Religious institutions have long played a central role in public health, providing both care and moral guidance. However, their relationship with the HIV/AIDS epidemic is deeply complex. This paper explores the dual nature of religion’s influence on HIV/AIDS prevention, care, and awareness. On one hand, religious stigma and conservative views on sexuality have fueled discrimination, misinformation, and barriers to effective prevention strategies. On the other, faith-based organizations have provided crucial infrastructure, advocacy, and emotional support for people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA), especially in regions with limited governmental resources.
Through an analysis of historical and contemporary case studies, this paper examines how religious communities shape narratives around HIV/AIDS—sometimes reinforcing harmful stereotypes, but also fostering solidarity and care. It highlights how faith-based networks mobilize resources, advocate for policy changes, and engage in public health initiatives that bridge gaps in healthcare accessibility.
By weighing these contrasting roles, this study offers a nuanced perspective on religion’s impact on the global fight against HIV/AIDS. Can faith and science work together to combat stigma and improve healthcare outcomes? This paper challenges readers to reconsider the intersection of belief, policy, and public health in the ongoing struggle for HIV/AIDS prevention and support.
Table of contents
1. Introduction
2. Religion’s negative impact on HIV/AIDS prevention
2.1. Sexuality: Marriage, infidelity, and contraception
2.2. Stigma: Homo- and AIDS-phobia
3. Religion’s positive impact on HIV/AIDS prevention
3.1. Solidarity and Community
3.2. Infrastructure and education
3.3. Networks and influence
3.4. Awareness, Advocacy, and policy
4. Conclusion
5. List of sources and references
1. Introduction
Mosques played an essential role in the French-Algerian War, which took place from 1954 to 1962. These places of worship turned into hubs for insurgents and resistance fighters from the National Liberation Front (FLN) in times of war. Here they planned attacks, conceptualized strategies, and engaged in recruitment. Often times with the help of the responsible Imam, who disseminated information to worshippers and engaged in propagandist rhetoric against the French occupying force. This particular instance demanded action from places of worship, their faith leaders and their congregations. Religion offers spiritual guidance, love, and an ease of pain, but most importantly it offers its believers protection and reassurance in times of social change or crisis. This also applies to the HIV/AIDS epidemic.
This paper attempts to present two sides of an argument, which being whether religious institutions fulfilled their duty as places of solidarity and care towards people who were affected by the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) or its late-stage infection called Acquired Immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). This paper will conclude that religious institutions play a complex role in the HIV/AIDS epidemic. While some doctrines have fuelled stigma and misinformation, many faith-based organizations provide crucial support, resources, and advocacy for prevention and care. Religious communities offer infrastructure, social networks, and moral guidance, enhancing HIV/AIDS awareness and education, especially where government support is lacking. By fostering solidarity and engaging in educational initiatives, these institutions significantly support people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA).
As is customary for papers written in the field of Global History, the arguments presented are not tied to a specific time and place in order to allow a more thorough examination of multiple pieces of evidence and develop a more coherent argument. But that does mean that some details that might have been especially important for a particular context of time and place might get lost in examining a broader picture. A disclaimer also has to be issued regarding the language used in this paper. Firstly, the words “HIV” and “AIDS” are mostly used in combination (HIV/AIDS), which might occur even in contexts where one or the other on their own might have been more appropriate. The same goes for the words “church,” “place of worship,” “religious institutions,” etc. which are supposed to encapsulate all places of worship from mainly the three Abrahamic religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam. This is certainly not an attempt to disregard the multitude of differences between these religions and their places of worship, it is mostly done for simplicity’s sake. When the detail of a specific denomination is crucial to a particular argument, it will be made clear.
The following chapter examines the arguments that contradict the notion that religious institutions helped in the effort to stop the spread of HIV and the care of people with AIDS.
