Interactional strategies in a multilingual context: Illustrative examples from the discourse of bargaining

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses some of the transactional strategies that the interactants use in the market discourse. The paper discusses the role of Kiswahili in the discourse of bargaining in the market place. The authors draw the corpus data largely from open-air market negotiations in investigating certain strategies which are unique to Kiswahili. The paper explores the place of Kiswahili in the multilingual East Africa where it enjoys the status of a lingua franca and is largely used in transacting businesses and related activities. We will unearth the underlying tact that the market interactants use to cooperate and collaborate vis-à-vis their mutually motivated goals. The interacting partners collaborate in accomplishing certain tasks consonant with the needs of the discourse situation. Code-mixing is one such strategy that is discussed in this paper and is thereby explicated as a sociolinguistic phenomenon which is occasioned by certain interactional needs. Code-mixing is explicated as a creative aspect of language through which the interlocutors blend linguistic units and structures from a variety of languages, including English, so as to code the message they want to convey in light of the dictates of the discourses in question. Other strategies that are discussed in this paper include honorifics, face and politeness strategies, collaboration and humour. In conclusion, the authors argue that the various languages are not in competition with each other. Rather, they complement each other in an atmosphere of co-existence. Their use and spread is in part, motivated by the society’s linguistic needs.

1.0 INTRODUCTION

In this paper, we argue that the market interactants select lucid tactics and sequence their behaviour in organized and coherent ways. The tactics that they employ are largely collaborative and they ensure that the agreements are mutually accomplished. As such, we shall analyze such strategies as honorific terms of reference, face-saving and politeness phenomena as well as the repair scheme. Some of the strategies that the interlocutors employ in the bargain exercise include honorifics, face-saving and politeness phenomena, code-mixing as well as repair plan. We will begin with honorification as a bargain strategy. In all these instances, the interactants seem to prefer using Kiswahili but they occasionally use English in form of code-mixing.

1.1 HONORIFICATION

Honorification is a fundamental transactional strategy that the two parties use in this regard. We shall loosely define a strategy as a plan, an approach, a scheme or simply, the art of maneuvering an interactional encounter. Interactants use various strategies in order to achieve particular goals as per the dictates of the interactional encounter. They use various conversational procedures so as to achieve certain transactional goals that relate to buying and selling. An introspection of the market discourse sheds some light on the intentions of the interactants. By using specific language forms and structures, the market interactants act strategically in order to achieve the transactional goals. In this case, such strategies permeate every aspect of the market encounter. The data for this research confirm that the market interactants use a variety of strategies that are appropriate in promoting cooperation, collaboration and mutual understanding among the interactants in the course of their encounter. In order to achieve the mutual goal of the encounter, the market interactants choose strategies and tactics that sequence their behaviour in such a manner that enhances the realization of the goal of the interaction. In the market discourse, the various strategies that interactants adopt in their negotiation unify all that they do as they interact.

Honorifics have been defined variously as language structures that signify the relationship between speakers in terms of respect. Such relationships are typically expressed in terms of deference, addressee, audience, and formality (Levinson 1983, Buyonge 1995). We realize that from the way honorifics as humble and respectful speech expressions are consistently used in the market context, we assume that the interlocutors are friendly, close and intimately engaged with each other. There are many other relationships that may be grammaticalized, for instance, kinship relations; totemic relations, and clan membership which may be made available by the relevant social system. Honorifics are accounted for by the maxim of relevance and the politeness principle, in the sense that one uses in a context the most relevant linguistic terms and says only enough that is appropriate to a given situation. In this case, one has to care more about other’s feelings than self. We discuss honorifics in this thesis as they play a fundamental role in the strengthening and cementing social and interactional relations between the discourse interactants, who in our case are the traders and the customers. Honorifics are therefore discursively relevant in trader-customer Kiswahili interactions in the sense that the said interactants make use of them so as to appease and solidify their mutual relationship. We note that the market interactants use specific language structures to strategize, influence, as well as to negotiate their points of view.

