TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE; INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER TWO: EMIGRATION
CHAPTER THREE; DIASPORA
Policy background pl
CHAPTER FOUR; LITERATURE
CHAPTER FIVE; RESEARCH
CHAPTER SIX; CONCLUSIONS
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
The effectiveness of government communication in Irish emigration and diaspora policies.
Daniel Rosehill 1
Gross Irish emigration has reached the highest levels since the foundation of the modern State in recent years. In response to this, and increasing media coverage of the phenomenon, the Irish government has highlighted reversing this pattern and preventing youth emigration, as a major policy concern. Initiatives aimed towards preventing this problem through job creation and internship schemes have been formulated and communicated concurrently by both central government and various State agencies. A renewed government commitment to the Irish Diaspora has emerged as a closely related policy during the current Coalition’s tenure in office, aimed at encouraging tourism, investment, and re-migration of former emigrants. After documenting the rise of both these issues to the political agenda, this dissertation assesses the efficacy of communication by the Irish Government of policies designed towards achieving both these ends through survey findings and comparison of actual government practice to the international political communication and marketing research literatures.
Keywords: Govemmentcommunication, govemmentpublic relations, international political communication, political marketing.
“If there was a more depressing fact in Irish life today than emigration, it was our acceptance of emigration as a normal, natural, necessary solution for some of our problems.”2 Gerry L’Estrange TD
Reports from Ireland’s national arbiter of public information, the Central Statistics Office3, have confirmed that mass emigration - particularly among the younger generation - has emerged, once more, as a dominant reality of Modern Ireland4. Managing this mass emigration, and the consequent net population outflow it has engendered, represents a major policy challenge for government as it seeks to retain indigenous talent at home, prevent a future skills deficit from emerging5, and take action towards fulfilling the majority party's manifesto commitment in 2009 that “emigration must not become a permanent feature oflrish life”6.
Emigration of the sort currently facing Ireland has been shown to have a demonstrably negative outcome on strategic business development7, and presents a major obstacle to the ‘knowledge economy’8 -based recovery model anticipated as a means for Ireland to emerge from its current economic downturn, reliant9 on a supply of skilled graduates in the ICT and engineering fields to match demand from industry.
Attracting members of the Irish diaspora back 'home', whether for tourism, inward investment, or permanent re-settlement, comprises a closely allied second objective being pursued by government. At an estimated 70 million persons (according to maximal estimates10 ) the Irish diaspora is a group so vast that it outnumbers the residents of the State fifteen times over, and has been highlighted in successive government reports as another means of combating Ireland's negative migration metric and remedying the difficulties it engenders.
Two distinct but inter-related policies can, therefore, be clearly identified, and the effectiveness of both will be analyzed in the course of the dissertation:
i) On the one hand, a series of initiatives devised to limit youth emigration and prevent ‘brain drain’11 by tabling alternatives for young people considering moving to the major receiver countries of Irish emigrants(UK12, the US, and Australia). Examples includes the provision of a Government-sponsored internship programme (JobBridge13 ), graduate upskilling courses (Springboard14 ), among other initiatives. These measures have emerged both as planned policy and as reactions to lobbying from those voicing young peoples’ concerns15 as the extent of the emigration issue has worsened16 during the Coalition’s tenure in office.
ii) On the other hand, the initiation of a high-profile drive to form economically fruitful ties with the Irish diaspora, with a series of high profile schemes (chief among these, ‘The Gathering, 2013') coined to rejuvenate Ireland’s relationship with those of Irish ancestry abroad and achieve Direct Diaspora Investment (DDI), an economic boost through tourist spending, and re-migration of skilled former emigrants .
The policies are inter-dependent but related, for besides the fact that the emigrants of today are the diaspora of tomorrow, without skilled talent remaining in the country to fill critical skill-deficits, Ireland will find it increasingly difficult to attract DDI, and without the anticipated economic support of the diaspora, the country will continue to be a less attractive place for its youth to live.
How effective has Irish government communciation been in pursuing reduced rates of emigration and attracting members of the diaspora to visit, invest, and live in Ireland, through the provision of governmental schemes? Furthermore, to investigate what role first and second-level agenda- setting (recurrence and framing) have played in this process?
The effectiveness of both emigration prevention and diaspora engagement will be measured by examining:
i) The historical development of each as formal, government policy (chapters ii- iii)
ii) Survey responses into the reasons for which current emigrants chose to live outside of Ireland and the reasons for which they might consider returning to Ireland, (chap iv)
11) Content analyses of news items published about these themes, assessed according to the relevant literaturethes. (chap iv-v).
