This scientific work tries to uncover the transport policy debates in Stuttgart in order to understand and explain the socially controversial and political ways of thinking. The focus is on a transport policy consideration of the Stuttgart mobility dispute, in which the role changes of public transport, cycling and pedestrian as well as the car for Stuttgart and the region are worked out on the basis of concrete examples. Air traffic and shipping do not fall within the field of investigation of this Bachelor's thesis in order to enable a stronger focus on local traffic. A brief overview of the Bachelor's thesis "Derailing Conflict - the Discourse on Stuttgart Transport Policy including Considerations on the Thematic Treatment in School Political Education" will now be presented for orientation.
First, a historical insight into Stuttgart's transport policy is given, which goes far beyond the invention of the automobile. The chapter will also provide an answer to the question of how high the share of a means of transport in Stuttgart's city traffic actually is. It then aims to show the difference between adaptation planning and mobility planning, so that a foundation can be laid for understanding the traffic conflict at the transport science level in Stuttgart. In order to illustrate how mobility planning can look like, the Vienna is briefly mentioned as an example. The Austrian capital is known for its progressive approach to transport policy and, as it is therefore a role model in some transport sectors, the paper often compares Stuttgart with the conditions in Vienna. The fourth chapter then deals specifically with the automobile as an object of dispute. In addition to the major debate on pollutants, the traffic jam and parking situation will also be addressed. Beyond the traffic situation in Stuttgart, research will also be conducted into the actual role of the automobile industry and the significance of oil-based transport in the future. In this context, the development of a climate-friendly drive technology will also be addressed. In concrete terms, reference will be made to current research results, which are mainly concerned with the sustainability of the battery car and fuel cell technology.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Stuttgart's traffic in the course of time
2.1. History of Stuttgart's transport policy
2.2. Modal Split
3. Traffic planning in change
3.1. From adaptation planning to mobility planning
3.2. Vienna Model of Mobility Planning
4. The automobile as the subject of the dispute
4.1. The psychology of the automobile
4.2. Space requirements of the automobiles
4.3. Congestion problem in Stuttgart
4.4. Road construction - The solution to all car problems?
4.6. Peak-Oil Theory
4.7. Dependence of the automotive industry and its future viability
5. Mobility policy analysis of the environmental network
5.1. Pedestrian traffic
5.2. Cycle traffic
5.3. Public transport
6. The significance of Stuttgart 21 for the traffic conflict
6.1. The project Stuttgart 21
6.2. Lines of conflict with urban development
6.3. Rail infrastructure capacity
6.4. Plans of a combined railway station
7. Interim summary
8. Involvement at school
8.1. Mobility in the education plan primary school/secondary level I
8.2. Two lesson examples
8.2.1. Textbook "Stuttgart – Die Stadt in der wir leben"
8.2.2. Theme sheet "Mobility and environment“
8.3. Final conclusion
List of figures
Bibliography
In the present Bachelor's thesis, care is taken to ensure that only gender-appropriate language is used. It should be noted at this point that compositions, which in the official body of rules and regulations are only correct in the masculine form, were taken over unchanged and are to be understood independently of gender.
1. Introduction
In the last two decades, no other city in the Federal Republic of Germany has caused such a stir about transport policy as the capital of Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart. The city of 600,000 inhabitants has been the scene of the ongoing protest against the project Stuttgart 21 (S21) since 2009. And while the latest developments in S21 continue to fuel the transport policy debate, the state capital is once again coming under fire: Stuttgart is the city with the highest levels of particulate matter and nitrogen oxide in Germany and continues to exceed them. The current situation in Stuttgart's urban traffic, with its excessively high proportion of conventionally driven cars, is triggering numerous discourses at political level, in which the region is accused by many transport initiatives of doing far too little for environmentally friendly mobility. On the other hand, demonstrations are held against diesel driving bans, accusing the city of political ideology and an affront to the automotive industry, which is also based in the Stuttgart area.
For this reason, this scientific work tries to uncover the transport policy debates in Stuttgart in order to understand and explain the socially controversial and political ways of thinking. The focus is on a transport policy consideration of the Stuttgart mobility dispute, in which the role changes of public transport, cycling and pedestrian as well as the car for Stuttgart and the region are worked out on the basis of concrete examples. Air traffic and shipping do not fall within the field of investigation of this Bachelor's thesis in order to enable a stronger focus on local traffic.
A brief overview of the Bachelor's thesis "Derailing Conflict - the Discourse on Stuttgart Transport Policy including Considerations on the Thematic Treatment in School Political Education" will now be presented for orientation.
First, a historical insight into Stuttgart's transport policy is given, which goes far beyond the invention of the automobile. The chapter will also provide an answer to the question of how high the share of a means of transport in Stuttgart's city traffic actually is.
It then aims to show the difference between adaptation planning and mobility planning, so that a foundation can be laid for understanding the traffic conflict at the transport science level in Stuttgart. In order to illustrate how mobility planning can look like, the Vienna is briefly mentioned as an example. The Austrian capital is known for its progressive approach to transport policy and, as it is therefore a role model in some transport sectors, the paper often compares Stuttgart with the conditions in Vienna. The fourth chapter then deals specifically with the automobile as an object of dispute. In addition to the major debate on pollutants, the traffic jam and parking situation will also be addressed. Beyond the traffic situation in Stuttgart, research will also be conducted into the actual role of the automobile industry and the significance of oil-based transport in the future. In this context, the development of a climate-friendly drive technology will also be addressed. In concrete terms, reference will be made to current research results, which are mainly concerned with the sustainability of the battery car and fuel cell technology. The following chapter will list the current situation of walking, cycling and local public transport. The focus is to be placed on the political commitment of initiatives which stimulate the political discourse by means of conflict-laden transport measures. In addition, the future development of mobility should be answered on the basis of transport policy goals and plans. The extent to which the answer to this question may depend on the controversial Stuttgart 21 project is analyzed in the sixth chapter. In this chapter, the Stuttgart 21 controversial discussions on the urban development benefits and the performance issue will be explored. Based on the resumed discussions, a transport policy analysis of the combined transport station will be carried out in order to gain insights into its chances and limits for the entire Stuttgart transport conflict. This explosive information will be used to draw up an interim conclusion which should provide information on which specific points could be set in order to improve traffic in Stuttgart and to put the "derailed conflict" back on track.
In the last chapter, the integration of the conflict in school political education is briefly considered. Here, the criteria in the educational plan are first of all discussed. Afterwards two teaching materials from different times are presented, which are analyzed for their applicability in class. Thus, the Bachelor's thesis takes into account not only its transport policy claim but also its school relevance.
2. Stuttgart's traffic in the course of time
2.1. History of Stuttgart's transport policy
In order to better understand the transport policy debates in Stuttgart, a brief review of the formative history of transport development around Stuttgart is necessary.
The origins of the transport networks, most of which still exist today, date back to the 19th century. Under state economic leadership, the Kingdom of Württemberg drove a branch of the economy that for several decades became one of the strongest in Württemberg, namely the construction of railways (cf. Brunecker 2013, 17f.). Railway vehicles not only accelerated transport, but also social modernization. They helped to overcome the small-state and agrarian state of Württemberg. Steam locomotives and carriages were built in the machine factory in Esslingen, founded in 1846, for the establishment of a Württemberg state railway, which accounted for a considerable part of Württemberg's economic power. For a state loan of 200,000 guilders and a 15-year sales monopoly, Emil Kessler had locomotives suitable for use in the mountains developed on land where Daimler now owns its foundry (cf. ibid.). In 1875 the machine factory Esslingen accounted for a gross value added of about 2.5 per cent and offered jobs to six out of a hundred citizen of Württemberg (cf. Riecke 1878, 44; cf. Hentschel 1997, 70). The locomotive factory made it possible to build railway lines throughout Württemberg, such as the Filsbahn between Stuttgart and Ulm. The two tracks, on which high-speed trains and regional trains will still be running in 2019, are memorabilia from an era in which the railway industry revived Württemberg's economy.
The hype surrounding the railway led to the first steps in public transport in the Stuttgart capital on 28 July 1868. The Stuttgart horse-drawn railway was the third in Germany after Hamburg and Berlin. However, it had less of an eye on inner-city traffic, as Stuttgart had a small population of 70,000. The business idea of the founder Georg Schöttle was to transport spa guests from Stuttgart to the mineral baths in Cannstatt and Berg, which are characteristic of the cityscape. The fact that Stuttgart had a tram was thus not due to a planned mass mobilization, but was intended to promote slow tourism. (cf. Niederich 2018, 67)
Around 1890, after Gottlieb Daimler, who was inventing the petrol engine at the same time, had carried out test runs, temporary considerations of a steam tram were discontinued due to technical problems (cf. Niederich 2018, 72). Thus the electrified tramway prevailed, which after 1918 was handed over completely to the city of Stuttgart and then massively expanded (cf. Niederich 2018, 79).
However, many things changed when the National Socialists seized power: politics stylised the newly developed motor car as a symbol of German progress. In Stuttgart, an ideology prevailed which had a considerable impact on the railways, cyclists and pedestrians. For until 1934, what is currently being reintroduced in many cities under the name of "Shared Space" (cf. Knierim 2016, 35f.) applied to roads: all road users are equal on the road and must show consideration for each other. The Reichsstraßenverkehrsordnung, which was issued in 1934 and will remain the current road traffic regulations, had the aim of enabling safe and undisturbed car traffic (cf. ibid.). The National Socialists knew how to use the car for propaganda purposes - the elegant Benz for the Führer, the Volkswagen for the people (cf. ibid.) The replacement of the former railway location by an automobile location took shape: The 3,736 kilometer network of motorways and federal roads also adorned the Württemberg capital. The "Silver Arrows" of Auto-Union and Mercedes Benz dominated the car market since 1934 under Nazi flags (Schmidt 2018, 378). The politically desired automobilization of society was not only technically, factually and economically, but also ideologically through the promotion of automobile interest groups, as well as nationalistically (cf. ibid.) as a result of inner-German production. The fact that the financing of the new motorways was carried out by the Reichsbahn, which was thus forced to build up its own competition, makes the political obedience of the Reichsbahn obvious. It can be assumed, however, that the Nazi regime planned modern warfare from the very beginning by means of the new car strategy: the Supreme Construction Management of the Reichsautobahnen made strategic preparations for the invasion of Poland by ensuring that the road construction took all military standards into account, and in 1939 carried out the warlike "marching and combat exercises of the motorized units" on its own initiative (cf. Lärmer 1975, 137).
Significantly, this action was made possible by Theodor Pfizer, a Stuttgart citizen who denied all allegations of collaboration after the war and later became Lord Mayor of Ulm (cf. Löscher 2012). The Second World War led to a state of emergency in the transport sector. As young men were drafted into military service by the railways, young women and retired senior citizens had to take care of the day-to-day running of the transport system (cf. Niederich 2018, 88f.). Traffic was only restricted in 1942 after the air strikes that stopped public transport (cf. ibid.). While in the 1920s Germany had the largest railway network in Europe with 62,000 kilometers of track, it was only able to provide 34,000 km after the end of fascism (cf. Brunecker 2013, 40). A considerable number of dismantled railway tracks were not repaired after the war, which led to line closures and thus also to the end of locomotive production from the region Stuttgart.
In the sixties the economy boomed in Stuttgart, which was modelled on the American-style consumer society. In the state capital, politics once again attempted to create the car-friendly city. There was talk of building so-called elevated roads, as they are found in the United Streets today. Urban planning and transport planning were hostile to each other, so that transport policy effects were rarely taken into account in planning (cf. Vester 1999, 94). The paradigm of building six- to eight-lane motorways through Stuttgart city centre has been rock-solid, so that schools, pharmacies and also architectural monuments have been demolished for the B14 construction. (cf. Stuttgarter Filmschätze 2010)
At that time, most of the trams ran along Königstraße to Schlossplatz (cf. ibid.). In 1961 the city council decided to put the Stuttgart trams underground to keep the streets of the city centre completely free of rail traffic (cf. Municipal Council of Stuttgart 1961, 20). In spite of political controversy, a general proposal was voted on which, in addition to lowering the tram, also provided for the planning of a suburban railway (S-Bahn), the replacement of some tram lines by buses, and car tunnel projects in the city center (cf. Municipal Council of Stuttgart 1961, 46). The six-lane tunnel under Gebhard-Müller-Platz, Charlottenplatz and Österreichischer Platz for the B14 city motorway, which still exists today, was accepted by almost all members of the municipal council, together with the underground tram plans. Only city councilor Eugen Eberle refused to give his approval because, in his view, the underground tunnels entail not only construction costs but also maintenance costs that have not yet been taken into account (cf. Stuttgart City Council 1961, 43). He expressly warned that the lowering of the tunnel could even aggravate the traffic bottlenecks (cf. ibid.).
Eberle's criticism was confirmed, as the SSB (Stuttgarter Straßenbahnen) recorded a slump in passenger numbers with the reorganization of the tram (cf. Niederich 2018, 95). The opening of the S-Bahn came late in 1973, but the dismantling of tram lines was already in full swing at that time (cf. Niederich 2018, 96f.). After completion of the main S-Bahn line between main station and Schwabstraße, the tram network was further reduced in size to avoid so-called double services (cf. ibid.).
In 1973, it was originally planned that Stuttgart should have a real underground railway (cf. Niederich 2018, 99). In several steps, the underground was to replace the tram system, which is why selected low-floor trains were to be replaced by elevated trains. It was planned to start with an underground railway between Weilimdorf and Möhringen or Heumaden (cf. ibid.). All other tram lines would have been converted to the bus or to transport systems that were highly topical at the time, such as the cable car (cf. ibid.). In the 1970s, trams had stairways which systematically excluded people with reduced mobility from public transport, which was used as a strong argument in favor of the elevated railways. However, only a few years later the first barrier-free low-floor trams went into operation, which still adorn the cityscape of European cities today (cf. Wiener Linien 2017, 3). The low-floor railway system would not have needed expensive elevated platforms and would have saved space during construction. Today's light rail systems also have the disadvantage that they cannot run on Deutsche Bahn tracks. This so-called Karlsruhe model enables lightning-fast line extensions by linking railways and trams (cf. Ceder 1999, 14). The dreams of an underground prevailed in Stuttgart's city council, so the elevated railway came to Stuttgart.
The fact that the city still does not have a real underground railway is due to several factors. On the one hand, there were wrongly assumed population forecasts of around 800,000 (cf. Niederich 2018, 99). However, the predicted population increases went to the neighboring counties (cf. ibid.). Building underground railways there would not have been worthwhile in terms of price, especially as the S-Bahn was predestined for these services (ibid.). On the other hand, financing problems arose for an underground railway, so that the planning was abandoned (cf. Bauer/Theurer 2000, 18). Because the integrated local transport concept of 1977 envisaged a pure elevated railway operation in the long term, many outlying districts demanded elevated platforms in order to be able to maintain connections to local rail transport (cf. Niederich 2018, 111f.). Thus, by 2011, all SSB railway lines had been transformed into an extended elevated railway, which is a problem child of Stuttgart's public transport system with a cost recovery rate of only 63 percent (Niederich 2018, 114; Niederich 2018, 199). This also led the car industry to take advantage of the weakness of the light rail system and, with the support of leading political decisions, brought even more car traffic onto the streets.
2.2. Modal Split
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure Nr. 1 : Modal Split Stuttgart
Transport research has shown that Baden-Württemberg is a more car-oriented federal state, as it has the lowest proportion of households without cars compared to all other federal states (cf. Schneider 2018, 95). It is therefore not uncommon to conclude that a majority of Stuttgart's population travels by car. Using a modal split, the German Bundestag was able to determine the actual share of car, public transport, bicycle and foot traffic in today's traffic after evaluating comprehensive traffic data. For example, the scientific service was able to prove that 55 percent of all routes in Stuttgart were mostly not covered by motorized private transport. Compared to Berlin, Hamburg and Munich, however, the share of motorized traffic is larger, and bicycle traffic, at only five percent, is far below the percentage of other large cities. (cf. German Bundestag 2017, 9)
A comparison of the traffic route areas nationwide reveals a correlation with the results of the modal split: in terms of area, Baden-Württemberg has the densest network of motorways in the Federal Republic, which is a decisive factor for the high proportion of cars (cf. IÖR-Monitor 2019). However, why this historically grown interdependence was able to establish itself requires a deeper insight into the development of transport sciences, which influenced the decisions of political bodies in traffic planning.
