 decreased but are still high: Attacks occurred over 704 times (Tagesschau 2018b).

4.3 Political Climate and society

The development of the political and social climate in Germany is explainable through Park’s Race Relation Cycles. It started with a friendly curiosity in summer 2015 (stage 1): People cheered when trains of refugees entered the stations. All big political parties spread the slogan “Refugees Welcome”, except of the right-winged nationalist party AfD. The development then reached a point between stage 2 (competition and conflict) and stage 3 (accommodation). Many refugees accept their subordinate role in the labour market.

The shift in public opinion is recognisable by observing politics. In 2015, the party executive of the AfD described the refugee crisis as a gift; the following figure illustrates why (Spiegel 2015):

Figure 1:Comparison of survey and election results of the AfD and the CDU/ CSU

Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten

Source: Own diagram. Data: Forschungsgruppe Wahlen e.V.

Angela Merkel decided in 2015 to let hundreds of thousand refugees in the country. Due to Dublin legislation, she wasn’t obligated to do so despite of the Schengen Agreement (Tagesschau 2018c). In public perception, the otherwise conservative party CDU moved to the left. Consequently, a vacuum on the right-conservative edge of the political spectrum was created which was occupied by the AfD. The AfD obtained the highest inflow of voters from the CDU/CSU: in 2017 980.000 people who voted for the CDU/CSU in 2013, voted for the AfD (Bonsen 2017).

A split of the society is increasing because of the handling and political debate regarding immigrants. The Federal German President states, the refugee topic is splitting families, cities and political parties. He, among others, observes a social coarsening and an eroding solidarity (Welt 2018).

5. Evaluation and policy advice

It’s positive that immigrants with good prospects of residence can enter the job market quicker than before: they can enter after three months instead of two years (Brinken 2019). Voluntary work of millions of citizens and its support by the German state through funding and prices is another positive aspect. 55% of all German citizens participated in refugee assistance (Mediendienst Integration 2019b). Another positive facet about the German integration system are the integration courses.

One of its weaknesses is that these courses aren’t accessible for every immigrant. This bears the risk that they end up never being able to capably communicate which can lead to parallel societies. Therefore, the long-term integration course should be mandatory for everyone who enters Germany and isn’t able to speak German. These courses should start right after their arrival rather than after processing of the asylum application. Costs for unintegrated immigrants are high: higher social spending due to unemployment, higher expenditures for national security and potential GDP losses through non-realised potential (ZDF 2019, 21:07-22:03).

Furthermore, it’s not tolerable that the majority of immigrants aren’t traceable if repatriation should take place. First, it must be ensured that immigrants are registered. Secondly, the state must impose significant punishments on the immigrants who hide which must be executed before they leave Germany.

Moreover, many taking back requests are denied. There are two possible explanations: either Germany made these requests without a thorough groundwork or the inquired countries don’t adhere to the Dublin regulation. If the first explanation applies, the German authorities must work more thoroughly. If the second one holds, Germany has to sue these countries or exert political pressure.

Nearly every immigrant whose asylum application gets rejected applies again, causing excessive and inefficient administrative work. A law should be passed which includes that reapplications are only allowed if the legal situation or the circumstances of the specific application changed. Courts decided, many asylum decisions were wrong. Decision-makers of the authorities should check more carefully before they decide, if their decision is consistent with current laws.

Furthermore, the number of attacks against refugees is still alarming. Refugee accommodations should be protected permanently and security companies and their staff should be checked thoroughly before they’re employed.

Besides, the processing time of an asylum application must be shortened. During this time, asylum seekers feel insecure and don’t have access to integration courses. If this time is shortened, immigrants who don’t have the right to remain in Germany can be deported quicker and the others can be integrated quicker.

In addition, the three months limitation to enter the job market should be removed. Why don’t we let employers decide? Jobs which don’t require fluency in German serve as stepping stones for refugees to integrate quicker.

Working immigrants are deported, despite their added value to the German economy. Due to the demographic change and the shortage of skilled workers, Germany need working immigrants. This is hindering the integration of immigrants since employers which experienced this will be more cautious to employ immigrants in general to avoid risks.

The German government should offer integration for everyone who enters but this is a two-way street. When immigrants cannot speak German properly after staying 3 years in Germany, they should be deported if the region where they’re from is pacified. 23% of primary school pupils in Hamburg barely speak German (Vizthum 2013). If the above-mentioned law would be enforced, this will change. Immigrants who committed a severe crime or milder crime more than three times should be deported as well, even when they emigrated 20 years ago. The resulting capacity in terms of money and space should be used for migrants who are willing to integrate.

The German government has to aggravate punishments concerning Nazi commitments. A national socialist had to pay 900€ because he used the Hitler salute (Lausitzer Rundschau 2018). Showing any Nazi commitments should be punished with imprisonment to exert a deterrent effect.

Germany exerts a wrong tolerance concerning immigrants who aren’t willing to integrate. These immigrants are the minority but still this tolerance incenses big parts of the German society. This anger hurts all immigrants since their public reputation in general suffers from it. That’s especially unfair for the majority of immigrants who are willing to integrate. The rejection which they experience leads to anger towards Germans - a vicious cycle emerges. To stop this, it's necessary to illustrate that everybody who lives in Germany commits to add value to society and respects lavvs.

Germany is too tolerant. Tolerance must stop where German lavvs begin. Whoever doesn't accept this, doesn't deserve being part of the free German society.

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¹ The Dublin Regulation says that an immigrant has to apply for asylum in the European country, he enters first (European Commission 2019)

² If somebody is taking part in a training programme, he is registered as job seeking but not as unemeployed.