‘Ireland’ primarily denotes the Republic oflreland.
Whereas the Republic has experienced negative net migration since approximately the beginning of the economic collapse17, the North, by contrast, has actually enjoyed either balanced or a net inflow of population, since the 1990s18. Furthermore, the diaspora-engagement efforts considered here, such as The Gathering, Certificates of Irish Heritage, etc, are chiefly only being conducted in the Republic.
'The diaspora' equals the combined total of citizens oflreland (as defined above) ordinarily resident overseas19, as well as those eligible for automatic Irish citizenship ‘by descent’ which includes anyone with one Irish grandparent, according to current Irish citizenship legislation.20
Given the vagaries inherent in thejws sanguinis system of nationality law by which Ireland operates21, the exact total of prospective Irish citizens living in the diaspora is impossible to exactly quantify. Although many government sources speak of'60 to 70 million' people worldwide who “claim Irish Ancestry,” such numbers are not based on empirical research22. At a bare minimum, however, there are 34.5m American citizens in this group, according to the US Census Bureau(2011), while in the UK alone there are 6 million persons eligible for citizenship23 as well as half a million actually holding Irish nationality.
‘Most countries send out oil or iron, steel or gold, or some other crop, but Ireland has had only one export, and that is its people.’ President John F. Kennedy24
II.I SHAPING OF MODERN ‘CRISIS’, c. 2009-
Ireland is once more in the throes of an emigration crisis; between 2002 and 2012, emigration from Ireland increased by 240%25. These steep year-to-year increases, combined with the agenda-setting power of the media, have driven the topic of emgiration to the fore of public discourse and governmental action26.
An exact date for the emergence of this modern emigration ‘crisis’can only be approximated. Although it is convenient to talk of an emigration problem emerging contemporaneously with the throes of the sovereign debt crisis (or more exactly, with the EU/IMF bailout ofNovember, 2010), the two dynamics are not entirely interdependent, and the current emigration trend may have started some time before that.
Although Ireland had experienced several years of strong immigration from Eastern European countries throughout the Celtic Tiger period27, many former Irish ex-patriots also returned during this time, which may have masked the true extent of native Irish population outflows.28.
Research illustrates the problems inherent in quantifying the constitution of migration (or the ‘migrant stock’29 ) and Gilmartin explains how30: “Charting the scale and form of net migration is difficult, since the state does not keep comprehensive records of migration to the country (...) the figure captures both immigrants to Ireland, as well as returning emigrants.”
What is clear is that a significant milestone was reached in 2009, when the net migration figure reverted to negative for the first time since 199631, and by 2011 the number of gross emigrants was nearing the highest level seen since the Famine period32.
II.II BACKGROUND & IMPACT
The story oflrish emigration long predates the current economic crisis: Kelly33 delineates three major 'episodes' since the mid-19th Century while Fitzpatrick estimates34 that up to ten million people left Ireland between 1801 and the foundation of the independent State, inl921, alone.
Emigrants’ reasons for leaving Ireland have historically remained fairly consistent, and adhere very closely with the prevailing financial climate of the day. Walter35 and Minns36 both confirm that “The data as a whole suggest that Irish migrants are predominantly economic migrants,” while al991 white paper by the NESC37 reached the same conclusions, explaining emigration's recurrence throughout Irish history as a symptom of the country's “relative economic underdevelopment”.
While migration for economic reasons has not traditionally been regarded by academics38 as ‘forced’, this is how it has translated in popular discourse39, and findings from the Migration Project at University College Cork40 indicate that 60% of current migrants express “no intention” of returning to Ireland when surveyed, results consistent wtih the consistently dim view of career prospects found amongst emigrants in chapter iv).
To worsen the gravity of the ‘problem’ for government, those 'forced' to leave Ireland are typically also between 18 and 3441, and increasingly also the skilled beneficiaries of Ireland’s publicly-funded42 third-level education system. By 2008, 10% of recent graduates were worked43 ; Senator Prof. John Crown describes the scale of such emigration as “huge44.”