3. Traffic planning in change
3.1. From adaptation planning to mobility planning
The fact that political science is concerned with the transport sector is due to its military importance, which became the subject of public planning (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 115). Only later was attention paid to the fact that political framework conditions in the transport sector influence the mobility behavior of every individual. A transport policy can consciously decide to set incentives and framework conditions for transport in order to offer the population improved mobility opportunities. Interventions in transport always influence transport demand and the consequences of transport (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 126). In transport science, these interventions are referred to as the push and pull principle. It stands for "carrot and stick" (Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik 2019). Push measures are interventions that make a particular means of transport unattractive, i.e. push traffic away. Pull measures, on the other hand, favour their use and aim to attract traffic. If transport-relevant measures have a positive or negative impact on the attractiveness and frequency of use of a means of transport, this can also have an impact on other means of transport. The principle is usually narrowed down to interventions that contribute to a modal shift from car and truck traffic to the environmental network, which includes walking, cycling and local public transport (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 128f.). The push and pull rule does not, however, specify on which side improvements or restrictions are made (cf. ibid.).
A pull measure for motor vehicle traffic includes the underground running of light railways, as implemented in Stuttgart, because their lowering allowed areas for road development (cf. ibid.). Transport policy made the increase in motorized private transport possible at the expense of public transport, cycling and walking (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 128f.). This is due to the fact that around 1960, German transport policy was convinced that it could adapt the infrastructure to the forecast demand, which transport science called adaptation planning (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 116).
As explained in the chapter "History of Stuttgart's transport policy", a policy was pursued in which higher capacities for motor vehicle traffic or a reduction in motor vehicle travel times were to be created (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 126f.).
In adaptation planning theory, from an economic point of view, transport cost reductions and acceleration distances in car traffic should specifically strengthen the car industry in Germany. However, it must be assumed that excessively low transport costs generate a large amount of additional traffic in a transport sector that prevents an acceleration effect. This additional traffic is reflected in the many car traffic jams (cf. Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik 2019).
From a social point of view, transport enables participation in society. The increasing motorization in the 1960s was essentially understood by transport planning as a dimensioning task of the road network (cf. ibid.). However, the expansion of the road network led to traffic noise, exhaust fumes and accidents, which considerably impaired social compatibility, so that resistance was formed (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 120f.).
The first criticism of this "forced mobility" and the resulting restrictions for people without cars dates back to the 1970s. The problem is that adaptation policy largely neglects the environmental alliance. The expansion of the car infrastructure tied up so much financial resources that the supply on the railways was neglected in the long term and became even less attractive due to a weaker pace. The removal of barriers for people with reduced mobility and the development of peripheral areas, which could improve the socio-economic conditions in rural areas outside the transport sector, were largely ignored in adaptation planning (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 126f.).
The acceleration argument of adaptation planning also comes in for strong criticism. Accelerating travel times not only allows longer journeys to be made in the same time, but may also create additional distances (cf. Deutsches Institut für Urbanistik 2019). This increase in traffic is known as induced traffic (cf. ibid.). Accelerated route connections such as motorways or ICE high-speed rail links, for example, generate it. This created additional traffic is problematic from several perspectives. Much more fuel would be consumed, causing more direct or indirect emissions. On the other hand, the acceleration policy has negative consequences for traffic management: in the case of railways, overcrowded trains, increased ticket costs or delays due to capacity problems occur as undesirable side effects of the induced traffic. In the case of car traffic, in addition to exhaust fumes, an increased risk of accidents and traffic jams is induced. Spatial planner Martin Randelhoff analyzed that the new construction and expansion of roads would not achieve much. At first glance, adaptation planning may reduce congestion in the first few months, but demand is rising again due to the freed-up space and the associated increase in supply (cf. Randelhoff 2017). As a result, the space created by the expansion will be occupied again. Demand will continue to rise until the time costs of the congestion are reached again. For this reason well-intentioned "relief roads" do not reduce road traffic at all, but actually increase demand (Randelhoff 2017). For Randelhoff, the only way to combat congestion efficiently would be to reduce road traffic (cf. ibid.).
This is one of the reasons why a paradigm shift should be made, which has established itself in transport science under the term "mobility planning". In the new transport policy discussions, the strategies of traffic avoidance, modal shift and more compatible handling play an important role (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 126). The focus of transport policy and transport planning should no longer be on traffic, but on people's everyday lives, the demands of the economy and the long-term preservation of an intact environment. Accordingly, the objectives should be oriented towards those of sustainability, which can be systematized in the social, ecological and economic fields.
The political scientist Bernhard Knierim is an advocate of mobility planning and fundamentally criticizes adaptation planning. In the case of transport it is particularly clear that continued growth is neither possible nor desirable (Knierim 2016, 165). In most cases, more traffic worsens life instead of improving it (ibid.). Its burdens on people and the environment now usually outweigh the supposed benefits. Moreover, he considers it doubtful that additional traffic will make people more mobile if the distances travelled become longer and longer even though more destinations are not reached (cf. ibid.). Transport cannot be an end in itself, but is a waste product of human mobility (cf. ibid.). In the long term, therefore, the most desirable and cost-effective option is to reduce and optimally avoid traffic. The traffic reduction approach involves attempting to meet mobility needs with as little traffic as possible, similar to waste avoidance (cf. ibid.). A traffic turnaround, i.e. a shift of motor vehicle traffic to more economical means of transport supported by push and pulls elements, is only one step in the right direction of mobility planning (cf. ibid.). Rather than focusing solely on transport policy, what is needed is a central orientation towards mobility needs and how gentle mobility can be made possible for all people equally (cf. ibid.). There is a demand for a structural policy that changes built structures in the sense of less traffic (Knierim 2016, 166). The economy must change its economic interdependence and regionalize its cycle again (cf. ibid.). Only by bringing these political and individual changes together will it be possible to master the greatest challenges - climate change and global justice - (cf. ibid.).
It should therefore be noted that in practice, adaptation planning is very different from mobility planning. In dealing with such conflicting goals, and sometimes congruent goals, transport planning and policy practice shows two opposing strategies: transport policy actors or stakeholders often emphasize individual goals and conflicting goals to strengthen or profile their position (Holz-Rau 2018, 121). A reduction in car traffic is to be made more stringent if the measures are described as job killers (cf. ibid.). In some cases, however, the opposing positions are also taken (ibid.). This became apparent in Stuttgart's municipal election campaign for 2019, in which it was advertised that accelerating traffic would lead to a reduction in pollutant emissions or the slogan "Less congestion through city bypasses" was put up (cf. ibid.). Actors from the technical side tend to put the congruence of objectives at the forefront of their argumentation, in the hope or with the experience of increasing acceptance in this way (ibid.).
An observable phenomenon in practice is that actors from higher institutional levels, especially the EU, federal and state governments, emphasize the transport function. Higher capacities, shorter travel times and thus lower transport costs in commercial transport are regarded as the motor of economic development (ibid.). The automotive industry is seen as an important employer, so that transport planning and transport policy objectives are pursued that are closely linked to economic goals. For this reason, there are cities that are pushing the expansion of supra-regional car traffic connections, even if they simultaneously state that they are making efforts to reduce car traffic (cf. ibid.). These results in the unresolved conflict of goals between the increase in car and truck traffic and its negative consequences, which are particularly evident in municipal transport planning and policy conflicts (cf. Holz-Rau 2018, 121f.).
Transport policy must therefore negotiate a compromise between the requirement of transport demand and the protection interests of the general public and the balance of nature. It is precisely at the municipal level that the goals of traffic avoidance, modal shift in favor of the ecomobilty and more environmentally compatible transport management can be found (cf. ibid./ State capital Stuttgart 2014, 9). The different priorities of the parties and the choice of the means of enforcement are the cause of the political traffic dispute.
3.2. Vienna Model of Mobility Planning
The example of the City of Vienna will be used to briefly demonstrate that push and pull methods can be used to make mobility planning work with the clear objective of a traffic turnaround. In the current Viennese mobility concept, the focus is no longer on planning a route from A to B for a specific transport mode. The aim is to develop a multimodal understanding of mobility, since any field of action and bundle of measures in transport has certain effects on other transport sectors. (cf. Winkler 2017, 115)
Vienna was one of the first major cities in Europe to replace adaptation policy with mobility planning, thus contributing a strong share to the shift in transport. The fact that considerable money could be invested in public transport in the past was due to the introduction of an employer's levy. This is a tax in the Province of Vienna, which has been levied since 1970 for cross-financing the extension of the underground railway. It is a fixed amount for each employee that the company has to pay to the Land. Since 1 June 2012 the levy has been raised to two euros per employee and calendar week (State of Vienna 2012, 89).
At the same time, the Vienna City Government pursued a price reduction policy in public transport: on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the annual pass, the price was reduced from EUR 449 to EUR 365, i.e. to one euro per day, from May 2012 (cf. Magistrate of the city of Vienna 2012). The aim of this measure was to achieve a shift from motorized private transport to public transport and thus to increase the share of the environmental alliance in the total traffic volume in Vienna, although the conservative and economic-liberal forces had great reservations due to the high state subsidies. In terms of transport policy, these concerns remained unfounded. Since the concession in 2012, motorized private transport has lost two percentage points compared to the previous year, which were shifted to public transport. Furthermore, a significant increase in annual tickets sold by Wiener Linien can be observed. The number of passengers and annual tickets sold by Wiener Linien grew almost annually over the respective period under review (cf. Zimmermann 2017, 45). 966 million passengers were recorded by the municipal Wiener Linien in 2018, 822,000 of them annual ticket holders, which are again record figures (Wiener Linien 2019).
Thanks to the 365-euro ticket, Vienna has the cheapest annual season ticket with Rome compared to other EU cities. In the Estonian capital Tallinn, the use of public transport is even free for the urban population, but it should be noted that there are sometimes considerable differences in the size and quality of the public transport network between Vienna and Tallinn. Despite low fares, Vienna has the eighth largest metro network, with 29 tram lines behind Budapest in second place in terms of the number of tram lines and 13th place in terms of the number of bus lines (cf. Verkehrsclub Österreich 2014). In addition to the ticket reforms, the capital, which is governed by the social democratic SPÖ, has implemented a large number of measures in the last decades, which additionally promoted a shift from motorized individual transport to the environmental alliance. (cf. Zimmermann 2017, 13)
The attractiveness of public transport has two other components besides pricing policy: On the one hand, the development plans of the underground railways are very ambitious: the services offered by the underground, the rapid transit railway and the tram are constantly being expanded. The principle of timely development of urban expansion areas with public transport is also being continued (City of Vienna 2015, 16). The foundation stone has already been laid for a further 12 km of underground and 18 km of trams (ibid.). In 2017 Vienna connected the previously underdeveloped suburb of Oberlaa, which has a large thermal spa, with the new U1 underground line. The line intersects with all inner-city underground lines and has stops directly at industrial estates, so that overall fewer traffic routes are created and motor vehicle traffic is reduced - a mobility planning requirement that was even anchored in the Urban Development Concept 2025 of the Vienna (City of Vienna 2014, 106f.). The second aspect is the timing of the underground railway. During the day, the underground arrives every two to five minutes, after 8 pm until the end of operations, on Saturdays until around 7 am, and on Sundays and public holidays until around 9 am every seven to eight minutes. There is even a metro night service every 15 minutes at the weekend. This expansion in particular is considered a very important measure for modal shift (cf. Zimmermann 2017, 41f.).
A package of measures to invest in cycling or walking, night and on-demand transport, and barrier-free access also had an effect on the environment (cf. ibid.). However, in addition to the pull factors, motorized private transport was also reduced on several levels:
Parking management improved the parking situation, reduced the number of parking errors and the time spent looking for a parking space (cf. ibid.). In the end, Vienna managed to reduce the volume of traffic on the roads (cf. ibid.). For this reason, parking management is also being expanded in other districts of Vienna, which would reduce 41% of parking movements (City of Vienna 2012, 56). In addition, a district was developed in Vienna-Floridsdorf that was designed to be completely car-free. Due to the acceptance of the area, as well as a predominantly positive feedback from those involved, the urban development project has become a clear push factor for motorized private transport (cf. City of Vienna 2008, 61).
Because the Austrian capital wants to implement mobility planning even more intensively, it has set itself ambitious political goals. Expressed in modal split indicators, the target is "80:20" (cf. City of Vienna 2014, 106). This means that by 2025 Vienna's citizens should cover 80 percent of their journeys by public transport, by bicycle or on foot (cf. ibid.). The share of motorized private transport is to decline from currently 28 to 20 percent (cf. ibid.).
4. The automobile as the subject of the dispute
4.1. The psychology of the automobile
Why so many people use the car in Stuttgart depends first of all on the psychology of the car. A significant psychological aspect is the car as a status symbol (cf. Knierim 2016, 52). For many decades, the following applied: If you drive up with a large and expensive car, you have made it in material terms - even if the car is only leased or financed on credit, which is not apparent (ibid.). The biophysicist Bernhard Knierim believes that "especially in the pietistic influenced southwest of Germany" the Daimler or another limousine is considered a driving license of wealth and righteousness (cf. ibid.).
The second psychological preference is based on the perceived safety aspect, as there is a separate space available, which apparently no one wants to intrude (cf. Knierim 2016, 51). Despite the advantages of privacy, the safety aspect of the car is deceptive. According to accident statistics for 2017, 629 times as many accidents occurred in road traffic as in rail transport (cf. Federal Statistical Office 2018, 351).
Thirdly, traffic psychologists point out that the car is the object with the greatest physical power, which most people control in their lives (cf. Knierim 2016, 53f.). The ability to drive fast and accelerate strongly causes a release of hormones, which increases the willingness of young men to take risks and thus the risk of accidents. Studies have also found out that there is sometimes a real emotional attachment to the car, which is similar to the connection between mother and child (Schlag/Schade 2007, 31f.).
The transport policy think tank of Mercator Foundation and the European Climate Foundation “Agora Verkehrswende” is committed to redefining the psychology of the car, but this depends on whether people become aware of their traffic behavior (cf. Agora Verkehrswende 2019, 3). However, such behavioral changes require considerable effort at both the individual and societal level. On the one hand, behavioral routines are fundamentally difficult to change, precisely because they are deadlocked routines. On the other hand, the media-staged equation of "car" with "freedom" that began in the 1930s is evident in advertising. Very significant is the strong influence of communication media, which can set the course for what is considered normal in a society (cf. Agora Verkehrswende 2019, 3). This can also be found in the transport sector, where individual automobility as a social norm has become deeply rooted. With annual advertising expenditure of around 1.8 billion euros by the automotive industry, a positive basic attitude to the car can be easily established (cf. Möbus/ Heffler 2018, 131). Thanks to the clips, the car remains a showpiece.
The best way to convince broad sections of the population to become car independent would be to advertise existing alternatives. Places where there are already safe cycle paths or pedestrian-friendly road re-usage schemes show time and again how much quality of life can be gained precisely from the new independence from cars. This effect is often accompanied by less stress and lower costs for mobility. Such images would professionally market the individual advantages of different mobility behavior and show the impairments of car traffic that are not visible in car advertising. An appeal of the Agora Foundation is therefore to promote advertising in order to establish the topic as an important element in the traffic debate. This would have the great advantage that a change in mobility behavior could be taken up positively. (cf. Agora Verkehrswende 2019, 3)
However, the 341,000 motor vehicles currently registered in the state capital of Baden-Württemberg indicate that the old psychology of the car is still omnipresent (cf. State Statistical Office 2018, 2). Whether this can be attributed to psychological aspects, time-saving traffic, a lack of alternatives or unwillingness to change one's own mobility behavior in individual cases, however, requires qualitative research.