Traders and customers always look forward to rewarding experiences with each other and this is made possible through linguistic interaction which largely influences or contributes to effective communication. Of course, the discourse interactants are keen on the placement and use of honorifics; otherwise their communication could easily break down (Leech, 1983, Levinson 1983). Our take on the use of the honorific terms of reference in the market context is that they enable the participants to get along with each other. Trader-customer Kiswahili discourse is replete with many instances of honorific terms and expression which are analyzable in relation to the market context. Such honorifics play a central role in cementing trader-customer’s interaction. The trader implies that the business activity in which he is involved is legitimate and that he draws a lot of benefits from the same. In this turn, she says: Tunatafuta ya nyumba ... (from this business, I am able to cater for my family).

It is apparent that this trader is in the market place to do business which enables him to get definite returns. Of course, she need not legitimize her trading activity but she finds it prudent to use such unwarranted expressions so as to draw sympathy from her interlocutor. We shall refer to another example:

- Tunatafuta ya kula, tunatafuta hata ya kujiangalia maishani. (I d epend on this business for my daily bread as well as for other needs)

The trader finds it necessary to exploit aggressive turns and thereby succeeds in introducing information that is directly beneficial to her. She also demonstrates in this turn that as a trader, she would not wish to overcharge1 the customer. Her assertion is based on the shared but differently motivated objective. She intends to sell the commodity at a higher price as she has to make profit which will, in turn, enable her to lead a decent life. The customer, on his part, uses an honorific lexical term “dada” (sister). Strictly speaking, the term ‘dada’ sister is used in reference to a girl or woman with the same parent as another person.

In Kiswahili, as in other African languages, this term may refer to a group of women united by common aims, beliefs, political and/or religious backgrounds and persuasions. Perhaps, the question that we need to ask is this; could it be possible that the trader is a sister to the customer? In this context, it is not likely to find a brother and a sister engaging in a protracted transaction such as this. We may not necessarily rule out this possibility, but in this particular instance, the interactants were not transacting as close relatives. If this were a brother and a sister, then we should expect the transaction to take as little time as possible. Moreover, they did not take time to interact as acquaintances. In this case, therefore, the term “dada” ‘ sister ’, is strategically and selectively exploited so as to solicit for love, sympathy and understanding from the trader. This term may therefore be interpreted pragmatically to mean “one who may evidently be ready and willing to establish binding relationships. In this study, the trader and the customer engage each other in mediated transactions and as such, they stand in some kind of social relationship. These social contracts and encounters are normally geared towards achieving the mutual goals: buying and selling. The use of “dada” sister enables the two interlocutors to get through the bargaining process.

We explicate a few turns so as to discern the pragramatic import and relevance of the various honorifics. The honorific term of reference, ‘ mzee ’ old man s, is semantically masculine and in this discourse, it has a pragmatic meaning as a term of endearment. This term is normally used to implicate a warm, cordial relationship between the speaker and the addressee. We note that it is the trader who addresses the customer by the term ‘ mzee ’ old man. As noted else where in this chapter, context plays a central role in pragmatic analysis and explication of the trader- customer Kiswahili honorifics. In analyzing this lexical term, we refer to language use and the discourse context in which the encounter takes place. Some of the aspects of the context which should be referred to in understanding trader- customer Kiswahili honorific system include, age, social role, and social status of the interactants. This leads us to the fact that in this discourse, honorific terms of reference are used to facilitate the establishment and promotion of social relationships in the market encounters. Honorific forms are largely index intimacy in the market discourse. The trader should not be seen to be flouting the rule against using it in an inappropriate situation. It is instructive to note that contextual aspects such as, age, social role and social status do not necessarily play a significant role in recovering pragmatic meaning in trader-customer Kiswahili discourse. This is because, the term, ‘ mzee ’ (old man), is used to refer to or address males who are felt to deserve the kind of respect usually accorded elderly members of the community. Age, for instance, is a major determinant of whether or not a person will be addressed with this title. In the example that we have just cited, the customer does not qualify to be addressed as ‘ mzee’ (old man), yet the trader finds it necessary to use the honorific lexical term “mzee” old man, regardless of the addressee’s (customer’s) actual age. At some point in the market interaction, honorifics may be used in recognition of the co-interactant’s age or social status. In this case, we realize that in the market context, honorifics are used by either party to show respect for the co-interactant and thereby help to facilitate a polite conversational encounter. This explains why a relatively young man is addressed with this title by a much older individual. We also note that honorific term “ndugu”, brother, as used in the market context, conveys some pragmatic meaning which can only be recovered from the context of use. In this turn, the customers say:

- Ndungu , kama umekasirika, ni pesa ngapi? ( Brother, if you are a bit serious show much money would you ask of me?)