Besides the non-specific sense of 'loss' and 'failure' the issue tends to establish for governments, a number of negative consequences have been established to flow from emigration. Kennedy et al45, and Mjoset46 demonstrated its long-term negative effect on Irish economic development, while Shuttleworth47 showed how (then) recent emigration had centered around the professional/managerial social classes to a far greater extent than in the past (due, largely, to Ireland’s economic transition48 over the same period). In addition, this type of emigration exacerbates an already acute skills shortage49 which could stymie Ireland’s ability to attract foreign/diaspora direct investment (D/FDI), which is heavily reliant on a strong supply of skilled graduates.
II.III POLITICAL SENTIMENT
Concurrent to these waves of emigration, have been political commitments to deal with the issue, such as Éamonn de Valera’s famous vow50 that “no longer shall our children, like our cattle, be brought up for export.” Indeed, the almost unequivocal view of politicians throughout modern Irish history has been that mass emigration is a regrettable and negative phenomenon which should be politically ‘tackled’ rather than tolerated. Opposition TDs have not shied away from criticising51 the government for emigration's continuance, although the views can be more nuanced amongst other political elites52.
When aberrant remarks from government do surface , such as Finance Minister Michael Noonan’s contention that mass emigration is a ‘lifestyle choice’53 (or the equivalent attempts to “sanitize” emigration during the 1980s54 ), public reaction is generally opprobrious55. Indeed, the recent ESSQR56 finding that only 28% of young Irish (15-35) would willingly remain ex-patriots were they not compelled to do so provides conclusive refutation to Noonan's notion that emigrants simply want to “see the world”. Rather than regard such views as benign misapprehension of the facts, Joe Higgins TD and Paul Murphy MEP regard such attempts to downplay the phenomenon as Machiavellian.57
Minimizing emigration remains, at present, extant government policy. Fine Gael's Five Point Plan58 to “get Ireland working” (later, simply its election manifesto59 ) begins by stating:
“Points 1 and 2 of our show how a Fine Gael Government will achieve a return to economic growth and create a dynamic Jobs Economy. We cannot allow emigration to once again become apermanentfeature of our nation ’s life.”
Prime Minister Enda Kenny has also spoken personally of his disdain for mass emigration and stated that combating it is an important priority for government.
Opponents have not hesitated to brand its prevalence a policy “failure.”60.
In 201261, the Taoiseach stated (emphasis added):
'We're working day and night to get our country back on its feet, to createjobs and opportunities that will get ourpeople home, and keep them home, so that together we can build a better and a richerfuture.'
In a separate interview62, also given that year, he added:
‘Idon't like to seepeople having to go away ... This is something that I have seen as a child on so many occasions. Where I come from, emigration was endemic.’
Several policies have been devised by government as means of improving the migration metric through pursuing the 69-71% (men and women, 25-64) target employment rate contained in the National Reform Programme for Ireland 2012-201363 as well as the Action Plan for Jobs (2012, 2013)64.
The 'National Internship Scheme', begun in 2011 “to assist in breaking the cycle where jobseekers are unable to get a job without experience65 ”. (By November 2012, 12,560 internships had commenced and 7,058 had finished.66.)
A programme “designed to assist unemployed people who have lost theirjobs to return to sustainable employment (...) which comprises over 200 courses available in higher education colleges around the country.”
“The Irish Nation cherishes its special affinity with people of Irish ancestry living abroad who share its cultural identity and heritage.” Bunreacht na hÉireann67
III.I POLICY BACKGROUND
Ireland’s worldwide diaspora68 represents a potentially lucrative source of finance, intellectual capital, and skilled inward migration for the Irish economy, as well as an other means of offsetting the skills crisis and out-migration borne of the high youth migration rate.
While Ireland has maintained a “long and fruitful relationship with its Diaspora ”69 since the foundation of the State, recent years have seen an effort to “take the relationship to a more strategic and mutually beneficial level70 ” through the implementation of a number of schemes mostly devised at the GIEF held at Farmleigh, 2009.
Previous government attempts to 'reach out' to the diaspora were largely ad-hoc, shortlived71, and characterized by Fanning described as ‘cherry picking’72 of desired personages, rather than broad, planned efforts to invite more general swathes of emigrants back to Ireland.
The beginning of a properly strategized relationship with the diaspora (as defined by Boyle73, at least) arrived in the form of the Ahern government’s Programmefor Prosperity and Fairness (2000), which first suggested the establishment of74:
“A Task Force ... to develop a coherent long-term approach to our emigrants and their needs, building on the initiatives already being undertaken.”