4.2. Space requirements of the automobiles
The space taken up by the car is visible in the many car parking spaces. These are the cause of many conflicts in the transport sector in the state capital, which is why the municipal council took action: In Stuttgart, parking space management was introduced in 2011 to control traffic searching for parking spaces and to improve the quality of living and recreation (cf. Schwarz 2013, 164). The Stuttgart population had a positive rather than a negative attitude towards the introduction (ibid.). Especially in places where there is an excess of demand for parking spaces, parking management should make optimum use of parking space. In Paris, the introduction of parking space management also had a traffic shift effect, because a shortage of parking space was enforced (cf. Agora Verkehrswende 2018, 5): The reduction of parking spaces reduces the pressure on the transport network (cf. ibid.). The saving of 23,000 parking spaces in combination with more cycle paths led to a reduction of 137,000 cars in Paris (cf. ibid.). It can also be said that in the first few years after the introduction of parking management, it has become easier for residents to find a parking space. It would reduce the search time by a third, which would relieve the burden on all those involved in terms of time and the environment (cf. ibid.).
According to the think tank, however, the parking of motor vehicles is given a predestined special position because it takes up a disproportionately large amount of public space and is given financial preference over other means of transport and uses (cf. ibid.). Public space is a common good that should be equally available to all population groups (cf. Agora Verkehrswende 2018, 4). However, street space is offered by the municipality at different prices, so that it is not equally available: The cost of a resident parking permit in the west of Stuttgart amounts to 30.70 euros per year, which corresponds to eight cents per day (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2019a). Other uses of public space are considerably more expensive. A stand the size of a car park at the weekly market costs 18 euros per day and a comparable open-air stand in front of a restaurant costs 1.50 euros (Agora Verkehrswende 2018, 4). Since residents would benefit from improved local supply and traffic calming, unequal charges distort the use of the road space. The parking space management discourse in Germany is conducted at a completely different level than in Scandinavian cities: In Stockholm, 827 euros per year is charged for a residents' parking permit, which in Stuttgart would probably be far above the politically imaginable (cf. Agora Verkehrswende 2018, 3).
The extent to which parking management in Stuttgart is effective depends on whether the city pursues a parking space reduction policy that also aligns parking fees with other public space usage fees and whether adequate alternative offers are available in the environmental alliance.
4.3. Congestion problem in Stuttgart
Large cities like Stuttgart are regularly affected by traffic jams. The reasons why traffic jams can occur vary. Congestion researcher Prof. Michael Schreckenberg assumes that the vast majority of traffic jams are basically caused by congestion. Too many vehicles at a given time increase the probability of cars in stop-and-go traffic. During this moment it is sufficient for a single driver to brake too hard, so that a traffic jam wave of 15km/h spreads to the rear. Most traffic jams occur in this way, with road works and accidents accounting for only a minority of them. In the city it is seldom useful to drive down out of a traffic jam. According to Schreckenberg, people lack a cooperative understanding: what counts is to be faster than the others, which leads to lane changes and overtaking, which in turn creates new waves of congestion. (cf. Westdeutscher Rundfunk 2018)
Congestion research thus argues in terms of adaptation planning by considering travel time as a central criterion in mobility decisions.
The IHK Region Stuttgart came to the conclusion that the car is the fastest means of transport on many routes in Stuttgart. A study commissioned by the organisation examined the quality of accessibility in a total of 48 study areas throughout the Stuttgart Region: The studies confirm that in the peripheral area, public transport connections are still so weak that people often use the car (cf. IHK 2015, 11f.) Outside Stuttgart, mobility behavior is already predetermined. Anyone wishing to ensure car-free mobility in rural areas would have to create adequate local transport services on the basis of this study.
According to the IHK study, cars generally reach their destinations faster than public transport. It must be added, however, that the methodology favours such a result: The 70 percent percentile was chosen for the study (cf. IHK 2015, 2). This means that 70 percent of all vehicles reach at least this speed on a route (cf. ibid.). Because Stuttgart's congestion times account for only 30 per cent of the day, it happens that congested inner-city traffic times and the time costs arising from them are given little or no consideration (cf. TomTom 2019). Without taking into account congestion times, the study does not live up to its claim, so that better accessibility is not sufficiently proven. It could be that in times of traffic jams the car is not the most time-saving means of transport in Stuttgart. As a result, car traffic would also no longer meet the speed argument.
To explain the excessive use of roads, spatial planners also cite economic reasons. This is because the use of German roads costs nothing, unlike toll-funded motorways in France (cf. Roth 2009, 21). The service is accepted as a provision of the public sector and is thus preferred to public transport, which is subject to charges. Too many people who opt for motorised private transport cause congestion on the entire road network or on certain sections, which manifests itself in the symptom of congestion. The resulting economic costs of road construction are accepted by the road users. Although the traffic data provider INRIX tries to estimate the costs of congestion, there is no generally accepted model worldwide for calculating the economic damage caused by traffic jams. (cf. Randelhoff 2017)
In its annual study, INRIX examined the time lost through traffic jams throughout Germany as a function of the time of day (cf. Grigat/ Nefzger 2019: INRIX 2019). The Swabian metropolis is in sixth place in the Federal Republic with 108 hours and annual approximate total costs of 204.8 million euros (cf. ibid.). As in all other large cities, traffic jams are concentrated on the inner city traffic axes. During rush hours, there are kilometre-long queues of cars on the B10, B14 and B27, which slow down motorists to an average speed of around 21 km/h during peak hours on weekdays (cf. INRIX 2019). It is remarkable that the annual Stuttgart congestion time per person driving has increased from 58 hours to 108 hours since 2011 (cf. ibid.; INRIX 2012).
For the high risk of congestion, truck traffic must also be taken into account. This is slower than car traffic and can therefore lead to obstacles to car traffic, resulting in reduced traffic quality (Schmietendorf 2010, 77). Even a single heavy vehicle can have a major impact on traffic quality, especially on gradients (ibid.). Although Stuttgart has many gradients, the Clean Air Plan continues to approve the passage of heavy goods vehicles through Stuttgart on the B10 (cf. Regierungspräsidium Stuttgart 2018, 90f.). There are also exceptions for construction site vehicles. According to newspaper reports, an additional 750 lorries per day are required for the construction of Stuttgart 21 to transport the excavated earth and rocks. The state government has no knowledge of the total number of lorries at S21 (cf. Isenberg 2011; cf. Landtag Baden-Württemberg 2017, 4). The increased number of trucks favours congestion (cf. Schmietendorf 2010, 77). It can therefore be concluded that the major S21 construction site also exacerbates the congestion problem in Stuttgart.
4.4. Road construction - The solution to all car problems?
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure Nr. 2 : Discussed new road construction projects in Stuttgart
The classic adjustment planning assumption that congestion problems could be reduced if more roads were built, thus accelerating traffic, is reflected in the conservative camp. It is assumed that the liquefaction of car traffic is the "best contribution" to air pollution control, which is in complete contrast to the mobility planning and is therefore being criticised by transport scientists (cf. CDU Baden-Württemberg 2016, 3; cf. Vester 1999, 27). In the last state election campaign, the CDU attempted to distance itself from the green-red transport strategy. However, when comparing Green-Red spending, it is noticeable that funding for road transport was increased. In the course of the legislation, the funds for the rehabilitation of bridges, retaining walls and tunnels were increased from 280 to 488 million euros, while the costs of new construction and extension were reduced (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2018, 18). The current green-black state government provided 869 million euro in 2018, the highest investment in road transport in the history of Baden-Württemberg to date (cf. ibid.). This is most likely based on a political compromise in the transport sector, since in return there will also be state-wide investments in local transport. Newly built roads generate pull effects that worsen the chances of a traffic turnaround and mobility planning. Despite the disadvantages identified by mobility planners, such road development projects are being pursued on a large scale in the state capital:
The largest road transport project in Stuttgart is the Rosenstein tunnel, which is currently under construction. While the current B10 traffic is directed around Wilhelma, the new B10 tunnel under Rosensteinpark is to be built in order to achieve a "largely congestion-free concentration of traffic on the B10" (State capital Stuttgart 2011, 3). Once all the planned construction work has been completed, this would be the fifth and sixth tunnel tubes in this area. With the introduction of the tunnel, road sections around Wilhelma could be reduced. Although the distance on the B14 will theoretically be shortened by 2,000 metres, the question of added value for car traffic remains. According to the traffic report, 23,000 more motor vehicles will drive on Pragstraße (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2011, 17). It is also to be expected that the B10 motorway bypass will increase through traffic by up to ten percent (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2011, 21).
There have been transport policy concerns that the susceptibility to congestion will increase and the queues of cars will extend even further to Zuffenhausen and Feuerbach. There were also ecological protests that the medicinal springs located there, which also gave the district of Bad Cannstatt its name, are endangered. When tunnels are built in Rosenstein, there is not only the "latent risk" that the springs could dry up and become contaminated (cf. Wolff 2006, 44). The mineral springs at Wilhelma are also seriously under pressure at six tubes. During heavy rainfall it can happen that the water pressure becomes so high that in the worst case it could lead to a landslide (cf. Feuerbach 2004, 5f.). While the ecological arguments would have to be observed in the long term, traffic liquefaction or congestion could be empirically tested a few months after completion in 2020.
In 2018 another tunnel project was proposed by the Stuttgart CDU, which is again based on adaptation planning. A 2,000-metre long tunnel under the east of Stuttgart to the major Gebhard-Müller-Platz intersection at Stuttgart railway station should be able to relieve the road at Neckartor (cf. Schunder 2016). The idea is to divert traffic through this Ostheim tunnel in order to achieve the minimum air quality at Neckartor. With a construction period of ten years, the project is estimated at 400 to 600 million euros and would have the side effect of bringing more car traffic to Konrad-Adenauer-Strasse, which is already prone to traffic jams. Urban traffic planners warned that more traffic cannot flow into Stuttgart from outside because the influx is limited (cf. ibid.). The construction of this tunnel would not result in a traffic shift, as it is a pure pull measure which attracts even more car traffic to the city centre. New routes would increase the capacity of car traffic, but a reduction in travel time would create new traffic growth on the roads, which would ultimately have a negative effect on air quality due to high abrasion, and would attract even more congestion (cf. Heinze 1979, 52). A further adjustment planning demand by conservative parties is the call for a ring motorway around Stuttgart. A motorway ring generally has the advantage that less transit traffic would have to be directed through the city centre. There is talk of a reduction in traffic in the inner city if motorists will accept the new offer. This motorway ring includes the Nord-East Ring project, a four-lane motorway between Ludwigsburg and Fellbach, as well as the Filder access road, which would connect the B10 near Hedelfingen with the A8. While the Federal Transport Infrastructure Plan 2030 states that 17,000 inhabitants could be relieved by the northeast ring road, the hoped-for relief effects of motorway ring road systems in Rome, for example, did not materialise because inner-city traffic continued to increase as a result of the new road construction (cf. Federal Ministry of Transport 2018; cf. City of Rome 2015, 12). The Stuttgart ring projects have already been listed several times in the Federal Transport Infrastructure Plans, but have always been shelved due to environmental compatibility, topography or economic efficiency. Traffic data from the state capital, which show an increased proportion of transit traffic, should have been indicative of the cost-effectiveness of such ring systems, which has not been the case to date. For this reason, it can be hypothesized that the construction of the Tunnel of Rosenstein, which artificially increases transit traffic through Stuttgart, should create a transport policy basis for the north-east ring road and the Filder access road. Building new roads in order to generate suitable traffic data for further expansion projects creates a new and growing tension between the advocates of new road construction and the environmentalists. The potential for political conflict threatens to increase even further in the coming years.
4.5. Air pollution problems caused by car traffic
If you take a closer look at the political transport debates in Stuttgart, you will see that they focus mainly on air pollution control.
Motorized road traffic, by which the vast majority of traffic is meant by the car, is much more energy-intensive and thus leads to much higher specific emissions than other forms of transport (cf. Knierim 2016, 57f.). For both NOx and particulate matter, car traffic is the most harmful compared to the alternatives in the environmental alliance.
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure Nr. 3 : Means of transport by nitrogen oxide emissions
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Figure Nr. 4 : Means of transport according to particulate matter emissions
The reason for the high energy consumption is mainly due to the strong friction of the tyres on the road (cf. ibid.). The rolling frictional resistance between a rubber tyre and the road surface is about ten times greater than that of a railway wheel on rail (ibid.). In addition to these automobile-specific circumstances, Stuttgart also has a topographical problem: as early as 1969, the University of Tübingen pointed out that the state capital is only poorly ventilated due to its boiler location, so that the density of air pollutants is particularly high (cf. Hamm 1969). The air in the city centre benefits from the fresh air corridors, which at least provide some draught, but these are not sufficient (cf. ibid.).
The European Union has set limit values for nitrogen oxides and particulate matter to protect human health (cf. Regierungspräsidium Stuttgart 2018, 8). If immission limit values for a pollutant in the air plus an applicable tolerance framework are exceeded, cities must draw up concrete measures in a clean air plan which should lead to a lasting improvement in air quality (cf. ibid.). In 2015, more than 2.8 million people around the world will die as a result of inner-city air pollution, and in Germany there is talk of 52,000 premature deaths from particulate matter and nitrogen oxides (cf. Schweisfurth 2018, 340). The risk of dying of heart and lung diseases due to long-term exceedances is increased by 12.5-14 percent (cf. ibid.).
In order to reduce harmful and carcinogenic substances, the state capital has decided on a number of measures to bring its urban traffic into line with legal requirements. The fact that there is too much congestion, stress, noise, particulate matter and nitrogen oxides in Stuttgart's city boiler was admitted by the city in its Clean Air Action Plans (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2017a, 5). There is criticism that too many conventionally powered vehicles drive into Stuttgart's boiler every day, even though, according to its own statements, the state capital has a well-developed public transport system of very good quality and cycling traffic has also been improved (cf. ibid.).
Despite measures already taken, the Federal Environment Agency's published nitrogen oxide figures for 2018 show that Stuttgart is the dirtiest city in Germany, with an annual average of 71 µg/ m³ (cf. Federal Environment Agency 2019a). In terms of PM10 fine dust values, Stuttgart is also among the five polluted cities in Germany, but the average annual limit value of 40 µg/m³ was met at 29 (see Federal Environment Agency 2019b). Air problems in Stuttgart are nothing new, as the state capital has exceeded the annual NO2 average values since 2004 (cf. Regierungspräsidium Stuttgart 2018, 30). As the European limit value was disregarded for so long, the EU had initiated infringement proceedings against the city (EU commission 2017a).
The fact that road traffic is the main source of pollutants in Stuttgart city centre was explained in an analysis of causes. At the Neckartor, road traffic is responsible for 78 percent of the NO2 pollution and 65 percent of fine dust. Remarkable about the PM10 fine dust values is that 56 percent are caused by turbulence and abrasion, while exhaust gas emissions from the tailpipe account for only 9 percent. This makes it clear that cars with alternative drive systems also contribute to particulate matter pollution. (cf. Regierungspräsidium Stuttgart 2018, 24f.). The role of diesel fuel was also more strongly questioned in the discussions on air pollution standards. The state could have had financial incentives to influence the tax on diesel: The number of diesel cars on the roads would have been lower if the state had taxed diesel at least as much as petrol (cf. Lessat 2018). With 20 million diesel cars in Germany, the state foregoes almost 3.7 billion euros annually (cf. ibid.). Because the energy tax was not adjusted to inflation and VAT was waived on diesel, the German tax authorities have lost a total of 159.4 billion euros since 1990 (cf. ibid.). Since 2015 it can be assumed that a significant proportion of the high air emissions on Stuttgart's roads will have to be borne by the car manufacturers of diesel vehicles and that car users should therefore not be held solely responsible. On 18 September 2015, the Environmental Protection Agency of the United States of America announced that illegal cut-off devices had been installed in the engine management system of Volkswagen diesel vehicles. These devices only meet the applicable emission standards in a special test bench mode, but in normal operation they largely shut down a large part of the emission control system and thus cause much higher emissions (cf. Environmental Protection Agency 2015). Possession of such shutdown devices was declared "illegal" by the Scientific Service of the Bundestag on the advice of an EU regulation (cf. Lindner 2016). It turned out that the software can be found at all German car manufacturers (cf. Federal Ministry of Transport 2016, 20). The software devices were designed to switch off the filters at a certain temperature. Car manufacturers justified themselves by saying that the engines would break down at unusually cold temperatures (cf. Sorge 2016). The German government stated in writing that the built-in shutdown devices were allowed (cf. Federal Ministry of Transport 2016, 20). But the permission of former Transport Minister Alexander Dobrindt met with fundamental criticism. For despite an average annual temperature in Germany of 9.7°C, the exhaust gas purification system of Mercedes is switched off at below 10°C and that of the Opel Zafira at below 17°C (cf. Sorge 2016/ Eckl-Dorna 2016/ Federal Environment Agency 2018).
