The EU′s weapons embargo on China has been in place since the Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989. After some aspects of the embargo had been lifted in the autumn of 1990, there was no real discussion about the relevance and the necessity of it for years. In 2003, however, some European states, notably France and Germany, suggested that the embargo should be lifted in order to normalize the relationship between the EU and China and to pave the way for further economic and political ties between the two powers. Predictably, the United States has since been lobbying vehemently against lifting the embargo. In early 2005, the decision was postponed after massive US pressure as well as the ratification of the Chinese Anti- Secession Law in which the PRC threatened to use military force against Taiwan. Furthermore, inner- European problems with the ratification of the new constitution lead to stalling of other projects, including the Code of Conduct and the Toolbox without which the embargo cannot be lifted. The question itself has not been forgotten, however, and most analysts expect the embargo to be lifted sooner rather than later. A rift in the transatlantic relationship between the EU and the US thus seems unavoidable.
The European Union as well as the PRC emphasize that lifting the embargo would be a symbolic move rather than the prelude to increased weapon transfers from Europe to China. The question remains, however, why the EU would "see benefit in the symbolic change of policy . . . when it would cause such anxiety in the heart of arguably their most significant true partner in the national security arena" (David Shambaugh, see Lawrence 2004: 28). One basic assumption of this paper is that the EU is not, as some critics put it, blind towards the strategic implications of a change in Chinese military power and power projection capabilities for the region and the international community. Rather, there must be different goals and aims of the European Union that outweigh the strategic doubts, most notably the European need for a newly constructed identity.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction: A Constructivist Analysis of the Embargo Discussion between the U.S. and the EU
2. Constructivism in International Relations
2.1 The Social Construction of Reality
2.2 Social Regions and Communities
2.3 Collective Identities
2.3.1 Identity Shaping From Within
2.3.2 Identity Shaping From the Outside
2.3.3 Identity Shaping Through Creation of the "Other"
3. "We have Europe. Now we need Europeans": Constructing European Identity
3.1 The European Need for an Identity
3.2 China's Role in the Process of Identity Shaping
4. Lifting the EU's Weapons Embargo on China: Differing Views Across the Atlantic
4.1 A Short History of the Embargo
4.2 The EU - Perspective: Why the Embargo Should Be Lifted
4.3 The U.S. - Perspective: Why the Embargo Should Stay in Place
4.4 A Stumbling Stone for the Alliance?
5. Conclusion: Why the EU Seems to Risk a Transatlantic Rift
Research Objectives and Themes
This paper aims to analyze whether the EU's decision-making process regarding the weapons embargo on China is influenced by the search for a common European identity, utilizing a constructivist analytical framework to explore how identity dynamics affect transatlantic relations.
- Application of constructivist international relations theory to European identity formation.
- The impact of China’s external perception on the construction of a unified European identity.
- Comparison of EU and U.S. policy perspectives on the Chinese weapons embargo.
- Examination of the "othering" process and its influence on transatlantic political tensions.
- Strategic implications of the embargo debate for the future of the EU-U.S. alliance.
Excerpt from the Book
2.3.1 Identity Shaping From Within
According to Alexander Wendt, states shape their identities around shared values and norms (see 1999: 244). These identities consist of material factors (e.g. military power) and cultural factors (e.g. sets of norms within a society). From a constructivist point of view, the cultural factors dominate the identity building because the importance of material factors can only be defined with the help of cultural factors. The evaluation of material necessities and desires therefore always depends on the cultural criteria they are judged by (see Wendt 1998: 385 f and Wendt 1999: 309).
Collective identities, i.e. identities of groups, states or systems of states, are based on common narrative backgrounds: They are determined by a feeling of solidarity amongst the members of the group and by their willingness to stand in for the community as a whole. This feeling has its origin in a common past and in the desire to build a future together (see Gerhard Wagner 2005: 15). Collective identity is thus based on collective experiences and their communal discursive interpretation: "Individuell erlebte Wirklichkeiten werden im Licht kollektiver Wirklichkeitsmodelle und Wissensbestände gedeutet und tragen damit zur Verstärkung und Verstetigung dieser kollektiven Deutungen bei" (Loth 2002: 177). In the case of nation states and unions of nation states, most analysts furthermore postulate the necessity of ethnic similarities and common traditions for the construction of a common identity (see Loth 2002: 177) .
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: A Constructivist Analysis of the Embargo Discussion between the U.S. and the EU: This chapter introduces the context of the EU arms embargo on China and defines the paper's central research question regarding the role of European identity in this policy debate.
2. Constructivism in International Relations: This section provides the theoretical foundation, explaining how social norms, collective identities, and the process of "othering" shape international actors.
3. "We have Europe. Now we need Europeans": Constructing European Identity: This chapter analyzes the EU's internal and external drive for identity and how China's recognition of the EU as a unity facilitates this process.
4. Lifting the EU's Weapons Embargo on China: Differing Views Across the Atlantic: This part details the history of the embargo and explores the conflicting strategic justifications for lifting or maintaining the sanctions from both European and American viewpoints.
5. Conclusion: Why the EU Seems to Risk a Transatlantic Rift: The final chapter synthesizes the findings, concluding that the embargo debate acts as a symptom of the EU’s attempt to emancipate itself from the U.S. to define its own identity.
Keywords
Constructivism, European Identity, Weapons Embargo, China, Transatlantic Relations, International Relations, Social Construction, Foreign Policy, Security Policy, Collective Identity, European Union, United States, Multilateralism, Othering, Strategic Partnership.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the primary focus of this academic paper?
The paper examines the EU's weapons embargo on China through the lens of social constructivism, specifically focusing on how the debate reflects the European Union's efforts to construct a distinct collective identity.
What are the core thematic areas discussed?
The core themes include constructivist theory in international relations, the process of European identity formation, the evolution of the EU-China relationship, and the resulting tensions in transatlantic diplomatic relations.
What is the central research question?
The study asks whether the EU's decision-making process regarding the weapons embargo on China is significantly influenced by the EU's quest for an independent European identity.
Which scientific method is utilized?
The author employs a constructivist theoretical framework to analyze diplomatic discourse and policy positions, moving beyond traditional rationalist explanations for international political behavior.
What does the main body of the text cover?
It covers the theoretical roots of constructivism, the specific socio-political drivers behind the European need for identity, and a detailed comparative analysis of EU and U.S. arguments concerning the arms embargo.
Which keywords best characterize the work?
Key terms include Constructivism, European Identity, Transatlantic Relations, Arms Embargo, and Social Construction.
How does China contribute to the construction of European identity?
The paper argues that by treating the EU as a unified actor, China strengthens the EU's perception of itself as a cohesive international entity, effectively aiding the European identity-building process.
What is the role of the U.S. in the author's argument?
The U.S. is identified as a "counter foil" or "other," against which the European Union increasingly defines its own foreign policy identity by resisting American unilateral pressure.
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- Marion Klotz (Autor:in), 2006, Creating identity through delimitation: The discussions about lifting the EU's weapons embargo against China, München, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/53278