The offspring of that commitment, the Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants (TFPRE), reported two years later, in 2002, resolving75 to:
‘Facilitate the return to Ireland and reintegration into Irish society of emigrants who wish to doso’.
The first manifestation of that pledge was the foundation, two years later, of the Irish Abroad Unit (IAU), a unit within the Department ofForeign Affairs and Trade explicitly charged with facilitating the return oflrish citizens overseas. Its establishment represented both the first time a permanent, government body for the diaspora had been established on Irish territory, as well as the first government organization specifically formed to deal with the return of former migrants.76 Since then, its Emigrant Support Programme (ESP) has divested over €15m77 in encouraging and assisting re-migration.
The next signal of an intention to bring forward more policy for the diaspora followed in 2007, with an announcement78 by (then) Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dermot Ahern, that:
‘The time is right to review our approach to our community across the globe and to develop a strategy for the years ahead.'
At a conference the following day, he suggested that the successful return migration of Irish ex-patriots during the 1980s be taken as an aspiration to inform present policymaking79:
III. II RATIONALE
Courting the return 'home' of the diaspora, whether for short-term visits or long term investment and resettlement, is being coordinated by government for a number of reasons.
Ireland's ability to satisfy personnel requirements in several economic sectors fuelled the strong growth from multinationals that typified the prosperity of the Celtic Tiger80, but domestic output has fallen precipitously since then.
Attracting skilled re-migrants has been identified81 as a key way to fill these manpower needs now emerging as lacunas in the proposed “knowledge economy”82. Achieving excelllence in sectors such as ICT, medical devices, and high-value engineering83 has been highlighted as an urgent objective, with Minister for Enterprise and Jobs, Richard Bruton, stating that “Attracting skilled Irish emigrants back to Ireland is viewed as an important component in creating this skill base.”
Secondly, the Irish diaspora is strongly linked to Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), a traditional backbone of the Irish economy84 now ofte distinguished as Direct Diaspora Investment (DDI) by academics.
Aikins, Sands, and White85 liken this group of investors to 'catalysts', observing how:
“Diaspora members not only serve as important potential investors but can be seen as the ‘first-movers’ into a country which may act as a catalyst for further investment by non-diaspora members.”
‘DDI’ has other advantages over more generalized investment flows from those without national affinity or a sense of patriotism towards the recipient country. Such investors “are not singularly moved by the profit motive [but] are prompted by general goodwill to invest in their home countries,”86 and are also “better informed about the capabilities and technology necessary for working in their home country than outsiders.”87,
Ireland is in fact emerging as a world leader in this field and has been identified as “a case ofDDI success to an extreme” (Debass and Ardovino88 ) with “vibrant brain circulation networks and a massive return of talent.” (Kuznetsov89 ). The World Bank has identified three such networks90 which Ireland can potentially benefit from91, an aim which continues to comprise an integral part of the IDA's economic redevelopment strategy.92
The Silicon Vally-based Irish Technology Leadership Group (ITLG), an Irish- American business organization “seeking to invest in Irish companies partly because they want to make a contribution to promoting Ireland but also because they see this initiative as a good and profitable enterprise for their members as well93 ” is a key example of such a strategy in practice and one which government communicators have sought to emphasize as a template.
Encouraging diasporic tourism is also an important part of modern diaspora policy.
Valued at 2.7% GDP in 2012, tourism is one of the leading sectors of the Irish economy, and a Tourism Recovery Taskforce (TRT) was convened by Tourism Ireland and the agencies94 to facilitate the sector’s recovery. ‘The Gathering 2013’ is its major project and the largest such initiative in the history of the State. Its core objective is95: “to deliver an additional 325,000 overseas visitors to Ireland, generate an additional €170 million in revenue to the Irish economy .. and create up to 3,000 new jobs across every county in Ireland.” In addition, “Fâilte Ireland hopes that the Gathering will have a lasting legacyfor the tourism industry in Ireland and for Irish society as a whole.”96 Rather than simply provide an injection of tourism, “its fundamental aim,” according to a staff member, is “to drive economic recovery.”97
In addition to The Gathering, recent years have seen the government pursuing a number of programmes designed towards achieving these objectives. A useful summary was provided in a speech before the Irish Seanad (Senate) by Joe Costello,98 who said that:
“The Gathering, the Global Irish Network, the Certificate oflrish Heritage, the Emigrant Support programme, Connect Ireland, and our support for local initiatives such as Ireland Reaching Out, are central to our goal of strengthening our links with the global Irish.”