The Deutsche Umwelthilfe commissioned a legal opinion which established the illegality of the shut-off devices and showed that the Federal Motor Transport Authority can withdraw a partial or complete type approval for such vehicles (cf. Klingler 2016, 11). According to another Bundestag report by the environmental lawyer Prof. Dr. Martin Führ, all diesel vehicles with the software are illegal because the cut-off device was not reported at the time of registration (cf. Führ 2016, 19).
In order to determine the actual exhaust emission values of diesel vehicles, they were subjected to the standardised PEMS procedure. The result was that 33 of 36 diesel vehicles exceeded the legally limited emissions (Deutsche Umwelthilfe 2016a, 4f.). Even the latest registered generation of diesel passenger cars exceeded the Euro 6 standard five to seven times in real everyday operation (cf. ibid.). In a further test, the Stuttgart car manufacturer Mercedes Benz, which in December 2015 still had a written declaration not to use any cut-off devices, was found guilty of making false statements: The Mercedes B-Class 180 d, which was only registered in August 2016, exceeded NOx emission values 13 times due to a cut-off device and has since been the negative leader in the Federal Republic of Germany (cf. Deutsche Umwelthilfe 2016b). On the basis of several studies, the environmental researchers of the International Council on Clean Transportation summarized that modern diesel cars emit twice as much nitrogen oxides as petrol cars, and even ten times as much in terms of fuel consumption (cf. Ghent 2017).
The consequences of the German government's decision were possible hardware upgrades on a voluntary basis (cf. Federal Ministry of Transport 2017, 1). Politicians did not pursue a nationwide retrofitting obligation, a ban on switch-off devices or alternative requirements for car manufacturers. "Dobrindt is aiding and abetting intentional bodily injury resulting in death by refusing to comply with the legally required registration and sales ban for diesel passenger cars that do not even meet the Euro 1 limits for NOx", criticized the Deutsche Umwelthilfe (cf. Deutsche Umwelthilfe 2016b). The latter then took the state of Baden-Württemberg to court in order to bring about measures within the framework of the Clean Air Plan to bring the air quality in the city centers into line with the law. In a landmark decision, the Administrative Court of Stuttgart ruled that "health protection must be given higher priority than the right of ownership" of diesel drivers, so that a diesel driving ban in the low emission zone and a continuous bus lane at the Neckar Gate were agreed in a court settlement (cf. Administrative Court Stuttgart 2017). A jump appeal by the state of Baden-Württemberg failed at the Federal Administrative Court, so that since 1 April 2019 the diesel driving bans must be implemented (cf. Federal Administrative Court 2018). However, the state government has mitigated the driving ban by granting numerous exemptions (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg2019a).
The announcement of driving bans triggered protests. Surprisingly, the slogans of the diesel demonstration trains were directed against environmental organizations and "the Greens", rather than against the car industry or the federal government. The fact that the excessive use of car traffic in connection with manipulated emission values caused the legally ordered driving ban is less assumed. Rather, the diesel demonstrators see themselves as victims of a political campaign and blame the state transport minister Winfried Herrmann for this. In addition to the ecologically and socially motivated parties, trains, measuring stations and limit values are also being targeted by the interest group supporting diesel.
At the end of 2018, a CDU enquiry followed in Stuttgart's municipal council about the influence diesel locomotives have on air quality. The question can be seen as a political means of passing the buck to diesel-powered rail traffic in order to relieve car traffic of its guilt. However, this tactic did not work, as there are only seven diesel locomotives in use for shunting operations at the main station and port facilities. Due to the small number of diesel locomotives in use, no fine dust or nitrogen oxide measurements are taken. Since the city administration intends to use only electric locomotives from 2025 anyway, a diversionary manoeuvre can be suspected behind the intention of the request. (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2019b, 1f.)
At the measuring station at Neckartor, the same faction complains in parallel that it measures traffic where it arises and not in the residential areas or in the nearby palace garden. There have been requests for the measuring station to be relocated in the past: the FDP failed in 2006, the CDU in 2015. The requests are based on the hypothesis that Stuttgart would only perform so badly because the city is measuring directly on a main traffic artery, far away from residential areas. Although measuring stations are distributed at different locations and therefore do not necessarily require proximity to residential areas anyway, it is worth taking a closer look at the area surrounding the Neckartor measuring station. Located directly next to the Mittlerer Schlossgarten and the B 14 federal road, one of the largest halls of residence of the student union Stuttgart, as well as a day-care center for children, is only 25 meters away, so that this measuring point is definitely close to the place of residence (cf. Jaschek 2014). For this reason, it must also be possible to deduce why the measuring point is at a height of one meter: When installing the columns, it was desired to determine the load values for the protection of children and infants. The politically motivated attack on the measuring point at the Neckar Gate in April 2019 reveals that the instrument for making toxic city air visible is frowned upon by some people because their measurements give rise to auto-restrictive policies (cf. Schwarz 2019).
In addition to measuring stations, the existing limit values for air pollution control are contested: From the programme "Nuhr im Ersten" on 6 December 2018, comedian Dieter Nuhr put forward the theory that candles on Advent wreaths are dangerous because of their nitrogen oxide emissions. He argued that a single candle on the Advent wreath produced 120 µq of nitrogen oxide, so on the 4th Advent it would be 480 µg and claimed that this was twelve times the permitted limit (cf. ARD 2018). However, 40 µg nitrogen dioxide is not a limit value. The annual limit value for NO2 is not a mass - given in micrograms (µg) - but a mass concentration - given in micrograms per cubic meter of volume (µg/m3). Nuhr has thus forgotten that the total mass of 480 µg of nitrogen dioxide is released into a room volume. If, for example, the Advent wreath is placed in a living room measuring 20 square meters and 2.5 meters high, this gives a room volume of 50 m3, by which the 480 micrograms of nitrogen dioxide of the four candles must be divided. The result is 9.6 micrograms per cubic meter. The annual average value for NO2 of 40 micrograms per cubic meter is therefore not exceeded by a factor of twelve - as Nuhr claims - but undercut by a factor of four, and this only under the condition that the Advent wreath would burn for a whole year. The further distribution of this video in the social networks spread disinformation, which triggered threshold skepticism.
The anti-threshold campaign even caused the Federal Minister of Transport Andreas Scheuer to call for higher limit values, referring to bills from the pulmonary physician Dieter Köhler (cf. Ulrich 2019). It turned out that these were also faulty, so that the EU commission rejected Scheuer's doubts (cf. ibid.). According to the World Health Organization, the legally prescribed nitrogen oxide limit would actually have to be reduced from 40 µg/m³ to 20 µg/m³ in order to guarantee adequate health protection (cf. WHO 2013, 35).
The transport policy problem is evident in the area of air pollution control, as one side denies that the main culprit is road traffic. Railways, measurement values and measuring stations are preferred to be made the scapegoats, rather than drawing consequences from the environmental damage caused by cars to people and the environment. The majority of political actors saw no need for driving bans until they were ordered by the courts. Since the judiciary had to intervene, it can be argued that politics with its laissez-faire paradigm in air pollution control was no longer capable of acting.
4.6. Peak-Oil Theory
In the transport policy debates in Stuttgart, "only" the municipal effects of car traffic are often discussed, such as the air and congestion problems mentioned above. The peak oil theory plays a subordinate role in the discourses, although it is of global importance. The theory deals with the finite nature of the resource oil, on which currently more than 96 percent of traffic in the European Union depends (cf. EU commission 2011, 5).
The finite nature of raw materials differs from absolute or relative exhaustion. Absolute exhaustion is understood to mean that the raw materials have been used up to the last unit; relative exhaustion already exists when the needs linked to the use of the raw materials can no longer be satisfied on a broad basis. Social change processes away from oil should therefore begin when demand is significantly higher than supply in the long term. In this context, the geologist M. King Hubbert developed the Peak Oil Theory. According to this theory, the worldwide production of crude oil will first increase steadily and then, as soon as half of the oil has been produced, it will irreversibly decline. Since, theoretically, half the amount of oil will have been consumed by Peak Oil, this point is also called Depletion Midpoint. In general, peak oil is understood as the all-time maximum production of crude oil, i.e. the maximum amount of crude oil ever produced per year. Originally developed to predict the production of crude oil, this model is now also used for natural gas (Peak Gas) and coal (Peak Coal). The question of when the global oil production maximum will be reached is of international dimensions. However, there is a major uncertainty factor in forecasting future production trends. (cf. Federal Agency for Civic Education 2016)
There are currently conflicts over the distribution of oil resources worldwide. Particularly in oil-rich regions, wars are currently taking place in which international military involvement is often attributed to resource reserves (cf. Planning Office of the Bundeswehr2012, 18). There are also projects underway which contribute to an artificial increase in reserves by tapping unconventional oil. The controversial hydraulic fracturing, colloquially known as fracking, attempts to blast solid rock underground with pressure and toxic chemicals in order to get to the deeper-lying oil and gas reserves. The USA became the largest oil producer with this environmentally problematic technology, ahead of Saudi Arabia and Russia (cf. ibid.). Fracking, which is prohibited in Germany, would set back the peak-oil date by a few years (cf. ibid.). However, since oil consumption is rising worldwide, the International Energy Agency had dated the peak oil production to 2035 (cf. International Energy Agency 2012, 81). Due to a difficult data situation, the point in time at which the oil production peak occurs can probably only be dated several years after it has occurred.
The idea of taking tough decisions against oil-heavy transport is causing unease in this country, especially since European industries are still dependent on it. But the transformation to a sustainable propulsion technology is dragging on, and the limited oil reserves are threatening to become a ticking time bomb for today's society and a dependent economy. In a future analysis report of the German Bundeswehr, it is assumed that in the medium term the global economic system and any market economy would collapse (cf. Planning Office of the Bundeswehr2012, 57). Other expected effects are mass unemployment, famine and the collapse of infrastructure (cf. Planning Office of the Bundeswehr 2012, 58 et seq.). According to the Bundeswehr report, security risks associated with peak oil are difficult to assess because it will not be possible to change the oil supply equally in all regions of the world until peak oil occurs. It is likely that many states will not be able to make the necessary investments in time and in sufficient amounts (ibid.). It was left open whether Germany will be able to rescue itself from its oil dependence in time.
Political decisions could bring about a peak in oil demand before relative exhaustion. This would have the advantage that the oil should be preserved for future generations. The subsequent peak oil would not occur for resource-related reasons, which peak oil representatives warn against, but for economic reasons. (cf. Baic/ Clostermann 2016, 37)
Such political peaking would require not only oil-independent alternatives in the transport sector, but also a move away from plastic products in other sectors. Without consistent preliminary work, which creates enough traffic capacity beyond vehicles with conventional combustion engines, similar scenarios could occur as simulated by the German Federal Armed Forces in the case of a peak oil.
4.7. Dependence of the automotive industry and its future viability
It can be assumed that the economic interdependence of the state capital Stuttgart with the automotive industry has a major influence on Stuttgart's traffic. In political and economic discourses, the automotive industry is generally said to play a major role in the German economy: the automotive industry accounts for 4.7 per cent of the total gross value added in Germany (cf. Federal Statistical Office 2019). A total of 880,000 people work directly for the automotive industry (cf. ibid.). However, because the industry is linked to other sectors, the estimated number of employees is 1.75 million (cf. ibid.). This means that four out of every 100 jobs in Germany are dependent on the car industry. According to the structural report published in 2017, every sixth job in the Stuttgart Region is in the automotive industry, which is different from the national average (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2017a, 79f.). Exact figures on how much tax the state receives from the automotive industry cannot be provided because of tax secrecy.
Stuttgart therefore finds itself in a quandary: car traffic is most responsible for the bad air, but the automotive industry accounts for a disproportionately high share in the Stuttgart Region. For this reason it is easier to understand why state institutions have been very accommodating towards the automotive industry. In this chapter it could be shown on several occasions that politicians are defending Germany as a location for the car industry despite the emissions scandals. However, there are numerous motives for focusing on the ecological compatibility of the means of transport. Besides air pollution control, there is also political pressure with the Fridays for future movement and the recent election successes of Bündnis 90/ Die Grünen. Since the peak-oil problem would have devastating consequences not only in the ecological but also in the economic sphere, the state has an interest in change.
For some time now, German federal policy has been calling for the automotive industry to switch from the combustion engine to the electric car in order to become a leading supplier (cf. National Platform for Electric Mobility 2019). There is a view that the electric car is a climate-friendly car. Electricity generation would have to be completely renewable and the climatic costs of battery production and final recycling would have to be taken into account. It is hoped that the car will solve the problem of emissions within city centres. As a political goal, the German government has stated that one million electric vehicles should be on German roads by 2022 (cf. ibid.). This is financially supported by a 4,000 euro purchase premium, which is financed in equal parts by the federal government and the manufacturers (cf. Deutsche Presseagentur 2016). A 1.2 billion euro start-up aid is provided by the state for the premium payments (ibid.). However, these are generally controversial because investments in other transport sectors could on the one hand change the modal split and on the other hand open up new economic sectors outside the automotive industry.
The battery car also has proponents in the European Union. Because battery production is currently still mainly in East Asia, the EU commission is striving for the best possible battery production within the EU zone and promises to invest 200 million euros in the newly founded European battery alliance by 2020, in which several large corporations are participating (cf. EU commission 2018, 6). The market volume is estimated at 250 billion euros by 2025 (cf. EU commission 2018, 1). The EU commission set a target that by 2030 over 30 percent of newly produced cars should be electric cars (cf. EU commission 2017b). If car companies achieve this target, they would be rewarded with less stringent CO2 targets, a very questionable means of encouraging car companies to be more proactive from an environmental perspective (cf. ibid.; Research group ELAB 2018, 20).
Based on the 83,175 electric cars registered at the beginning of 2019, skepticism about the new technology is evident (cf. Federal Motor Transport Authority 2019). State aid worth billions has had little effect so far, as the purchase figures continue to show a trend towards the internal combustion engine (cf. Verband der Automobilindustrie 2019). If the purchase of the electric car is the second or third car, as was the case in Norway to 93 percent, a purchase would be counterproductive anyway from an environmental and land policy perspective (cf. Holtsmark/Skonthoft 2014, 165).
However, the discomfort of car consumers is usually not based on environmental aspects, but on the fear of range. Range has a strong influence on the proportion of fully electric vehicles (cf. Götz/Sunderer/Birzle-Harder/Deffner 2011, 47). However, these concerns are largely unfounded, he says, because 80 per cent of Germans do not travel more than 40 kilometers a day by car, so the range of an electric car is sufficient for about 150 to 200 kilometers (Deutsche Presseagentur 2016). For longer distances, however, charging takes just over half an hour, which probably discourages car customers too much (cf. Skarics 2016). These recharges can thus be carried out "quickly" only with quick charging stations that have to be set up again, while a power supply at home on one's own grid takes much longer.
In the medium term, however, science will encounter the same problem with electric car technology as with petrol or diesel cars: the exploitation of limited resources. The mining of lithium would have to take place in democratically deficient third countries and would pose a massive threat to their ecosystems (cf. EU commission 2018, 3; Martin/Rentsch/Höck/Bertau 2017, 178). Electro mobility based on lithium-ion batteries is threatened with a peak in the foreseeable future because the raw material is scarce and expensive to process, according to estimates by experts at the French consultancy firm Meridian International Research (cf. Hoelzgen 2009). In total, only the four million tons of lithium available in the world can be used to make batteries (cf. Tahil 2007, 4). The estimated total number of possible electric vehicles varies by a factor of 60 between 0.2 and 12 billion vehicles (cf. Tahil 2007, 22). A total stock of more than 1.2 billion vehicles indicates that electric cars will at most be considered as a short-term transitional technology for the protection of exhausted oil resources (International Organization of Motor Vehicle Manufacturers 2015, 2).