By using the term ‘ ndugu ’, (brother), the speaker pragmatically conveys the implicature “I wish to interact with you the way I would with my own brother”. Interactants, as language users, have to know when this honorific term may be appropriately used, and when it cannot, otherwise, interactional communication may easily break down.

We note that, the customer implores the trader to be a human being (binadamu). It is apparent that the transactional discourse participants are actually human beings. Since this is the case, then we do not expect the customer to doubt the ‘humaneness’ of the trader. According to the chambers dictionary (new addition 2002:278), the term ‘human’ means; belonging to...man-kind ...having the qualities of a person ... humane, not invidiously superior; kind, having the feelings proper to man-kind, tender, merciful, polite. From the dictionary definition, we infer that as long as we possess the characteristic features of a person, then we qualify to be ‘human beings’. We also infer that as ‘human beings’, we are expected to be human, kind, merciful and polite. This applies in all situations and contexts where people are expected to interact. This is what it means to be human. From this turn, we realize that the customer is a serious buyer who feels that the trader is a bit rigid as he wants to get a fair deal from this discourse; he challenges the trader to lower the price of the commodity to some human levels. The customer goes further than this and invokes the Bible. In these turns, he claims that the Bible, which is the holy book containing the scriptures of the old and New Testaments, encourages people to help or assist one another. The trader, in the following turn, does not, in any conceivable way, contradict her interlocutor, but confirms his utterance and qualifies it by explaining that she has really assisted him (customer) by availing the commodities. In this turn, the trader replies:

- Ndiyo, kweli inasema tusaidiane kwa sababu tumekuletea hapo karibu hii, tumekusaidia usiende mbali. (Right, it says let us assist one another, and that is why we have brought these goods to you so that you cannot go far).

But as the conversational interaction progresses, we encounter various turns that are largely difficult to explicate. The following turns are closely related to those cited earlier in so far as honorification is concerned. In the following exchange, the customer makes an inquiry as follows:

- wewe in mkristo, si ndiyo? (You are a Christian, isn’t it?).

The trader responds :

- Mimi ni mkristo (I am a christian)

In these turns, it may appear that the two discourse participants are mixing issues to do with faith. It is obvious that the trader and the customer are engaged in a serious transaction but a question arises as to the relevance of those matters of faith. We assume that the interactants are actually flouting the CP as outlined by Grice (1975). It would be implausible to suggest that the two discourse interactants are not being cooperative in the sense that was postulated by Gricean maxims. What Gricean pragmatics provides is not a strait-jacket rule that has to be followed wholesome all the way, irrespective of the context of the interaction. Grice provides a set of principles that govern speakers’ sequential choices in a discourse and this enables interactants to recognize discourse intentions as subsumed in linguistic context. It is against this background that we understand the following turns as constituting a bargain strategy in the market situation. In these two turns, the customer interrogates:

- Mami, wewe ni muislamu? (mom, are you a Muslim?)

The trader responds, thus:

- Aka mimi ni mkristo kamili. (Oh, I am a total Christian)

In the market discourse, the trader and the customer always look forward to a focused interaction between them. They, therefore strive to employ various strategies in an attempt to win favours from their co-interlocutors. By referring to matters pertaining to the Islamic and Christian faiths, the interlocutors seem to be aware of the relevance of phatic communication. Besides exchanging greetings, participants employ honorific terms which may easily accord them a common ground on which they can transact amicably. It is interesting to note that honorific terms and expressions are geared towards establishing and strengthening solidarity, and intimacy. If this interpretation is adequate, then we can assume that honorific terms such as Muislamu and Ndugu, border on affection. These honorific terms arise from and influence emotion. In this respect, the interlocutors always desire to influence each other in particular ways so as to achieve the mutual goals of the transaction. We emphasize that in trader-customer Kiswahili discourse, honorification is regularly encoded in vocatives and titles of address. These honorific terms enable the interlocutors to, first and foremost, interact on friendly terms and thereafter transact business in a friendly manner. Honorific terms of reference as bargain strategy have to be negotiated. In this sense, the interlocutors agree that they share a common ancestry (and hence, Ndugu ‘brother’, Mama ‘ Mother) and as it may turn out, they may possibly belong to the same faith (Muslamu/Mkristo).