It is the mediatization of this list of initiatives covered in chapter four.
i) The Gathering
A tourism initiative broadly based similar to a prior effort, An Tostai (1953), to: “reach out to Ireland’s diaspora beyond"” through hosting a massive repertoire of events, and which counts as the single largest tourist development programme ever assembled in the history of the State.
ii) The Global Irish Network
A network of : “the most influential members of the global Irish community with a record ofhigh achievement in business and culture, ”99 100 conceived at the Global Irish Forum, Farmleigh, 2009, and aiming to drive economic recovery through creating business with the diaspora.
iii) Certificates of Irish Heritage Scheme
“A new certificate of Irish ancestry which [..] constitutes official recognition for many people [in the Diaspora] of their familial and emotional connection with Ireland.”101
The certificates entered into production in 2011 and at last count 1,794102 certificates had been issued to eligible members of the Diaspora.
v) Connect Ireland
A government-backed referral programme by which participants that convince overseas’ businesses to relocate in Ireland, “will receive a financial reward for eachjob created by that company”103 104 105. The scheme “Is currently engaged with dozens of companies in relation to projects with thepotential to create thousands ofjobs'''"'
vi) Ireland Reaching Out
Although strictly a non-governmental initiative, Ireland XO has been closely supported by senior government figures, including Prime Minister Enda Kenny who launched the venture. Its remit is to “provide an invaluable service to the development oflocal communities by welcoming returning members ofthe localparish Diaspora to their area''''"'
vii) Conferences and Fora
A number of conferences and fora have been convened specifically to address Ireland’s redirection of its relationship with its diaspora and explore further possibilities for mutually beneficial ties. These have included the Global Irish Economic Forums (2009, 2011) whose purpose “was to engage with the Irish diaspora in developing Ireland’s global business and trade relations”106 as well as the Global Diaspora Forum (2013).
1 Candidate, MA in Political Journalism, City University, London.
2 Ireland, Seanad Éireann Debates, Vol. 56 No. 8, p.4
3 E.g. Central Statistics Office (2012). This is Ireland - Highlights from Census 2011 Central Statistics Office, p89
4 Central Statistics Office (2W22)Population andMigrationEstimates (April 2012). Central Statistics Office, p.l.
5 Expert Group on Future Skills Needs, infra, fn41.
6 Fine Gael Manifesto, infra, fn 46.
7 Minns, Hunt infra, fn.30,31.
8 Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants infra fn.56.
9 Programme for Prosperity and Fairness, infra fn.55.
10 Central Statistics Office (2011) 'This is Ireland: Highlightsfrom Census 2011. The Stationery Office, Dublin, p.10.].
11 E.g., Donnelly, K. and Clancy, P. (2009) Brain drain concern as more Irish studying overseas. Irish Independent, 27th July.
12 Which has received approximately one third of migrants since 2009. See, Crosscare Migrant Project (2012) Emigration to the UK in 2012:AResearchProject. p.l.
13 Chapter two.
14 Chapter two.
15 E.g., the Union ofStudents in Ireland (USI) - Reidy, O. (2011) ‘Get Real’ about Emigration, says USI. 'The College Tribune, January 25th; Youth Work Ireland (YWI) Youth Work Ireland. “Emigration Figures Illustrate Lack o/Government Action on Youth Unemployment-More Intensity in Jobs Strategy Needed” Says Leading Youth Organisation.[press release].
16 Sheehan, A. (2012) Emigration 'at famine levels' as 200 leave country each day. 'The Irish Independent, 31st December.
17 Central Statistics Office (fOXI'llPop-ulation andMigrationEstimates (April 2012). Central Statistics Office, p.l.
18 Russell, D. (20\2)iMigration in Northern Ireland: an -update. Belfast: Northern Ireland Assembly Research and Information Service, p.4.
19 Comparative Review oflntemational Diaspora Strategies, infra fn.75, pl5.
20 Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act, 2011, s.3.
21 (fat. ‘right of blood): A system of nationality law by which citizenship is conferred by parents’ place of birth rather than an individual’s birthplace. C/? jus soli.
22 US Department of Commerce (2013) irish.-American Heritage .Month (March) and St. Patrick’s Day Marcii 17): 2012. US Census Bureau News. Washington DC.