It seems to be unclear why the electric car is being pushed if it is not even sustainable in the long run. In order to better understand the trend towards the battery car, it is necessary to gain an insight into the production process of the new e-vehicles. According to a study by the Stuttgart-based Fraunhofer Institute, eleven percent of jobs in the automotive industry would be saved by 2030 (cf. research group ELAB 2018, 60). Since 208,000 people are employed in the car industry in the Stuttgart Region, around 21,000 jobs would have to be cut (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2017a, 79f.). If 80 per cent of cars were to be electrically powered by 2030, this would mean a 35 per cent reduction in personnel, i.e. 72,800 jobs (cf. research group ELAB 2018, 68). The "decarbonisation" will hit working people in companies which have focused on the combustion engine particularly hard. For the piston manufacturers Mahle or Bosch represented in Stuttgart, this could lead to job cuts and downsizing. The fact that the car manufacturers find it easy to switch to battery car production is due to the EU advantages listed above and the above-mentioned personnel savings, which are economically worthwhile for the employers. The goal of transferring the construction of battery production plants to the corporations, including Daimler in Stuttgart, should somewhat mitigate the dismissal policy (cf. Schreyer 2017). This could explain the perspective of Volkswagen boss Diess, why the group wants to specialise primarily in battery technology. On the one hand, the personnel savings argument is taking hold and on the other hand, VW has already invested in the newly founded battery alliance, which would reduce its market volume in the event of an alternative drive technology.
There are also voices in the transformation process which believe that a different drive system will prevail. The astrophysicist Prof. Dr. Harald Lesch calls for fuel cell technology to be researched even better (cf. ZDF 2019). The model known as the hydrogen car is an older predecessor of the lithium drive, the first hydrogen cars were already driving in Stuttgart in 1997. The Daimler Benz company dedicated the vehicle the name Mercedes Benz Necar, which is an acronym for New electric car and alludes to the Neckar river flowing through Stuttgart. In the fuel cell car, hydrogen reacts with oxygen and has the practical end product water. In contrast to the electric car, the range of the Necar produced in 1997 is 3 400 kilometers (Weidner/ Metzner/ Rammler 2004, 39). After this, hydrogen would have to be refueled, which is no different from today's tank fillings. This also eliminates costs for the charging infrastructure, as a new pillar at the filling station could be sufficient. But although the law requires the expansion of 100 nationwide hydrogen filling stations by 2020, there are only two filling pumps in Stuttgart (cf. State Agency E-Mobil 2013, 11). One advantage for Stuttgart's economic metropolis that should not be underestimated is that fuel cell technology continues to require carbon-heavy companies. With the production of the fuel cell, the industrial location would have more opportunities, for example, not to limit itself to the car, but could also target the market for other means of transport.
However, the energy required to produce hydrogen is considerable. Storing hydrogen requires a lot of energy, so it is again important that electricity is produced from 100 % renewable energies in future (cf. Weidner et al. 2004, 22). On the other hand, it can be mentioned that Germany sometimes produces too much green electricity at night, so that it has to be sold to other EU states at a cost (cf. Ellenbeck/Schmidt 2013). If produced at night, hydrogen production would be a possible form of energy storage.
A previously unsolved problem, similar to the electric car, was the exploitation of a resource when switching to the technology. In the case of the fuel cell, expensive platinum membranes are needed, and their supply would also run out (cf. Weidner et al. 2004, 22). But at the end of 2018, the research center Jülich developed membranes for the first time that could replace the rare platinum with cheaper non-precious metal catalysts (cf. Radulescu 2019). At the moment, there is still potential for optimization in terms of performance and durability (cf. ibid.). If these basic conditions are improved, a big step could be taken towards a more resource-saving drive technology (cf. ibid.).
In the course of the scientific advances in fuel cells, Toyota and the Japanese government announced that they would rely entirely on fuel cells (cf. Nefzger 2018; cf. Gersemann 2019). Japan covers half the costs of a hydrogen car, but, similar to Germany, still has an infrastructural bottleneck with only 100 filling stations (cf. Gersemann 2019).
However, the main focus of the political-economic dispute is not the imminent switch to hydrogen technology, but the difficulties faced by the workforce in the event of a transformation. Workers in the automotive industry worry about losing their jobs due to battery production. If environmental protection is then put off as justification for lay-offs, the economy creates political sentiment against it. As a result, groups of people may become immune to the issue of the internal combustion engine. Politically, this immunity then leads to less pressure for change on the car industry and politicians: the German government still refuses to set a concrete phase-out date for the combustion engine. Even the conservative-neoliberal government in Norway is planning a ban on combustion engines in new cars from 2025, the Netherlands, Sweden, Great Britain, Ireland, France and Iceland from 2030 (cf. Breitinger 2019). A ban on combustion engines in Europe would be predictable and transparent for everyone, but it could reduce the sales figures of car companies. As long as internal combustion engine cars continue to make such large profits, desired alternative drive systems could not be implemented within a few months because the old vehicle construction industry ties up space and personnel capacities. As long as the economy produces internal combustion engines, it will become dependent on oil, which can lead to a collapse of the national economy when peak oil occurs.
5. Mobility policy analysis of the environmental network
For reasons of climate protection, a change in transport policy is more urgent than ever. A traffic turnaround means that much more must be done than just replacing the drive technology. It has been calculated that even with optimistic assumptions about technical innovations in vehicle technology, a large part of the high air emissions would have to be achieved through changes in behavior, i.e. a switch to the environmental alliance. Changes in the political regulation of transport are crucial in this respect. (cf. Canzler/ Knie 2018, 5)
In order to be able to consistently implement the traffic turnaround in Stuttgart, adequate mobility alternatives are needed for motor vehicle traffic. This chapter therefore examines the status quo and the future possibilities of the environmental alliance in more detail.
5.1. Pedestrian traffic
Walking is healthy, fun and offers a number of social benefits (Büttner/ Weber 2019, 5). Pedestrian traffic is the cornerstone of urban life, an indicator of a city worth living in, a relevant economic factor (ibid.) When cities invest in a good foot infrastructure, the turnover of shops, restaurants and cafés increases (cf. Litman 2016, 63). Nevertheless, shopkeepers repeatedly underestimate the number of people who walk and at the same time overestimate the number of customers who arrive by car (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg2016, 12). Despite the already limited space for foot traffic, such attitudes provoke usage conflicts with car traffic. The space taken up by car traffic, which has already been mentioned, endangers foot traffic in several ways. In some places, the use of footpaths by delivery traffic and parking offenders is impossible, and parking that obstructs visibility increases the risk potential (cf. Büttner/ Weber 2019, 7). Smooth walking is also not possible in many places because pavements are delivered with street signs, advertising displays and waste bins (cf. ibid.).
For these reasons, transport science researchers have been trying to develop "Recommendations for pedestrian traffic systems" since 2002 (cf. Bracher 2016, 287). In order to make improvements in pedestrian traffic possible, a cooperative understanding is first of all required, because the number of actors involved in pedestrian traffic is large. For this reason, pedestrian promotion should be taken into account from the very beginning. This task is the responsibility of the municipality, since the design of public space and many roads is assigned to urban development. Tilman Bracher, a transport scientist from Stuttgart, believes that an awareness of how places can be made easily accessible should be created in the planning phase (cf. ibid.). Examples cited are sufficiently wide footpaths of at least 2.50 meters, short waiting times at traffic lights, adequate lighting and a well-maintained network of footpaths (cf. ibid.). Barriers need to be identified and removed, especially for road safety in the vicinity of schools and retirement homes where there is a lot of car traffic (cf. ibid.). The first step towards more pedestrian friendliness is taken by cities which plan sufficient crossing possibilities along roads (cf. ibid.). The Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg supports the expansion of safe road crossings with the current action programme "1,000 zebra crossings for Baden-Württemberg" (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg2019b). Being able to cross roads without a large diversion is a special quality of freedom of movement in public spaces (cf. Bracher 2016, 287). Most pedestrian accidents occur when crossing roads, the consequences of which are more serious at higher vehicle speeds (cf. ibid.). If roads were too narrow, a reduction and slowing down of car traffic would therefore have to be initiated (cf. ibid.). Since, according to the Road Traffic Regulations, pedestrians are entitled to such a speed limit, urban planners should overcome conflicts of interest in implementation (cf. ibid.). This must also happen when pavements are converted into parking spaces (cf. ibid.). To give walking a higher priority in road traffic, traffic scientists recommend more parking controls and sanctions for wrongly parked cars (cf. Bracher 2016, 287f.).
It is of interest for the work to find out how broadly the proposed foot traffic planning is actually implemented in the state capital. The interest group FUSS e.V., which is active nationwide in the Stuttgart area, does not agree with the current situation on Stuttgart's streets. At a demonstration on the B14, Peter Erben, a spokesman for the organization, complained that parking ticket machines, charging stations and bonnets of cars parked crossways drastically reduce the width of the pavement (cf. FUSS e.V. Stuttgart 2018). In a pictorial documentation carried out in 2017, the organization had collected pictures of cars parked in the wrong place, which restrict foot traffic. The pictures revealed that public vehicles were among the traffic offenders (cf. FUSS e.V. Stuttgart 2017). The occasion for this documentation was a political action that took place in Stuttgart-South: Unknown persons had covered wrongly parked cars with a foil, wrapped them in barrier tape and sent the provocative message "If you can park like this, it's shit" (cf. ibid.). The foot traffic organization’s pictorial documentation called on the city to monitor the parking area more consistently in the city center in order to protect the weakest road users.
Shortly after these political actions, a citizens' petition was launched, supported by an alliance of almost two dozen initiatives and associations called Stuttgart laufd nai, in German Stuttgart goes inside. The aim is to transform the entire area within the future city ring into a pedestrian zone in order to create "a pleasure area for everyone". In addition to the pedestrian zone, the initiative is also committed to expanding the cycle paths in the area mentioned. This shows that cycling and pedestrian representatives work together politically, although they compete with cyclists over areas (cf. Bracher 2016, 287). The initiators are cooperating in order, according to their own statements, to convert car parks and grey backyards into children's playgrounds and green oases of well-being. (cf. Stuttgart laufd nai 2019)
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure Nr. 5 : Newcity-ring
The new inner city concept is characterized by a series of changes in transport policy and urban development. Public transport will be included in the planning without changes. Existing entrances and passages for SSB buses will be retained, and there will continue to be stops for taxis. The reorganization of land use in the city center will create areas where cyclists are among themselves, those on foot are among themselves and those where mutual consideration is shown. According to the initiators, the concept ensures that cyclists can get through the city center quickly and safely. In the process, the main cycle routes planned in the 2030 transport development concept. (cf. Stuttgart laufd nai 2018, 2)
In order to create an attractive environment for pedestrians in Stuttgart city center, there are restrictions for car drivers: This concerns one per cent of all parking spaces in Stuttgart, which would be removed in order to improve pedestrian traffic and thus strengthen local trade (cf. Stuttgart City Council 2017, 2). All scattered above-ground parking spaces for cars and lorries will be converted into pedestrian zones as part of the rededication. Wider footpaths, extended green spaces, new urban trees, city oases, children's playgrounds, urban gardening, street cafés, places of free cultural exchange are cited as examples of how the spaces that become vacant could be redesigned. What exactly should be implemented will be decided in a citizen's participation process, which should consciously focus on youth and child participation in order to be able to take into account as many premises as possible in the cityscape. Some car parks are also to be converted: Parts of the areas are to be converted into bicycle parking garages, while other parts will become storage areas for the exchange of goods by inner-city retailers. Micro-depots have the advantage of significantly reducing the combustion-engine based and heavy delivery traffic, which impairs the quality of foot traffic. However, car parks that are directly accessible via the city ring road will remain unaffected. Mixed residential and commercial quarters will be created on all other above-ground parking decks. (cf. ibid.)
On 26 July 2017, Stuttgart's municipal council adopted the core demands of the initiative, so that funds for improving pedestrian traffic are already being made available in the current double budget for 2018/2019 (Stuttgart laufd nai 2019; cf. Municipal Council of Stuttgart 2017, 5).
5.2. Cycle traffic
Cycling is mobility without harmful climate gases (cf. Federal Environment Agency 2016). It takes up very little space and is quiet (cf. ibid.). If more people switch to the bicycle, it will be very lucrative from a private and economic point of view. The cost of using a bicycle is around 10 cents per kilometer travelled (cf. Röhling/ Burg/ Schäfer/ Walther 2008, 37).
Traffic researchers at the Technical University of Dresden have determined the potential of bicycle traffic. If every second short car journey were to be made by bicycle in future, the proportion of cyclists would already be 21 percent. A real option would be the bicycle, especially in medium-sized and large cities where short distances are available. In large cities, an expert estimate by the Federal Environment Agency has shown that 40-50 % of car trips are less than five kilometers long (cf. Federal Environment Agency 2016). At this distance, the bicycle would even be the fastest means of transport in terms of time. A user survey on whether the bicycle is a realistic alternative for short distances revealed a great dependence on topography. "If the route is flat, five kilometers of travel by bike is considered feasible by more than 80 percent of the respondents. If it is hilly or even mountainous, this assessment drops significantly," Prof. Dr. Gerd-Axel Ahrens was able to find out. This topographic hurdle should be taken into account in Stuttgart. The research results of the study could be used to justify an increased financial commitment of the city to cycling. (cf. Ahrens/ Becker/ Böhmer/ Richter/ Wittwer 2012, 6)
For this reason, an expansion of e-bikes to support on uphill stretches could be considered, so that cycling can be made more attractive on Stuttgart's hilly routes. On a socio-economic level, pedelecs are superior to the car (cf. Prill 2015, 155). This is reflected in significantly lower purchase, maintenance and health care costs (cf. ibid.). In contrast to electric cars, pedelecs have already been sold a million times in Germany, so they could play a major role in the shift from the car to the environmental alliance (cf. ibid.). In order for more people to switch to the electric bike, infrastructural improvements would have to be made to cycling (cf. Prill 2015, 158). This scientific finding also correlates with the demands of the traditional cycling interest groups.
A political catalogue of demands for an improvement in cycling emerged directly from the citizenry, similar to that for walking. This was called the Stuttgart Cycle Decision, to which 35,000 signatures were submitted for a citizens' decision (cf. Ayerle 2019). This contained very concrete framework conditions for cycle traffic in Stuttgart. Intersections or junctions are to be improved so that pedestrians and cyclists are better protected against accidents when turning off the road (cf. Radentscheid Stuttgart 2019). Cycle paths are also to be cleared of dirt, snow and obstacles on an equal footing with the main motor vehicle traffic axes (cf. ibid.). By 2021, the number of bicycle parking spaces is to be tripled and installed in residential areas, at public transport stops and at destinations for cycling and leisure traffic (cf. ibid.). Since leisure traffic accounts for 42.8 percent of all traffic journeys, transport planners hope that the installation will encourage more people to switch to bicycles (cf. Koglin/ Rohde 2016, 106).
The Transport Development Plan 2030 has also stipulated that a main cycle route network of over 240 kilometres is to be created by 2030 and has already identified the routes affected (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2014, 101). Cyclists are responsible for ensuring that these targets are met by 2030, which is why the Cycling Decision advocates that the state capital should make 63 kilometres of cycle-friendly routes every year from now on in order to meet the timetable (cf. Cycling Decision Stuttgart 2019). Only with an improvement in the cycling infrastructure could the politically demanded higher modal split share in cycling of at least 12 percent be achieved (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2014, 100; cf. ibid.). 15 km of autonomous cycle paths, 15 km of cycle-friendly secondary road network redesign and 33 km for the main cycle routes are the annual target requirements of the cycle decision (cf. ibid.). The annual costs for the extension of the cycle network are estimated at 8.5 million euros according to data from the General German Bicycle Club Erfurt (cf. ADFC Erfurt 2012).