By using these honorific terms of reference, the interlocutors indirectly seek and maintain friendship, respect and understanding. We therefore realize that in the market discourse, the participants find it imperative to use language forms and expressions that show their feelings towards their co-partners. Such usages point to solidarity, power, respect and intimacy. The customer uses this honorific term, Mami or mom, specifically for purposes of appeasing the trader. If the customer expects the trader to be friendly and understanding then she, on her part, must also be friendly. In many African settings, a mother is a respected being as she is regarded as constituting the means of human survival. Through child bearing, she preserves, propagates and perpetuates the human society (Mbiti 1975). As such, she is naturally good, merciful, cooperative and understanding. This seems to be the sense in which turn 30 should be understood. In this exchange, it is evident that the customer is indirectly and implicitly appealing to the trader for affection and understanding. In this context, honorific expression is used to signal esteem, respect and politeness. Since the trader has to sell at a profit, she has to continue persuading the customer. The trader is obliged to keep the conversation going by employing any strategy that may be at her disposal. The trader does not give up and hence, the conversational interaction is sustained. So as to have a transaction that is sensible, meaningful and fruitful, these discourse partners employ the routine features of honorifics that enable them to interact and coordinate their conduct with each other. They therefore produce utterances that demonstrate their recognition and respect for each other as they discourse from time to time. It is against this background that trader-customer Kiswahili discourse is evidently replete with many examples of honorific terms and expressions which play a significant role as bargaining strategies. Such honorific terms as ‘ Mama’ (Mom), ‘Ndugu’ (Brother), and the like, seem to challenge the interlocutors to be aware of their obligations and expectation so as to act and interact appropriately. In this case, the market interactants use honorific terms such as those discussed above, in an attempt to cement their relationship. This is why we argue that honorific terms are seen to implicate particular roles and relationships which, in turn, enable them to interact as well as to transact business in an amicable and friendly manner. We have established that trader-customer Kiswahili honorifics serve a social function in the sense that the market interactants are expected to use polite language forms that enhance their interpersonal relationship.

Political language on the other hand is about power, strategizing, influencing, mobilizing and control. It has a lot to do with negotiation of standpoints, and relating with people, an attempt at polite behaviour and effective communication (Grice 1975, Leech 1983 and Habwe 1999). An example will be in order at this point:

- Bwana chairman; baba (father) ndugu ( brother) mwenyekiti (chairman)
- Mgeni mheshimiwa, kwa bahati nzuri, wewe si mtu wa kuelezwa mambo ya Mombasa au ya pwani. Ni mtu ambaye wajua ( it is unfortunate that you as our chief guest, you need not be told anything about Mombasa or the coast because you know everything already).
In this discourse, mgeni mheshimiwa is a person accorded great respect and the audience is aware of this reference. This honorific expression shows a great deal of cooperation as politeness is shown by its use.
- watu wa magazeti waandike straight to president Moi (the newsmen should write straight to president Moi. The honorific title president presupposes power, prestige, and control .
- namsikia rais wetu mtukufu akienda katika mahali katika dunia hii ya Kenya na mimi sijasikia akisema hataki kabila Fulani ( When our honourable president is visting a place in this world of Kenya, I have never heard him say he doesn’t like this tribe or the other).

The cited utterance is an example where one uses Rais to make the right reference and mtukufu as an honour. This title is meant for the president and helps the utterer how the president is dignified and merits respect. The utterance also shows the president’s ability against those who may be opposed to his governance. If he is mtukufu( honourable), then he cant be challenged men. Nobody can challenge him effectively.

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