23 Bowcott, O. (2006) More Britons applying for Irish passports. 'The Guardian, 13th Sept.
24 Kennedy, J. (1963, June), Remarks at the City Hall in Cork. Speech during presidential visit. Cork, Ireland.
25 Gilmartin, Μ. (2013) 'The changing landscape oflrish migration, 2000-2012. NISRA Working Paper Series. Maynooth: National Institute for Regional and Spatial Analysis, p.2
26 Op at.
27 On the phenomenon of the Celtic Tiger and its role, generally, in reversing a two-century long dynamic ofhigh unemployment and emigration, see: Sweeney, P. "The Irish experience of economic lift off."Colloquium celebratinglreland's presidency ofthe European Union. Bishops University Canada,Montreal.
28 Department of Social and Family Affairs (2006), “Minister Says More Than 20,000 Emigrants Returning Home to Settle Each Year.” [Press Release]. Retrieved http://www.welfare.ie/en/pressoifice/pdf/pr310106.pdf
29 Greenwood, Michael J. "An analysis of the determinants of geographic labor mobility in the United States."'The Review ofEconomics andStatistics 51.2 (1969): 189-194.
30 Op Cit, at 14.
31 Op Ozi., p3.
32 Molloy, T. (2011) Emigration highest since the 19th Century at 3,000 a month. Irish Independent, The, 16th September. (It is important to underline that this figure refers to gross emigration from Ireland, which may not equate to that of Irish nationals. See section II.II for an explanation of the uncertainty inherent in such statistics, or http://factsaresacred.ie/memes/is- irish-emigration-at-the-highest-rate-since-the-famine/ for an excellent exposition of this theme.
33 Kelly, L. (2004). 'The politics of immigration in Ireland'. InA^ Overview oflmmigration, Integration, .Asylum and Refugee Policies in all EU member states. Berlin: European Research Forum on Migration and Ethnic Relations.
34 Fitzpatrick, David. Irish Emigration 1801-1921. Vol. 1. Dundalgen: Economic and social history society oflreland, 1984.
35 Walter, B. and Gray, B.,et al. (2002)A study ofthe existing sources ofinformation and analysis aboutlrish emigrants andlrish communities abroad. Task Force on Policy Regarding Emigrants (Working Papers). Department ofForeign Affairs, p-15.
36 Minns, Chris. "Immigration policy and the skills oflrish immigrants: evidence and implications."Journal ofthe Social and Statistical Enquiry Society oflreland, 2005.
37 (1991) 'The Economic and Social Implications ofEmigration. Dublin: National Economic and Social Council (NESC).
38 Although, some observe that “all emigration involves some compulsion” (Van Hear, N. 1998. New diasporas: the mass exodus,dispersal and regrouping of migrant communities. London: UCL Press, p42.)
39 For one of many examples, see: 'We're not leaving, say young people against forced emigration.' Mandate Trade Union. 30.4.13. Available online: http://www.mandate.ie/News/YouthNews/818/%E2%80%9Cwere-not-leaving %E2%80%9D-say-young-people-against-forced-emigration.aspx [Accessed 20.5.13]
40 As reported in Mcgreevy, R. (2013) Majority of Irish emigrants do not expect to come back to Ireland. 'The Irish Times, April 11.
41 Minns, opcit.
42 See, Hunt, C. (ZOltyNational StrategyforHigherEducation to 2030 (HuntReport). Dublin: Department ofEducation and Skills, p.lll.
43 Flannery, D. and O'donohue, C. (2013) The Life-cycle Impact of Alternative Higher Education Finance Systems in Ireland. The Economic and Social Review, 42 (3), p.259.
44 Professor John Crown. Email interview.
45 (1988) Kennedy, Giblin and McHugh “The Economic Development of Ireland in the Twentieth Century”. London and New York: Routledge.
46 (1993) Mjoset, L. "The Irish Econome in a Comparative Institutional Perspective Dublin: National Economic and Social Council.
47 (1993) Shuttleworth, I “Irish graduate emigration: the mobility of qualified manpower in the context of peripherality”. in Russell King (ed.) Mass Migration in Europe: The Legacy and the Future, Chichester: Wiley, p. 310-326.
48 Giblin, Thomas, et al. 'The economic development oflreland in the twentieth century. Routledge, 2013.
49 E.g. Expert Group on Future Skills Needs (2007) Tomorrow ’s Skills Towards ooutionol Skills Strategy. 5th Report. ] p.6.