After a legal opinion recommended that the citizens' decision should not be allowed, Lord Mayor Fritz Kuhn supported the idea of the "City of the Bicycle" with his own municipal bill (cf. Ayerle 2019). However, the city's argumentation is that the budget and personnel for cycling has already been increased to 7.4 million euros in recent years. The city government boasts that it has earmarked 12 euros per capita in this double budget, so that a further budget increase remains undesirable for city policy. Looking at the period of four to six years, a study prepared by Greenpeace certifies Stuttgart only five euros per capita expenditure on cycling (cf. Greenpeace 2018, 10). Although this is the highest value in the study for Germany as a whole, a comparison with the cycling cities of Amsterdam at 11 euros and Copenhagen at 35.60 euros is only a pipe dream (cf. ibid.). Since the same study also attested the Swabian metropolis the highest risk of accidents and the lowest proportion of bicycle traffic in the modal split, the demands of the cycling decision receive new impetus (cf. ibid.).
However, the implementation of the cycle-friendly road redesign anchored in the transport development concept is leading to political conflicts on the road. Two examples from the city district of Bad Cannstatt are similar in their development.
The bicycle upgrading stretches from Cannstatt to Stuttgart-Hofen and to Fellbach in the county of Rems-Murr, which are anchored in the main route plan, have long been a matter of decision. In particular, the B14 highway extension from Fellbach via the tunnel of Kappelberg and the Neckar valley viaduct to the Daimler factory in Untertürkheim was justified by the need to finally make room for the environmental alliance on Waiblinger Strasse, and even a 30 km/h speed limit was under discussion. Instead of this, a 50 km/h zone was left and cycle traffic was given its own lane on the road. However, the desired shift of cars to the B14 did not take place, as Fellbach built a parallel car tunnel through the city, which continued to attract motor vehicle traffic. In 2008, under Wolfgang Schuster, the city nevertheless decided to install the cycle lanes and the associated removal of one car lane for noise protection reasons (State capital Stuttgart 2008, 61). When the administration implemented this decision, district advisory boards of the CDU began to rail against the bicycle lanes as an eco-social project and consider them to be mainly responsible for the car traffic jam on the highly frequented road (cf. CDU Local group Bad Cannstatt 2014).
There were also long-term plans for the cycle path to Stuttgart-Hofen, with plans to close the Wagrainstr./ Hofener Straße to motor vehicle traffic and to continue car traffic on the other side of the Neckar in Stuttgart-Münster in the long term. The reasons for this were varied: around 1980, the CDU-led state government wanted to build a four-lane motorway towards Ludwigsburg, but failed due to cost, environmental compatibility and protests. City councilor Christine Lehmann noted on her multi-award-winning bicycle blog that the CDU had already demanded the closure of Hofener Strasse to car traffic in 1984 as a compensatory measure (cf. Lehmann 2015). In 2011, the number of cyclists and pedestrians present on weekends has risen to such an extreme that the capacity of the pavement is no longer sufficient to ensure safe traffic (cf. Braun 2012). For this reason Hofener Straße was closed at weekends, while the AfD, FDP and CDU protested and spread the thesis that this meant more car traffic for the parallel street in the district of Münster (cf. Lehmann 2015). Since the predicted traffic jam scenario did not occur according to a traffic census around 2013, the closure could actually have been continued in the same way (cf. ibid.). In the end, the three city districts concerned agreed on a Sunday closure. In Stuttgart's participatory budget, a two-year public participation platform, the application for the total closure of Hofener Straße received majority approval (cf. Stuttgarter Bürgerhaushalt 2019a). This suggests that the partially withdrawn weekend closure is viewed skeptically.
The selected examples were intended to show that the expansion of bicycle traffic is still politicized when space for car traffic is lost. The recurring phenomenon of political instrumentalization should be questioned if the reorganization of cycle paths was still supported by the government with its own party and only rejected in the opposition course. Such a political course does not lead to a willingness to reach a consensus, so that the required preferential treatment of cyclists for 240 of a total of 1,492 kilometers of road would have to be implemented against a certain clientele (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2015, 1).
5.3. Public transport
Local public transport is one of the means of transport that can cover further distances significantly faster than walking and cycling (cf. Federal Environment Agency 2016). For this reason, its use represents a real alternative to the car. A crucial question is how state institutions structure the financing of public transport in Stuttgart. In the Stuttgart transport association VVS, an annual ticket for adults costs between 676 euros and 2,210 euros, depending on the number of zones (cf. Verkehrs- und Tarifbund Stuttgart 2019, 6). However, pressure for a reduction has been coming from the citizens for some time now: in 2019, the 365 euro ticket shot up to 17th place in Stuttgart's participatory budget (cf. Stuttgarter Bürgerhaushalt 2019b). The possibility of travelling through the whole of Stuttgart for just 365 euros a year is clearly advocated after the city's largest citizen participation instrument. In fact, with this ticket, local public transport would become much cheaper for everyone and at the same time still be voluntary. As explained in the chapter "Vienna Model of Mobility Planning", a price reduction policy in combination with further push and pull measures could reduce the share of cars in transport from 45 to 28 percent within a few years. It was shown in Vienna that by shifting to rail, urban transport companies can expand more and more. In 2017 sales revenues increased to 566 million euros, in 2019 the large municipal company invested 435 million euros in the expansion of public transport (cf. Wiener Linien 2019). While political majorities in Austria's capital were behind this concession, the position of various parties on the 365 Euro ticket in Stuttgart is still unclear. Although the Greens and the SPD had discussed a comparable ticket, the left-wing parliamentary group SÖS/Linke/PluS even supported ticketless public transport, the eco-social groups could not pass a joint motion despite the majority since 2014, in contrast to the above-mentioned initiatives of "Stuttgart laufd nai" or the cycling decision.
However, if cities should quickly reduce the share of car traffic in the modal split because they are under legal pressure, the local transport levy is a means which, on the one hand, finances local transport in a rock-solid way by means of levies and, at the same time, can bring about a reduction in car traffic. The basic principle of a local public transport levy is that a certain defined group of people is periodically obliged to pay a levy on local public transport, which then entitles them to travel without a ticket. The public transport levy could in principle be levied as a tax, charge, contribution and special levy (cf. Deutscher Bundestag 2012, 6). The Federal States would have to create a legal basis for its introduction. However, there is not yet a possibility in the Federal Republic of Germany to levy a public transport contribution for all citizens (cf. Deutscher Bundestag 2012, 13). Instead, objective criteria would have to be applied, according to which the contribution to be paid would be calculated on a group-by-group basis according to the potential benefit in question (ibid.) From a legal point of view, there would be a legitimization of the fact that motorists are now only allowed to enter Stuttgart city center with a VVS ticket. Such a levy has been proposed by Stuttgart's Lord Mayor Fritz Kuhn and his parliamentary group Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (cf. Bündnis 90/Die Grünen 2018). As a counter-argument against the "compulsory levy", the CDU argues that life in the conurbations should not become more expensive with additional charges (cf. Deutsche Presseagentur 2019). However, it would be more expensive for those who only drive cars. But those who use public transport extensively or only every fifth day within Stuttgart would be relieved financially, as the prices charged so far are undercut by a 365 euro annual ticket (cf. Verkehrs- und Tarifbund Stuttgart 2019, 5). From an economic perspective, local transport will become attractive because it is included for a trip to the city center.
The only local transport fee that already functions in Germany is the semester ticket, which allows students at almost all universities to pay a fixed fee during the semester and in return use local public transport around the clock. The basic idea of the ticket goes back to the University of Stuttgart, but it was first introduced at the FH Darmstadt in 1992, which is why the ticket is also called the "Darmstadt Model" (cf. Weichbrodt 2001, 3). The introduction of this local transport levy reduced the proportion of car use by 15 to 28 percent (cf. Weichbrodt 2001, 8).
There is also an interest group that advocates free public transport: The initiative "Freifahren für Stuttgart", which is named after the VVS ffs, organises political free travel campaigns and wants to make the use of buses and trains free of charge (cf. Freifahren für Stuttgart 2019). To achieve this, the Stuttgart Region would have to spend 378 million euros more annually on public transport to offset the costs of around 630 million euros for the entire VVS area (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2019a). In contrast to the local transport levy, there would be no financial restrictions for car drivers, but the municipal budgets would have to counter-finance the additional costs incurred. At the moment there is no estimate for Stuttgart as to how many people would jump on public transport under this system.
Those who want to offer local transport at a reduced price or for free have to create additional capacity. Transport scientist Heiner Monheim referred to the city of Bologna, which was unable to record an increase in demand after the introduction of ticket-free public transport due to a lack of capacity (cf. Monheim 2012, 28).
In order to increase the frequency of rail use, the public transport system in Stuttgart needs to be expanded in addition to price reductions, which should be examined in more detail. Although in principle the federal and state governments decide on the expansion of the local transport infrastructure, the Stuttgart Region, through the Regional Transport Plan, has a major influence on which projects should be implemented in the near future. The plan serves as an important basis for many of the Stuttgart Region's committee decisions and statements relating to transport and is used as a regional policy instrument for investment decisions (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2018a, 12f.). Cross-municipal planning of all infrastructure expansion projects is advantageous for a networked local transport system, since a proportion of Stuttgart's traffic comes from the surrounding districts.
Whereas in the seventies the intention was still to replace trams with bus transport, the new regional transport plan shows a 180° turnaround. In it, all of Stuttgart's tram line extension plans are disclosed in different scenarios, which differ in their transport policy urgency, speed of implementation and economic efficiency (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2018b, A3 4). Particular attention is to be paid to scenario G, as it includes "infrastructure measures of the highest and greatest urgency, as well as selected organisational, price and regulatory measures" (Verband Region Stuttgart 2018a, 30).
In 2019, the extension of the U6 underground line, which provides the light rail connection to the airport, is actually under construction. The U5 underground line will also be extended at least as far as Neuer Markt; an extension to Echterdingen is also planned in the Stuttgart Region's Scenario G (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2018b, A3 4).
The U19 light rail line is to be extended to the Daimler factory in Untertürkheim on the one hand and from Neugereut to Oeffingen in the county of Rems-Murr on the other (cf. ibid.). In addition, the U7 extension to Esslingen, a U4 extension to the west of Stuttgart, the western development of the district of Vaihingen and tram projects in Ludwigsburg are also planned (cf. ibid.) Studies have even found that the construction of an urban cable car system in Vaihingen could have similar displacement effects (cf. Reichenbach/ Puhe/ Soylu/ von Behren/ Chlond 2017, 34).
If you look at the current construction projects of the SSB, you will see that projects that are subject to a cursory examination are implemented more quickly by the Stuttgart tramways. These include the newly created U16 underground line between Feuerbach and Fellbach. The fact that the U13 line from Weilimdorf to Ditzingen-Ost could be extended in the closer planning of the SSB, although this was not considered at all in the regional transport plan, is due to the urgent construction of a new depot (cf. Kleiner 2018).
Many of the route plans mentioned are graphically summarized in a network plan. The possibility of transparently listing the total costs of the visualized "Light Rail Line Network 2030" can only be estimated due to a lack of public calculations and unclear route conditions. The U12 price values are to be taken as a benchmark, where the 4.6 km long route with six stops cost 200 million euros (cf. Meyer 2016). For the future route network, 20.1 km of line with ten new stops would have to be built. This would result in a total expansion sum of around 900 million euros, distributed over 90 million euros per year until 2030.
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Figure Nr. 6 : Possible line network of the SSB 2030
The regional transport plan makes no mention of the increased frequency of the light rail system, as was the case in Vienna, in the extension plans. This may be due to the fact that in the city center the light rail system runs on sections of line that are a bottleneck due to their capacity utilization. Between Stöckach and the town hall, and between Olgaeck and the main railway station, up to six lines run on one track. Also due to current restrictions during the construction of Stuttgart 21, the main line between Staatsgalerie and Hauptbahnhof has been cut, which is why the light rail system on these main lines is operating at full capacity. This fact currently prevents shorter intervals on the infrastructure currently available. If the aim of increasing the frequency of the light rail system were to be set out in the forthcoming regional transport plans, new concepts would have to be considered. While outside the city center, a higher frequency would be possible on individual lines, on the lines used by many lines either additional tracks or an alternative route would be required. Purely hypothetically, since the ban on diesel traction, light rail tracks could be laid above ground on the lanes of the B14 from Cannstatt to the city center, which would be cheaper than building a tunnel and would come a few steps closer to the wish to shorten the timetable. A new light rail branch to the main station could be created by reactivating former tunnel infrastructures, such as the first Rosenstein tunnel. Without the prior studies of the rail network planners, such planning drafts will remain mere visions.
In addition to the light rail system, the future timing of the S-Bahn as a regional rail link is important for local rail transport. Since all seven existing lines pass through the long trunk line tunnel between the main station and Schwabstraße, the radially oriented network also creates a bottleneck. By the end of 2020, a continuous 15-minute interval is to be implemented in the S-Bahn traffic on weekdays from six to 20 hrs. So far, there is only a 30-minute interval between ten and 15 o'clock. (Institute of Transport Science Stuttgart 2014, 90f.)
In addition to these radial expansion plans, a debate on the development opportunities of tangential transport would be equally important, as Stuttgart is very reluctant to use it despite the existing rail infrastructure. Tangential connections not only relieve the burden on inner-city traffic, but can also promote the strengthening of polycentric structures in the long term (cf. State capital Munich 1995, 14).
If Stuttgart's public transport system is polycentrically oriented, outlying districts and other regional centers will benefit from flexible and city center-independent route networks. It would therefore be advantageous for Stuttgart in terms of transport policy to use its electrified and two-lane tangential connection. The Untertürkheim-Kornwestheim railway line, known as the "Schusterbahn" (shoemaker's railway) by Salamander employees because of its former commuter traffic, will be served as R11 six times a day between Monday and Friday. Otherwise, the line is used for freight traffic and some ICE connections.
However, the city and the VVS 2017 still argue demand-oriented with passenger figures that "do not even justify a further expansion of the timetable offer" (cf. State capital Stuttgart 2017b, 40). For each route connection, however, a precise analysis must then be made of the role played in this low demand by the frequency of services, the connection of stops, the total length of the route and the level of awareness, which transport institutes can verify. The parliamentary group SÖS/Linke/PluS is of the opinion that the urban presentation of the Schusterbahn fundamentally contradicts the assessment of traffic research. As early as 2010, updated in 2014, a study by the Stuttgart Institute of Transportation Sciences has identified considerable potential for the Schusterbahn, provided that it is extended to the regional hubs of Esslingen and Plochingen and Ludwigsburg and Bietigheim (Institute of Transport Sciences Stuttgart 2014, 42). The ordered diesel driving bans, which result in traffic shift effects, were not yet taken into account in the examination at that time. No note was taken of the significant advantages of short-term feasibility (Parliamentary group SÖS/Linke/PluS 2017). Neither was the fact that the route could possibly be raised to the S-Bahn standard at a later date and thus the infrastructurally overloaded S-Bahn main station from Schwabstraße to the main station could be relieved in the long term (ibid.). The hypothesis that the city might oppose the expansion of the shoemaker's railway possibly because the railway areas in Stuttgart-Münster would have to be converted in the long term as an additional storage station for Stuttgart 21, as the planned station is undersized (cf. Hauptmann 2019). While in 2017 the parliamentary group DIE LINKE voted solely in favor of the half-hourly extension of the R11 tangential line, another feasibility study in May 2019 convinced the Stuttgart Region, so that "an optimized capacity extension" is initiated (cf. Verband Region Stuttgart 2017b, 1f.; Verband Region Stuttgart 2019b, 3).
An alternative tangential model that could be developed would be the “Nordkreuz”, a connection of the S-Bahn between Nordbahnhof and Bad Cannstatt, which, however, was significantly less economical than the Schusterbahn (cf. Institute of Transport Sciences Stuttgart 2014, 44f.).
