This paper is set out to explore the nexus of development and gender equality from a critical perspective on the postcolonial feminist critique to modernization theories. It, thereby, focuses on the status of women in the Islamic state (IS) shedding light on the points of contention between the postcolonial feminist perspective on development and the liberal feminist perspective, yet adding a further dimension to the debate – namely the issue of non-development. This derives from the thesis that the actions by IS women stand in opposition to modernization theories and development theories in general, and that IS women were not only victims in need of aid but also perpetrators. The paper will, thus, answer the question in how far IS woman can be considered anti-development agents by reflecting on gendered barriers to development as well as on drivers of female agency identified in the Islamic State's manifesto on women and the IS online magazines Rumiyah and Dabiq, and by comparing and contrasting them with the postcolonial feminist critique to modernization theories.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. The Gendered Barriers to Development
2.1. “Western” Femonationalism
2.2 IS Gender Apartheid
2.3 Constructed Differences
3. The Drivers of Female Agency
4. Conclusion
5. Bibliography
Research Objectives and Themes
This paper explores the nexus of development and gender equality by applying a critical postcolonial feminist lens to the status and actions of women within the Islamic State (IS). It challenges the reductionist view of these women as mere victims, investigating their dual role as both participants in and perpetrators of an anti-development agenda.
- The impact of "Western" femonationalism and its reaction within IS propaganda.
- The structure and consequences of gender apartheid within the Islamic State.
- The construction of identity and "othering" as a barrier to development.
- The role of propaganda and "caliphate sisterhood" in driving female agency.
- The tension between female agency and the lack of genuine feminist empowerment.
Excerpt from the Book
2.1. “Western” Femonationalism
A central aspect that needs to be examined here is “Western” femonationalism, with which Islamic fundamentalism, in particular, is in reactionary tension. The term femonationalism describes the "contemporary mobilization of feminist ideas by nationalist parties and neoliberal governments under the banner of the war against the perceived patriarchy of Islam in particular, and of migrants from the Global South in general." (Farris, 2012, p. 185) It reflects the instrumentalization of women's equality for political purposes by right-wing European parties in close connection with the integration and unveiling of Muslim women. This approach falls into the category “white men [claiming to be] saving brown women from brown men” (Farris, 2012, p. 186) and is reminiscent of proselytizing behavior. Islam, as a religion, is attacked and military interventions, such as the US intervention in Afghanistan, are legitimized in the name of women's liberation. (Farris, 2017)
This antagonism is met by heavy IS propaganda against the “West” and all concepts and values associated with it. The online magazine Rumiyha, therefore, even makes a gender-specific argument for waging jihad against the worst enemies of Islam, the liberal “West”, suggesting that America and Europe are prioritizing the targeting of IS women and children in their war against Islam “[...] to destroy the “land” and its “crops,” as women are “arable land.” (R5, p. 34) The West is further blamed to target IS “women’s husbands with drones, to bomb their homes and to drop white phosphorous on their children” (3, p. 25) inflicting injustice upon IS women in “the name of freedom, humanity and equality”. (M, p. 27)
Summary of Chapters
1. Introduction: The introduction establishes the research focus on the nexus of development and gender equality, posing the question of whether women in the Islamic State can be considered anti-development agents.
2. The Gendered Barriers to Development: This chapter analyzes external and internal barriers, specifically discussing the roles of femonationalism, gender apartheid, and constructed hierarchies within IS territories.
2.1. “Western” Femonationalism: This section examines how Western anti-Muslim rhetoric interacts with IS propaganda to influence women's radicalization.
2.2 IS Gender Apartheid: This section details the restrictive system of segregation imposed on women in the Islamic State, which relegates them to subordinate roles despite their "divine" purpose.
2.3 Constructed Differences: This section explores how the IS hierarchy utilizes Orientalist "othering" techniques to solidify power and marginalize women who do not adhere to their strict ideology.
3. The Drivers of Female Agency: This chapter investigates how certain IS women used their agency—through propaganda and enforcement—to sustain the regime's ideology.
4. Conclusion: The conclusion synthesizes the findings, verifying the hypothesis that IS women acted as anti-development agents through their various roles in the regime.
5. Bibliography: This chapter lists all primary and secondary sources utilized for the analysis.
Keywords
Postcolonial feminism, development theory, Islamic State, gender apartheid, femonationalism, female agency, caliphate, radicalization, subaltern, Orientalism, propaganda, women's rights, intersectionality, jihad, human development.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the primary focus of this paper?
The paper examines the intersection of gender equality and development by analyzing the role of women within the Islamic State through a postcolonial feminist framework.
What are the core thematic areas?
Key themes include the critique of Western femonationalism, the reality of gender-based apartheid in IS territories, the use of propaganda for recruitment, and the complex nature of female agency in radicalized environments.
What is the central research question?
The research asks to what extent a woman in the Islamic State can be considered an "anti-development agent" rather than solely a victim.
Which methodology is employed?
The author uses a critical lens by analyzing primary IS sources—such as manifestos and online magazines—in conjunction with postcolonial feminist literature to evaluate the role and power dynamics of women in the IS.
What is covered in the main section of the paper?
The main sections evaluate gendered barriers to development, the mechanisms of IS propaganda and "caliphate sisterhood," and the internal hierarchy that defined the lives of women in the Islamic State.
Which keywords characterize this work?
The work is defined by terms such as postcolonial feminism, gender apartheid, anti-development, femonationalism, and female agency.
How does the author define the "anti-development agent"?
The author defines this based on Merriam-Webster as one who exerts power or produces an effect, suggesting that some IS women actively contributed to the regime’s anti-development agenda rather than just suffering under it.
What role did the Al-Khanssaa Brigade play in this context?
The brigade served as an all-female police force that enforced strict Shari'ah laws and recruited other women, illustrating how some women exercised privileged agency to oppress others.
How do IS women view the concept of sisterhood?
They repurpose the Western concept of "sisterhood" to create an "alternative sisterhood" based on their specific religious and ideological values, often using it to bond women globally to the IS cause.
- Citation du texte
- Anna Scheithauer (Auteur), 2022, The IS Woman as Anti-Development Agent? An Analysis of the Postcolonial Feminist Critique to Modernization Theories in the Context of the Status of Women in the Islamic State, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1192589