50 Speech by Éamonn de Valera, Dail Éireann, 1934.
51 A typical example: “ Yes, emigration was preventable. Had the banks not been bailed out at the expensive of the taxpayer, instead the pension reserve fund monies could have been used in a comprehensive way for a public works programme that could have resulted in a stimulus to turn the economy around.” Clare Daly, TD. Email interview.
52 Kenneth Ryan, Head of Transactions at KPMG Slovakia and a member of the Global Irish Network (chap. Iii) sees the financial crisis and ensuing large-scale emigration as having more to do poor financial regulation than governmental responsibility. “The problems of Ireland were not caused by the Govemmen” Kenneth Ryan, email interview.
53 (2012) Noonan: Lots of families' children emigrating as 'lifestyle choice'. 'The Irish Examiner, 19th January.
54 MacLaughlin J, ‘Changing Attitudes to ‘New Wave’ Emigration? Structuralism versus Voluntarism in the Study oflrish Emigration’, in A. Bielenberg (ed.) The Irish Diaspora (London: Pearson Education, 2000), pp.317-330.
55 O'Connell, H. (2012) Noonan’s emigration comments branded ‘a disgrace’ by opposition. TheJournal.ie, [online] Jan 19th. Available at: http://www.thejoumal.ie/noonans-emigration-comments-branded-a-disgrace-by-opposition-332065- Jan2012/ [Accessed: 9/5/13],
56 European Commission, The (2012) EU Employment and Social Situation Quarterly Review, p.32.
57 “There will [always] be political conservatives that will deliberately overstate the importance of other factors such as 'see the world' reasons.” Joe Higgins, TD, Irish SocialistParty. Rrncil interview. “Despite what the government might say, the level of people leaving is not just down to this [desire to see the world]” Paul Uu.rphv.UEP. Irish SocialistParty. Email interview.
58 (2011) 5 PointPlan to Get Ireland Working, [e-book] Dublin: Fine Gael. p.4. Available through: FineGael.ie http://electioncamp.eu/sites/default/files/5%20Point%20Plan%20A4%20Brochure%20WEB.pdf [Accessed: 22/4/13]
59 See: http://www.rte.ie/news/2011/0215/finegaelmanifesto.pdf
60 “Decades of successive governments and their failed policies have caused emigration.” Joe Higgins, TD. Email interview. Op cit.
61 Merrion Street News (2013) 'Taoiseach Enda Kenny's Christmas Message 2012. [video online] Available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=BJ70tozVDtE [Accessed: 22/4/13].
62 O'Shea, J. (2011) Irish leader deeply regrets massive emigration of young people . Irish Central, [online] Dec 24. Available at: http://www.irishcentral.com/news/Irish-leader-deeply-regrets-massive-emigration-of-young-people- 136180858.html [Accessed: 22/4/13]
63 Department of the Taoiseach (2013) National Reform Programmefor Ireland (2013 Update). Dublin.
64 Department of An Taoiseach (20\3).dction PlanforJobs (2013). Dublin.
65 Department of Education and Skills, JobBridge National Internship Scheme (Circular 46/2011). Oct. 2011.
66 Indecon International Economic Consultants (2013) Indecon 's Evaluation ofJobBridge: Final Evaluation Report (to the Department ofSocialProtection). p.6.
67 Article 2, Constitution of Ireland.
68 NIRSA (2008) Towards an Irish Diaspora Strategy: A Position Paper. Maynooth: p.3. See ‘definitions’ for more on Ireland’s citizenship laws.
69 The Ireland Funds (2009) 'The Global Irish Making aDifference 'Together. Dublin: Impress Printing, p.3
70 Op cit
71 Katy H., and Howard K. "Cherry-picking the diaspora." Chapter in Panning. B. (ed) (2007) Immigration and social change in the Republic ofIreland.Manchester:Manchester University Press. p47.
72 Op cit
73 Boyle, Μ. and Kitchin, R. (2011) "Towards a new generation of diaspora centred development: Current practice and emerging priorities ", paper presented at Diaspora andDevelopment: Prospects andlmplicationsfor Nation States , Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi, India, p.3.
74 Department of An Taoiseach (2.QQQb)ProgrammeforProsperity andFairness. Dublin: The Stationery Office, p.127.
75 Report of the Task Force on Policy regarding Emigrants (2002) Ireland and the hash Abroad, report to B. Cowen, Dept ofForeign Affairs. Dublin, p3.