6. The significance of Stuttgart 21 for the traffic conflict
6.1. The project Stuttgart 21
The project known as Stuttgart 21, which aims to transform Stuttgart Central Station from a terminus station into an underground through station, can be seen as a key point of the traffic conflict. Many demands for a traffic turnaround depend crucially on the strength of Stuttgart's railway junction. The project remains controversial in public and has split the population of Baden-Württemberg into two opposing camps. The first considerations for the redesign of the Stuttgart railway junction were laid down in the 1985 Federal Transport Infrastructure Plan. After completion of the Mannheim-Stuttgart high-speed line, an ICE line was also to be built to Ulm to connect Stuttgart to the European high-speed network. Originally, this connection was to be made possible by a new line between Plochingen and Günzburg, but in 1988, transport economist Gerhard Heimerl advocated a connection to Stuttgart airport, which is why a Stuttgart through station was discussed as a supplement to the terminus station. (cf. Gabriel/Schoen/Faden-Kuhne 2014, 23)
In view of today's debates on Stuttgart 21, it is an important point that Heimerl spoke of an addition rather than an exclusive through station. After all, it was not until 1994 that S21 developed in the direction of completely dismantling the 16-track terminus station, thanks to the commitment of a CDU alliance with Minister President Teufel, Federal Minister of Transport Matthias Wissmann and Lord Mayor Manfred Rommel. (cf. Ostertag 2008, 14)
The argument for this conversion was, on the one hand, a report by Heimerl, which was to certify that the underground station was more efficient. On the other hand, it was argued at the urban policy level that the city had 100 hectares available for inner-city urban development. In 1994 framework agreements were signed, according to which the implementation of S21 would be possible by 2010 at a final cost of five billion German marks.
In June 1999, Stuttgart 21 was on the brink of collapse when Johannes Ludewig, head of the Deutsche Bahn, turned away from the project because costs were rising rapidly for only small increases in traffic. Deutsche Bahn boss Hartmut Mehdorn revived the project, which had actually been declared dead, by making far-reaching promises, whereupon the black-red state government pre-financed the construction of the line and bought the former federally owned land from the new Deutsche Bahn AG for half a billion euros, in order to make urban development from S21 to 100 hectares after completion. (cf. Ostertag 2008, 14f.)
Resistance has been forming against the Stuttgart 21 project since 1995 (cf. Gabriel et al. 2014, 23). Already at this time, the Greens and conservationists initiated demonstrations and citizens' petitions (cf. ibid.; Stuckenbrock 2013, 42).
Since 2009, the opponents of Stuttgart 21 have held weekly Monday demonstrations every week to modernise and maintain "their" terminus station (cf. Gabriel et al. 2014, 26). One of the main reasons given for the resistance is that S21 is far too expensive, the financing of the additional costs has not been clarified and is a bottleneck (cf. Gabriel et al. 2014, 41). 250 large trees were felled for this in the Mittlerer Schlossgarten and Stuttgart's mineral water is endangered by the construction measure (Pfeifer 2008, 173f.; Pfeifer 2008, 176). On 30 September 2010, the conflict escalated when a student demonstration was broken up by the federal police. The demonstration was cleared using water cannons, truncheons and tear gas. This police action was condemned by courts as illegal and excessive (cf. Administrative Court Stuttgart 2015). After this action, 100,000 people demonstrated in Stuttgart (cf. Schweiger/ Dittes/ Springer 2011, 57f.). First, an arbitration and a stress test were conducted, later the newly elected green-red state government implemented a referendum on Stuttgart 21 at the end of 2011, in which a narrow majority voted for Stuttgart 21 (cf. Gabriel et al. 2014, 42). Although the construction of S21 thus seemed politically unresolved, cost estimates of up to 10 billion euros are now available, the financing and economic viability of which is still uncertain (cf. Wüpper 2016).
6.2. Lines of conflict with urban development
When the politicians decided to privatize the German Federal Railway in 1994, the Stuttgart 21 project was also launched. In the course of the railway privatization, the federal government made the land available to Deutsche Bahn AG free of charge. However, shortly afterwards, the Deutsche Bahn AG wanted to sell them again to the city of Stuttgart for DM 897.7 million (cf. Bury 2001, 24). This deal was favorably accepted by the city government at the time.
When S21 was first delayed in construction, Mayor Wolfgang Schuster had succeeded in the municipal council in forgoing penalties of 21.2 million euros per annum for late handover of the cleared track apron (cf. Nauke/Braun 2013). However, this waiver of interest is limited to the years 2010 to 2020, so that the city charges interest from 2021 (cf. ibid.). Since, according to the railway supervisory board, the date of commissioning has been postponed to 2025 and the city has set a deadline of up to five years for clearing the site, the railway will have to reckon with at least 212 million euros in default interest (cf. ibid.; Deutsche Bahn AG 2018).
If Stuttgart 21 does not come, the DB AG will be obliged to reverse the land sales (cf. Conciliation talks on S21 2010, 40). However, the group has announced that it will sue the city for economic damages (cf. ibid.). S21 proponents pointed out that 800 million euros would be lost with the terminus station due to the loss of the land revenue (cf. Heimerl 2011, 12). This threat, which is still present today, may be the reason why the construction of Stuttgart 21 will continue.
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Figure Nr. 7 : Urban development area with preservation of the terminal station
However, 75 per cent of the total area would also become usable if the track apron were to be retained in its entirety by replacing the railway siding, which is why only 25 per cent would actually be enforceable. The extent to which a lawsuit for damages would be successful in the case of terminus station maintenance would have to be discussed from a legal perspective, which is why this political science bachelor thesis cannot provide an answer to this question. Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
With regard to the development ideas on the Stuttgart track apron, an ecological objection was already raised in 1994, which is of great importance, especially in view of today's air problems. The track apron, on which trains still run today, is an air-conditioning system for the Stuttgart basin. Because of the many sealed surfaces and dense development, the city center heats up considerably in the summer months. The heat stored in the buildings and streets is not completely released at night, so the temperature rises day by day, leading to increased cardiovascular failure and higher mortality rates in large cities. Investigations carried out by the city have confirmed that the approximately 100-hectare track areas fulfil an important climatic compensation function. The unsealed track field cools down faster at night and thus supplies the city center with fresh air. The streets and buildings of the S21 urban development would lose the valuable climate function of the current railway area. Urban development is particularly questionable at this point because cutting this fresh air corridor would also mean that the harmful air at the Neckartor would remain longer. There is therefore a risk that Stuttgart 21 will exacerbate the air problems in the city center in the long term. (cf. Pfeifer 2008, 175f.)
Nevertheless, several participation procedures were carried out on the urban development area in the course of the framework plan. It is doubtful how seriously public participation in the Rosenstein district can be taken. During the municipal council debate it was found that public participation met with only little interest. Two drafts were submitted to the municipal council, in which a plan to maintain the railway lines was not included in the drafts, although the Rosenstein Memorandum called for a possible partial preservation of the terminus station (cf. Memorandum Rosenstein 2017, 63).
The planned urban and commercial development would increase transport demand and concentrate traffic flows even more extremely on the inner city. To date, the question remains as to how much traffic the inner city districts can tolerate at all. As described in this scientific paper, there is congestion on the federal roads and the existing capacities of the public transport system are already reaching their limits. The fact that the new S-Bahn station in the Rosenstein quarter Mittnachtstraße will aggravate Stuttgart's traffic problems has already been calculated by Matthias Lieb, a graduate business mathematician, in 2011 (cf. Lieb 2011, 14). The new Mittnachtstraße S-Bahn station will extend the main line tunnel, which is prone to disruption and delay the travel time for more than 206,000 travelers (cf. Lieb 2011, 16f.). The wish for an additional light rail line for the district is therefore expressed in party political terms, but such a line would have to be planned outside the congested main lines. Concerns about the transport policy and ecological cost of S21 urban development will continue to exist in the coming years.
6.3. Rail infrastructure capacity
The dispute over the future performance of Stuttgart's main station is of great importance for this scientific elaboration, because many of the preceding measures for a traffic turnaround and mobility planning depend on it.
Stuttgart 21 initially had the ambition to double the capacity of the Stuttgart terminus station. Because S21 is not yet finished, there are only fictitious values about the capacity of the underground station, which are controversially discussed. The planned values, according to which S21 was to handle 49 or 51 trains per hour, had either assumed a much too short stopping time of 1.6 minutes or, in the stress test, estimated six train services per track per hour, which in reality was "not drivable" (cf. Engelhardt 2011, 308). There is a consensus that earlier advertising claims that Stuttgart 21 has "twice the capacity" or "50 per cent more capacity" than the terminus station are not substantiated technically and are not tenable (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 9). In the planning approval and financing agreement for S21, however, an increase in performance of around 50 percent was stipulated (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 7). The physicist and Stuttgart 21 opponent Dr. Christoph Engelhardt points out that Stuttgart 21 in practice only estimates 30 trains per hour during rush hours (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 2).
Whether Stuttgart 21 now has an increased capacity compared to the existing terminus station depends on the comparative values estimated for the terminus station. The Ministry of Transport refers to the number of daily train journeys compared to the 2010 level (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 3). At that time, the terminus station, which was affected by the S21 construction site, only handled 21 trains per hour, so the Ministry of Transport does not object to the statement that "Stuttgart 21 is planned to increase capacity" (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 7). This comparative figure was also used in Heiner Geißler's stress test. It must be added critically that DB AG has the last word in timetabling and was thus able to influence the stress test by adjusting the timetable.
Stuttgart 21 critics estimate comparative values in which the performance of the terminus station is higher (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 2). DB itself spoke of 37 trains per hour in the conciliation, while a study by the S21 opponents came to 56 trains per hour (Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 9). The state-owned Nahverkehrsgesellschaft Baden-Württemberg GmbH (NVBW) reviewed this study on behalf of the Ministry of Transport and came to the conclusion that a total of 50 trains at peak hour seemed possible (cf. ibid.). In order to make the reduction in capacity visible, S21 opponents tried to compare the capacity of the two stations until the very end. For a reliable statement, an examination by DB Netz as infrastructure manager would be indispensable, but DB Netz refused to carry out the examination, so that an expert opinion was never obtained (cf. ibid.). It would also have made sense to assume real train numbers before the S21 conversion as a comparative value. In 1970 the terminus station handled 45 trains per hour during rush hour (cf. Federal Railway Directorate Hamburg 1970). In 1972 there were 770 trains per day (cf. Finkbeiner/ Mayer/ Messerschmidt 1972, 48). Why such figures were not included in the comparison caused a lack of understanding among the S21 opponents. S21 opponents see these figures as confirmation that S21 is a dismantling project. Since 2013, the debates on capacity strength have been on the rise again, when Lord Mayor Fritz Kuhn said during the election campaign: "If it turns out that S21 is a dismantling project, I would advocate stopping it". In 2014, the Administrative Court of Baden-Württemberg expressly left open the question of whether the ruling, which confirmed that the S21 station was "sufficiently dimensioned to ensure a safe and secure future", was lawful (cf. Administrative Court of Baden-Württemberg 2014). Thus, it remains controversial not only whether the eight-track through station will bring about a 50 percent increase, but also whether the station could even have as much capacity as the current terminus station.
6.4. Plans of a combined railway station
In the field of public transport, the Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg has declared the goal of doubling the demand for public transport by 2030 (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2014, 7). It provides for at least one hourly interval between five and 24 o’clock throughout the state until 2025 (cf. ibid.). It is assumed that demand will increase due to the accelerated connection between Stuttgart and Ulm (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2014, 8). Nevertheless, the Ministry of Transport has warned that due to the congestion of the Stuttgart hub, "in individual cases, the supply standard justified on the demand side cannot be implemented in part for the foreseeable future due to infrastructural restrictions" (cf. ibid.). Services such as metro-express trains, which, for example, between Stuttgart and Tübingen, schedule four or more train pairs per hour, would not be completed until Stuttgart 21 was put into operation (cf. ibid.). However, no statement is made as to what specific measures will be taken to increase the capacity of the Stuttgart rail junction accordingly. However, this remains the major point of contention:
Provided that the completion of the construction work on Stuttgart 21 is announced, probably in 2025, it should be possible to answer the question of whether S21 will be able to handle the additional traffic without the support of the terminus or whether a combined transport station should be created by retaining the Stuttgart terminus.
Stuttgart 21- Hardliners rejected a combined transport station as early as August 2011, although they could not yet foresee the need for trains in 2025 (cf. Heimerl 2011, 3). If the use of public transport actually increased by 100 percent by 2030, the eight-track underground station would not be able to cope with the necessary capacities on its own.
From a transport policy point of view, the preservation of existing top tracks, which would ensure a connection between the main station and the Gäubahn, provide an alternative option for the S-Bahn, and provide lasting relief for the underground station, was always highly valued in the S21 debates. Arbitrator Heiner Geißler brought the idea of a combined station back into play. Even at the beginning of the construction work he pleaded for a four-track underground station and a ten to twelve-track terminus station at the same time. Geißler corrected the 49 trains per hour at the time, as the train dispatch value at S21 is very unrealistic (cf. Geißler 2011, 8). If the underground station comes with eight tracks, the terminus station could either be made smaller for possible urban development or use its size to accommodate the additional capacity. Since it still has some luggage platforms, the number of tracks could even be increased. Compared to the underground station, the Ministry of Transport granted the terminus station clear advantages with regard to its expandability and capacity increases (cf. Ministry of Transport of Baden-Württemberg 2013, 14). The combined transport station thus has the potential to accommodate more trains by adding more tracks.
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Figure Nr. 8 : Comparison Stuttgart 21 with Combi +
Statements on the urban development of a combined transport station would only make sense after the new line has been put into operation. This is because whether a complete relocation of the storage station to Untertürkheim can be considered depends on the extent to which sufficient capacities have been planned for the outer city district.
The following graphic shows how the total train distribution at a combined transport station could look like during peak hours. It is assumed that the underground station has eight tracks and the terminus station still has 16 tracks. This would be the situation after completion of the Stuttgart 21 underground station, probably around 2025. Since, in contrast to Geißler's combined transport proposal, this is a large-scale solution for the combined transport station, it should be called "Combi +". The assumed values, how many trains will be handled per track, were reduced to 3.0 for both stations. Although this undercuts all the assumed plan values, the implementation of the scheduled timetable becomes more realistic (cf. Geißler 2011, 8). With 72 possible trains at the peak hour, the ambitious efforts of the state to create rail infrastructure conditions for a traffic turnaround in Stuttgart would be greatly enhanced.
The city of Stuttgart and the state will be left to make a landmark decision. Should new urban development areas such as the Europaviertel be created or would it be better to strengthen the capacity of local public transport as part of a traffic turnaround? As of 2019, the city plans to remove all tracks for the development of urban real estate areas (cf. Schunder 2019). In June 2019, State Transport Minister Winfried Hermann hinted that a "light" terminus station would be reviewed, which would create additional capacity for ecomobility (Südwestrundfunk 2019). The political traffic conflict over Stuttgart 21 would be eased if the above-ground track apron was preserved as a valuable railway infrastructure for the chance of a Stuttgart traffic turnaround.
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Figure Nr. 9 : Peak hour Stuttgart with access panels for Combi +
7. Interim summary
Already in the chapter "History of Stuttgart's transport policy", the bachelor's thesis was able to show how different transport policy decisions made between the 1930s and 1960s contributed to the establishment of car use. The fact that in the Stuttgart Region there are significantly more employees working in the automotive industry than the national average also influences the current modal split. The effect of a car-friendly policy is still felt today because the car remains a frequently used means of transport in the state capital. For the car-friendly city, the environmental association and the city had to give up a lot of space for more roads. This transport policy based on adaptation planning is still partly visible in the road expansion projects, although it contradicts mobility planning, which aims to reduce traffic in order to enable climate-friendly mobility. As an important intermediate step towards mobility planning, this would require a change in transport policy, which would clearly support a shift from cars to the environmental alliance. In particular, the Bachelor's thesis has shown the problem lines that still considerably restrict this in Stuttgart. One of the greatest challenges has been the difficulty of politically implementing push measures for car traffic, because this leads to conflicts. However, this requires politicians who take responsibility for their actions. The assertion that the city politically pushed through the diesel driving bans that have been in place since 1 April 2019 has proven to be false. The reason for the measure was not a political decision, but a constitutional obligation. Through a laissez-faire policy towards the automotive industry, health-endangering conditions in traffic have been punished by binding court decisions.
