This paper sets out to provide a nuanced perspective on ISIL women (women in the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) by analyzing their prescribed roles and positions in the Islamic State in light of particular norms that many feminists adhere to in order to transcend the debate between global and Islamic feminism. The author lays a particular focus on the political dimension that is interwoven with the role of ISIL women in the establishment of a global caliphate and identifies some of the intricacies thereof.
More specifically, the construction of differences between women and men as well as among different types of women served as a main instrument for ISIL’s gender ideology in this larger state-building project. The author, thus, aims to address and answer the following question in this paper: How did the construction of differences inherent to ISIL’s gender ideology shape the discursive construction of the role and position of women in the Islamic State and the Levante?
Women joining and serving terrorist groups is not a new phenomenon. However, the large number of female recruits also from Western parts of the world together with ISIL’s gender-targeted propaganda strategy, its specific policy on women and its strict gender apparatus made it rather unique. The global dimension with women having joined from all over the world to support the establishment of a global caliphate adds yet another level to the complexities and historical relevance of this phenomenon.
A lot has been written about ISIL’s gender-specific recruitment practices, the motivations of women to join ISIL as well as the particular functions of and conditions for women from a security perspective, particularly with view to counter-terrorism aspirations and the broader “Women, Peace and Security” (WPS) agenda addressing also women’s right’s concerns including Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV). ISIL women are thus mostly portrayed as either committed jihadists or victims of a brutal regime.
Less has been written though on ISIL’s gender ideology from a feminist perspective, although various sources list “liberation from the West” as one of the main motivators for women to join ISIL. The literature also neglects somewhat the political dimension of ISIL’s gender apparatus. Considering women’s contributions to a larger state-building project it is rather surprising that the literature has not taken these perspectives up in depth.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
1.1 Methodology
2. An Ideology of Differences
2.1. ISIL Women vs. ISIL Men
2.2. ISIL Women vs. Western Women
2.3. ISIL Women vs. Kafir Women
3. The Political Sphere
3.1. A Gender-Based Apartheid System
3.2. The Female Jihad
3.3. The All-Female Al-Khanssaa Brigade
4. The Media
4.1. A Space for Women
4.2 The Notion of Sisterhood
4.3 An Alternative Vision of Liberation and Empowerment
5. Conclusion
6. Bibliography
6.1. Primary Sources
6.2. Secondary Sources
Research Objectives & Key Themes
This paper aims to provide a nuanced perspective on the roles and positions of women within ISIL by analyzing their participation in the organization’s state-building project. It investigates how the discursive construction of gender-based differences and identity shapes the lived experiences of women in the Islamic State, while evaluating whether these roles offer a form of empowerment, albeit distinct from feminist ideals.
- Gender ideology and the construction of difference within ISIL
- The political and public spheres of ISIL’s gender apparatus
- The role of propaganda and media in recruiting and managing women
- The function of the Al-Khanssaa Brigade and the concept of "female jihad"
- The tension between agency and subservience in an extremist context
Excerpt from the Book
3.1. A Gender-Based Apartheid System
Once in the Islamic State, the muhaajirat encounter a system that lives on the constructed differences and the resulting status individuals enjoy. It also goes in hand with the prohibition of the mixing of men and women in the public sphere, which trickles all the way down to the private sphere. In Rumiyah the reader learns about the prohibition of the free intermingling between men and women (R5, p. 8), which not only foresees measures for sex segregation in form of separate facilities for women and men such as schools and hospitals (M, p. 33), but also practices that relegate women and girls to “a separate and subordinate sub-existence” imprinted by economic and social disadvantage because of their gender. (Chesler, 2011)
The Manifesto portrays this system of gender apartheid as desirable for women for only this way they will be able to fulfill their divine purpose. Due to their nature, women should not strive for equality with men since Allah created them as inherently unequal. The authors declare in this sense that “[...] women would gain nothing from their equality with men apart from thorns”. (p. 25) They exemplify this by showing how work outside the household would only put an additional burden on women. (M, p. 25) Even though the authors frame their case from a safeguarding perspective, it obviates their aim to decrease the attractiveness of “men’s work” for women.
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: This chapter outlines the phenomenon of female participation in extremist groups, emphasizing the need to analyze ISIL's gender ideology through a feminist lens rather than solely as a security issue.
2. An Ideology of Differences: This section explores how ISIL constructs rigid binaries between men and women, as well as between different categories of women, to justify their societal structure.
3. The Political Sphere: This chapter examines the implementation of gender segregation and the specific roles assigned to women, including the "female jihad" and the brutal enforcement duties of the Al-Khanssaa Brigade.
4. The Media: This part analyzes how ISIL’s online publications and manifestos use targeted propaganda to create an emotional "sisterhood" and provide a distinct, albeit anti-modern, vision of empowerment for women.
5. Conclusion: The summary concludes that while ISIL recognized and instrumentalized the importance of women, it ultimately subjected them to subordinate roles and extreme violence, masked by religious justifications.
6. Bibliography: A comprehensive list of primary sources, including ISIL manifestos and magazines, and secondary scholarly literature used for the analysis.
Keywords
ISIL, Gender Ideology, Female Jihad, Al-Khanssaa Brigade, State-Building, Gender Apartheid, Propaganda, Sisterhood, Muhaajirat, Radicalization, Islamic State, Women’s Agency, Shari’ah, Discursive Construction, Global Caliphate
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the primary focus of this research paper?
The paper focuses on the construction of gender roles within ISIL, analyzing how the organization uses ideology and propaganda to shape the lives and contributions of women in its caliphate.
What are the central thematic fields discussed?
The research covers ISIL's recruitment strategies, the concept of "female jihad," the role of women in the media, and the enforcement of gender-based apartheid.
What is the main research question?
The paper seeks to answer how the construction of differences inherent to ISIL’s gender ideology shapes the discursive construction of the role and position of women in the Islamic State and the Levante.
Which scientific methodology is applied?
The author uses discourse analysis, focusing on ISIL's primary sources such as the "Women of the Islamic State" manifesto and magazines like Dabiq and Rumiyah, framed within sociological concepts like "gender apartheid" and "spheres of influence."
What is covered in the main body of the text?
The main body examines the ideological distinctions made between ISIL women and others, the political enforcement of these roles, and the specific use of propaganda to foster a sense of belonging and duty.
Which keywords best characterize this work?
Key terms include ISIL gender ideology, female jihad, Al-Khanssaa Brigade, gender apartheid, propaganda, and state-building.
Who were the members of the Al-Khanssaa Brigade?
The brigade consisted primarily of single women, often muhaajirat (emigrants), aged 18 to 25, who were tasked with enforcement and recruitment roles.
Does the paper consider the Al-Khanssaa Brigade's agency to be feminist?
No, the author argues that while these women exercised a form of agency, it was not motivated by nor provided for the dissemination of feminist ideas, but rather for the enforcement of an anti-feminist regime.
How does ISIL reconcile the prohibition of fighting with the "female jihad"?
ISIL reconciles this by defining jihad broadly to include "struggle" from behind the scenes, such as raising children, spreading propaganda, and moral support, allowing physical combat only in exceptional cases.
- Arbeit zitieren
- Anna Scheithauer (Autor:in), 2019, In the Name of ISIL. Reflections on the Status of Women in the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, München, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/502997