76 Ni Laoire, C. (2008) Complicating host-newcomer dualisms: Irish return migrants as home-comers or newcomers? . The Irish Migration, Race and Social Transformation Review , 4 (1), p.39.
77 Ancien, D, Mark B, and Kitchin, R. "Exploring diaspora strategies: Lessons for Ireland/'M^y^oofA· National Institute for Regional and SpatialAnalysis, NUIMaynooth (2009), p8.
78 Department ofForeign Affairs and Trade. “Minister Ahem calls for a national debate on Ireland’s Attitude to its Diaspora” [Press release] (03/04/2007) Retrieved: http://www.dfa.ie/home/index.aspx?id=28528.
79 ‘Many of our emigrants of the 1980s came home and helped create the Celtic tiger, bringing with them expertise, energy, and innovation.’Ahem D.(Apr, 2007) “Ireland’sAttitude to its Diaspora”. Speech presented at Dublin Castle, Dublin, Ireland.
80 Coate, K. Mac Labhrainn, I. "Irish higher education and the knowledge economy."International perspectives on the governance of higher education (2009), p207.
81 Expert Group on Future Skills Needs and Forfas (2005) Skills needs in the Irish economy: 'The role of migration. [report] Dublin: Fórfas, p.62.
82 Inter Departmental Committee on Science, Technology and Innovation (2013) Building Ireland’s Knowledge Economy: The Irish ActionPlan ForPromoting In-vestment in R&D to 2010. Dublin: Government Publications, p.5.
83 Op citfh34, at p2.
84 Görg, Holger, and Frances P. Ruane. Reflections on Irish industrial policy towardsfloreign direct investment. No. 97/3. Trinity Economic Papers Series, Policy Paper/Trinity College, 1997, p3.
85 Akins, K., Anita Sands, and Nicola White. "The global Irish making a difference together: A comparative review of international diaspora strategies.'TAe Ireland Fund, Dublin (2009), p37.
86 Debass, Thomas, and Michael Ardovino. "Diaspora direct investment (DDI): the untapped resource for development."The UnitedStates Agencyfor International Development (2009), p8.
87 Ibid, p9.
89 Kuznetsov, Y (2006). Diaspora networks and the international migration ofskills: how countries can draw on their talent abroad. World Bank Publication., p236.
90 Op Cit, p234.
91 (i) Diaspora networks of scientists and R&D personnel ; (ii) business networks of innovative start-ups; (iii) and networks of professionals workingfor multinationals .
92 “The ability of the investor to source the very best quality people, with appropriate levels of training and experience, is a prime consideration (..) and attracting skilled Irish emigrants back to Ireland is an important component in creating this skill base.” Minister Richard Bruton. Email interview.
93 Exploring Diaspora Strategies: Lessons for Ireland, op cit, pll.
94 GB Path to Growth: The Tourism Recovery Taskforce. Fâilte Ireland. Online: http://www.tourismireland.com/CMSPages/GetFile.aspx7guidM646aall-a2c0-4e07-aecb-48d22cl9c6f9
95 The Gathering Ireland 2013 (2013) Guideìinesfor the IPB Gathering Fund For Support ofFlagship County Gatherings.
96 Aine Kavanagh, communication manager, The Gathering. Email interview.
97 Op dt.
98 Ireland, SeanadÉireann Debates, Vol. 215 No. 15,p. 12
99 The Gathering Ireland2013 (2013) Available at: http://www.gov.ie/wp-eontent/uploads/TheGatheringPDFl.pdf [Accessed: 16 May 2013].
100 Gray, B. "Irish State Diaspora Engagement—" The Network State" and" Netizens"."Eire-Ireland 47.1 (2012), p252.
101 Embassy oflreland, Washington (2009) Ireland andAmerica: Challenges and Opportunities in aNew Context. p.14.
102 Dail Éireann, 23/4/2013 (Written Answers).
103 Connect Ireland (2013) How does it work?. Available at: http://www.connectireland.com/packs/ci/Gimme_the_short_version.pdf [Accessed: 16 May 2013].
104 Minister RichardBruton. E-mailinterview.5.7.13
105 Irish Heritage Council (2013) irelandXO achievesAll-IrelandCoverage . [press release] Mar 14 2011.
106 European Migration Network Ireland (2012)Annual Policy Report onMigration andAsylum: Ireland. Economic and Social Research Institute, p.97.
- Quote paper
- Daniel Rosehill (Author), 2013, The effectiveness of government communication in Irish emigration and diaspora policies, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/520000