It is therefore very worrying that the inaction of the politicians due to a peak oil will have serious economic consequences in the medium term and that conventional cars will therefore have a de facto end date. A timely change to a climate-friendly drive technology, such as the platinum-free fuel cell presented here, would be conceivable. With a politically controlled phase-out, which could take the form of a ban on combustion engines in parallel, sectors of the economy would have longer time to switch to future-proof transport sectors or sustainable technologies in order to mitigate the dramatic, predicted consequences of the global economy at home. However, even on the basis of a consistent energy system transformation, technological achievement would not solve the transport conflict. After all, the problems of particulate matter, congestion and space requirements remain due to motor vehicle traffic in the city center, so that the top priority would have to be the promotion of the environmental alliance in terms of sustainability. Vienna is a positive example of how politically desired packages of measures can actually bring about a change in the modal split.
On the basis of a few selected transport policy strategies, the Bachelor's thesis was able to show what an increase in the attractiveness of the environmental alliance could look like and at the same time showed its lines of conflict with other means of transport. While urban development improvements in the local area are conducive to walking and cycling, longer distances require the creation of a low-cost and efficient rail transport system. The ongoing debate on the preservation of Stuttgart's terminus station can be seen as a decisive turning point for Stuttgart's transport turnaround, because the rail junction would have to have more rail capacity available. To achieve this, city policymakers would have to agree to give up at least 25 ha of 100 ha of new city space for the benefit of the railway infrastructure.
8. Involvement at school
8.1. Mobility in the education plan primary school/secondary level I
Baden-Württemberg presupposes the basics of mobility education as early as primary school within the subject lessons. Primary school is mainly seen as responsible for traffic education, in which children can participate in traffic in a traffic-compatible, considerate and safety-oriented manner. Knowledge and skills are learned in the "safe room", i.e. in the classroom, which are later put into practice on the bicycle. The fact that pupils can check, maintain and care for their bicycles is also considered a partial competence. Politically, it is expected that children will be able to compare means of transport in terms of their advantages and disadvantages in terms of environmental compatibility, time savings or flexibility. (cf. Ministry of Education Baden-Württemberg 2016a, 26f.)
As expected, the subject of "mobility" would have to return in secondary school in the subjects of social studies, geography, history and economics. The inclusion of the political debate on what mobility must look like in the future so that it is socially and environmentally compatible is one of the core objectives of the Standing Conference of Education Ministers (Conference of Ministers of Education 2012, 2). However, the topic is only dealt with to a limited extent at lower secondary level. It is left open whether transport policy debates are included as a possible example of community education within the unit "Politics in the Community" (cf. Ministry of Education Baden-Württemberg 2016b, 30). At the moment there are political debates in the state capital with Stuttgart 21, the Rosenstein Tunnel and the exhaust emission problem, which can very well address the major topic of mobility. In other towns and cities in Baden-Württemberg or in rural areas, other municipal topics may be more important, so that political mobility education in social studies lessons may be unnecessary.
In order to demonstrate the global effects of mobility, there are rooms for teachers of geography. In the sub-area "Phenomena of Climate Change" there is room for discussion of a change in transport and the switch to climate-neutral drives in the transport sector (cf. Ministry of Education Baden-Württemberg 2016c, 26). When it comes to urbanization and the "phenomena of global disparities", mobility concepts and the international exploitation of oil can also be incorporated as a theme (cf. Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs Baden-Württemberg 2016c, 27f.). Those who can still go to school in the tenth grade will at least partially deal with municipal transport planning in geography on the topic of "Sustainable Design of Spaces" under the aspect of the sustainability of an urban or rural area (cf. Ministry of Education Baden-Württemberg 2016c, 32).
There can be various reasons why mobility topics in Baden-Württemberg are generally assigned to geography and only dealt with voluntarily in social studies lessons. It may be that, from the point of view of the group of authors of the educational plan, transport topics are not given enough importance to be comprehensively embedded in lessons. When it comes to political education, topics such as the simulation of elections, the differences between political parties, the difference between majority and proportional representation, find a higher weighting. Another hypothesis is that the controversial nature of this topic is underestimated, but this may invalidate the above-mentioned academic work, at least for the state capital.
From the field of school education, there is a very broad demand for mobility education (cf. Weihrauch 2014, 17f.). Traffic education must make a contribution to environmental and health education and the Conference of Education Ministers (Conference of Ministers of Education) explicitly want a critical examination of the topic of mobility (cf. ibid.).
8.2. Two lesson examples
Two widely used textbooks on transport planning in the Stuttgart Region will be analyzed and compared in more detail. The textbook "Stuttgart – Die Stadt in der wir leben", published in 1972, is to be compared with the 2008 issue of the Federal Agency for Civic Education's "Mobility and Environment". Both educational materials should show, on the basis of their learning content and linked learning objectives, to what extent the controversy surrounding transport policy is highlighted and to what extent pupils are encouraged to participate and think critically.
8.2.1. Textbook "Stuttgart – Die Stadt in der wir leben".
A total of 22 pages of the book "Stuttgart - the city in which we live" were intended for traffic in the primary and secondary schools. In the seventies, there were still local history and geography lessons, which took over the transport policy education. For this purpose, different means of transport were dealt with separately from each other in terms of pages. It is interesting that no separate pages were made available for cycling and walking. Thus, the material presents the tram, the underground, the suburban railway, the car, as well as the airport and port in more detail.
It is very much appreciated that the traffic topics are directly aimed at Stuttgart and also create a regional local reference by incorporating numerous maps and pictures. Taking up local political action processes within school political education can have a positive effect on young people's ability to participate, which is why teachers could create a basis for action-oriented teaching with the transport plans listed in the book (cf. Koopmann 2008, 209f.). For example, in the seventies, classes in lower secondary schools could have positioned themselves on transport expansion projects with the support of the teaching staff in urban civic participation and, optimistically, even written initial statements.
The traffic conflict is an overarching and controversial topic, especially in the section on "peak traffic hours". The phenomenon of full trams and trams, which can be traced back to daily commuter flows, is shown (cf. Finkbeiner et al. 1972, 36). The information text talks about the city's efforts to effectively control traffic via the traffic control center, but this does not yet ensure smooth traffic flow. Motor vehicles would increase constantly and "pedestrians, motor vehicles and trams hinder and endanger each other" (cf. ibid.). This would require "underground and suburban railways".
In order to familiarize young people with the contents of transport policy, tasks were incorporated into the book. The construction of so-called learning tasks is based on the objectives and core ideas of the respective subject. Success could be monitored by means of expectation horizons, if contents previously worked out in class are mentioned which prepare a content-related solution. Such learning tasks require the pupils to discuss different theses, to make a personal statement, to assess a political situation, to deal with one sentence of the text. They are justified by the areas of requirement and policy-didactic principles such as controversy, problem orientation, use of categories, topicality, analysis and judgement formation. (cf. Weißeno/ Breit 2008, 410)
A learning task to be implemented in writing is that the pupils make a list of the means of transport used by their own family members to reach their place of work. In addition, the maximum speed of different means of transport should be shown graphically. Furthermore, the learner is given a practical task by carrying out his own traffic census.
In addition to the written tasks, there are suggestions for possible discussions. However, the book assumes a broad previous knowledge in the individual areas for these, since reading the information texts in full is of little help. In addition to the oral task on how road deaths could be reduced, concrete demands of traffic planners are mentioned, on which the young people should take a stand. Whether routes should be cleared of intersections, light rail vehicles should be driven autonomously, HGV traffic should be restricted or pedestrians should have their own area, are questions which could make the transport policy conflict visible in a targeted manner. However, the fact that the book neither simplifies the topic nor offers auxiliary materials for the development of substantive arguments reduces the probability of being able to participate in a discussion. (cf. Finkbeiner et al. 1972, 37)
The textbook can be criticized for being partially biased. The pages about the S-Bahn construction that was in planning at the time are completely free of criticism. The advantages of the underground stations as well as of the traction train, which was modern for those times, were mentioned in the text, the time savings of the new lines should be read on a large map. No critical thought-provoking impulses were written about the costs of the project, the stress during construction or the susceptibility to failure of a trunk line tunnel. The overall assessment of the urban railway project is therefore unmistakably in favour of urban policy. (cf. Finkbeiner et al. 1972, 46f.)
When it comes to transport planning, the tendentious reporting is even more evident. The information text argues entirely in favor of adaptation planning. Because the number of motor vehicles is increasing, the wording reads: "build roads, build more roads, build wider roads". Car traffic reduction measures are not mentioned as a possible alternative. On the one hand, this may be due to the fact that push and pull principles were only researched at that time, on the other hand it gives the impression that criticism of the car industry in 1972 was not wanted on a large scale. In the course of the book, the plans for the tunnel of Rosenstein or the never completed motorway ring projects, including the north-east ring and the Filder access road, are also illustrated (cf. Finkbeiner et al. 1972, 45). The completely uncritical presentation of road construction is intended to evoke the association in the pupils that the expansion of motorways is good for traffic progress. In some areas there is little critical discussion, so that the initiators' ability to judge is influenced by the direction in which they act. For this reason, the teaching material is not suitable for obtaining a balanced opinion at this stage. (cf. Finkbeiner et al. 1972, 42f.)
On the other hand, however, this textbook presents transport policy positions which even today cannot be clearly answered by politicians. It is precisely this problem orientation that can be particularly appealing to pupils in politics lessons. The textbook offers opportunities for the problem content of the political to become apparent when dealing with and solving political problems (cf. Detjen 2013, 329). The land policy dispute over roads is explained using the example of car parks (cf. Finkbeiner et al. 1972, 43.). Thereupon addressing a change in mobility behavior could show the steering possibilities of politics.
8.2.2. Theme sheet "Mobility and environment“
After the abolition of homeland and subject lessons, the Klett publishing house no longer printed school materials about Stuttgart and its traffic situation. For teachers who still want to devote themselves to the topic of mobility, the Federal Agency for Civic Education has a Robby Geyer newsletter available. Unfortunately, there is no longer a transport policy reference to Stuttgart, but the critical examination of the choice of transport means can also be transferred to the city of Stuttgart in the classroom in an appealing way.
A great advantage of the theme sheets is that they include helpful answer sheets for teachers, so that teachers with little background knowledge of the subject can also work with them. The teachers' sheets contain valuable background knowledge which can be embedded didactically in the course of the lessons (cf. Geyer 2008, 4f.).
In contrast, the pupils' worksheets require a pronounced general knowledge and are therefore recommended for lower secondary level I. The most frequently asked questions cannot usually be answered by the relatively small text content alone. On the first worksheet, four favored, given mobility options are to be selected, the significance of which is then to be discussed with fellow pupils. Depending on the age, very different positions would be worked out in these discussions. The task has neither a right nor a wrong solution, but it depends on a controversy within the class. As a second task, everyday examples are given, in which the preferred means of transport should also be indicated. The given areas are friendships, holidays, shopping, culture and work. However, the less controversy there is within the classroom, the less a learner will be able to realize the potential for controversy and thus not be able to internalize the political controversy. (cf. Geyer 2008, 9)
In a slightly different way, the third task is to name cities and regions which the pupils have already visited. Then the open question will be put up for discussion as to whether they would give up holiday travel in favor of environmental protection. Teachers are suggested to present statistics on tourist expenditure. Although the question can allude a lot to the peak oil problem, the municipal reference is neglected here. However, there is a certain advantage in that questions such as the one about the city visited are very easy to answer. In school-based political education, this could possibly lure non-political young people out of the reserve. (cf. ibid.)
The second worksheet should describe a caricature of the greenhouse gas effect and consider how mobility behavior could be changed to protect the climate. It is precisely by questioning traffic behavior that traffic education meets its demands through the environmental and health education desired by school education. Likewise, a number of route connections are to be compared with each other and the young people will be asked to justify whether the route should be taken by train or by plane. Here, time should play a role in addition to the environmental aspect. This task also meets his problem-oriented demand. Finally, a pro-con list should be drawn up on a speed limit on federal motorways. (cf. Geyer 2008, 10)
The culture of discussion plays a role in the success of political education at school in these worksheets. Since the controversy is to be shown especially in public discourse, educational success correlates with the willingness to participate orally. The choice of topics tries to cover a broad spectrum of transport policy, but the paper does not specialize enough in rail as an alternative, in possible price developments in transport or the development of the car industry. The integration of the local political reference into the lessons is done by the teacher. It is regrettable for action-oriented pupils that there are no transport policy projects in the task sheets which give young people concrete scope for action in local politics.
8.3. Final conclusion
The fact that young people should address the problem of transport during their school education would be very welcome, given the urgency of being prepared for the mobility of tomorrow. The demand from school pedagogy to use traffic education also in the context of environmental and health education should be incorporated into education plans by means of concrete standards. It would be conceivable to integrate the presented material into lessons. The tasks in particular will receive political added value if young people deal constructively and critically with their own use of transport and analyse existing transport systems with regard to their sustainability. Both the 1972 textbook and the current worksheets have provided examples that strengthen critical judgement.
If Stuttgart's schools dealed more with the urban transport infrastructure, it would increase the likelihood that young people would be able to participate in local politics. For this reason, it remains desirable that textbook publishers and political institutions would once again prepare the mobility topic in the form of a learning product, taking the state capital as an example.
List of figures
All image sources were checked for their functionality on 10 July 2019.
Fig.1: Modal Split Stuttgart. Data out: Deutscher Bundestag (2017). Modal Split in ausgewählten deutschen Großstädten. Reference number:WD5-3000-084/17. Work completion date: 20 November 2017. pp. 9. URL: https://www.bundestag.de/resource/blob/535044/f9877fd834da2c1bf7c7bb02299da09e/wd-5-084-17-pdf-data.pdf
Fig.2: Discussed new road construction projects in Stuttgart. Data out: Finkbeiner, Werner /Mayer, Karl /Messerschmidt, Richard (1972). Stuttgart – die Stadt in der wir leben. 1st edition. Ernst-Klett. Stuttgart. pp. 45.
Fig.3: Means of transport by nitrogen oxide emissions. Data out: Knierim, Bernhard (2016). Ohne Auto leben. Promedia. Vienna. pp. 57.
Fig.4: Means of transport according to particulate matter emissions. Data out: Knierim, Bernhard (2016). Ohne Auto leben. Promedia. Vienna. pp. 57.
Fig.5: New city ring. Data out: Stuttgat laufd nai (2019). So stellen wir es uns vor. So wellad mir‘s han. URL: https://www.stuttgart-laufd-nai.de/images/banners/stuttgart_luft_Karte_hres.jpg
Fig.6: Possible line network of the SSB 2030. Data out: Verband Region Stuttgart (2018b). Regionalverkehrsplan Region Stuttgart- Anhang -Beschluss der Regionalversammlung vom 18. Juli 2018. URL: https://www.region-stuttgart.org/index.php?eID=dumpFile&t=f&f=7875&token=93ddc374ce532aa3f6885e9663ecefd2056583fc
Fig.7: Urban development area with preservation of the terminal station. Data out: Prachensky, Michael (2010). Kopfbahnhof K21-Plus 100 ha. URL: http://www.prachensky.com/michael/bilderlager/talpino_light/k21-plus-ueberbauung-400.jpg
Fig.8: Comparison Stuttgart 21 with Combi +. Calculation basis of: Geißler, Heiner (2011). Frieden in Stuttgart - Eine Kompromiss-Lösung zur Befriedung der Auseinandersetzung um Stuttgart 21. SMA und Partner AG. Published on 29 July 2011. pp. 8. URL: http://www.schlichtung-s21.de/fileadmin/schlichtungs21/Redaktion/pdf/110729/frieden_in_stuttgart.pdf
Fig.9: Peak hour Stuttgart with access panels for Combi +. Calculation basis of: Geißler, Heiner (2011). Frieden in Stuttgart - Eine Kompromiss-Lösung zur Befriedung der Auseinandersetzung um Stuttgart 21. SMA und Partner AG. Published on 29 July 2011. pp. 8. URL: http://www.schlichtung-s21.de/fileadmin/schlichtungs21/Redaktion/pdf/110729/frieden_in_stuttgart.pdf
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