2. Religion’s negative impact on HIV/AIDS prevention
The stereotypes of close-minded religious institutions and their conservative condemnation of everyone that does not fit their narrow understanding of good and evil would not exist, if there was not any truth to them. Unfortunately, this is not any different in the case of HIV/AIDS. The following chapter concerns itself with the numerous shortcomings of religious care, stereotypes and stigmatization of people living with HIV/AIDS and the setbacks experienced by faith-based HIV/AIDS prevention and care programs through an adherence to religious doctrine. Most of these issues can be broken down into two main drivers of conflict: sexuality and stigma. So, the church’s negative impact on the AIDS-crisis will be analysed while considering these two aspects.
2.1. Sexuality: Marriage, infidelity, and contraception
In the main Abrahamic religions, Christianity, Islam and Judaism, marriage is sacred (Harris et al. 2008, 267-270). Heterosexual marriage, which is (Campbell et al. 2011, 1212). The religious understanding of what marriage is and what it is not, depends mostly on the perceived supremacy of heterosexuality and in turn, the inferiority of non-heterosexual desire, sex, and love. This perceived supremacy is and was legitimized through religious scripture, and its supposed naturality. Furthermore, HIV/AIDS has had a long-standing association with homosexual acts and people (Royles 2020, 144). And though this legitimization is mostly theoretical and abstract, it has had real, material consequences for those who believe it or are in community with those believers.
One of those consequences was a false sense of security for people in heterosexual relationships and marriages. Heterosexual couples did not seriously perceive the risk of contracting HIV/AIDS as a probable threat through its association with non-heterosexual acts and people. This was especially true for married women, whose relationship to religious heterosexual men “guaranteed” their security (Campbell et al. 2011, 1212). This particular sense of security arose due to religion’s advocation for fidelity in marriage (Ibid, 1211). This obviously concealed the possibility of unfaithful spouses, who might have accidentally contracted HIV through extra-marital means (Mtenga et al. 2018, 1). For those women who do take it seriously, it has been made impossible for them to negotiate contraception with their spouses (Campbell et al. 2011, 1212).
Contraception, mainly condoms, played a vital role in HIV prevention. Because HIV is mainly contracted through bodily fluids, like blood, sperm, discharge etc., access to sterile, hygienic means of protecting oneself are required, be it needles for drug users or condoms for sexual relations. That being said, the church’s messaging around condoms was highly stigmatizing. Condoms were demonized as “sinful” or a “tool for unfaithful wives” and encouraging premarital sex (Ibid, 1211). The act of stigmatizing safe sex practices can be detrimental to the well being of the church’s congregation and their families. It puts people in unnecessarily dangerous situations and paradoxically encourages them to engage in risky behaviour, contradicting an endorsing argument for religious HIV/AIDS prevention that will be examined later. Even in cases where the church actively participated in HIV/AIDS prevention or worked with organizations doing so, (which will also be discussed later on), like the productive and effective relationship between the Brazilian Catholic Church and the National AIDS Program (NAP), the church usually fell short when discussing issues around sexuality and particularly contraception (Garcia et al. 2011, 950).
All of these issues stemmed from a particular religious narrative. It links HIV/AIDS with immorality and sin, through associations with (homo-) sexuality and deviancy, leading followers to believe that those adhering to religious teachings could not be at risk for an HIV infection (Campbell et al. 2011, 1211). This not only put members of the church’s congregation who adhere closely to these rules and teachings in danger, but also members that do not follow, or were not perceived as following these moralistic teachings.
2.2. Stigma: Homo- and AIDS-phobia
The most damning consequence of the church’s conservative, judgmental rhetoric was the stigmatization of people who belonged to groups particularly at risk of HIV infection, like gay men, intra-venous drug users and sex workers (Royles 2020, 136). Not only were these groups of people already targets of conservative religious condemnation, but their association with a higher risk of contracting HIV pushed them into an even bigger spotlight. Homophobia and AIDS-phobia were particularly harmful to the self-image and self-esteem of gay and HIV positive church goers (Miller Jr. 2007, 53). The stigmatization took shape in comments, sermons and public stances of individuals, the clergy or the entire church that associated homosexuality and HIV/AIDS with immorality and sin (Fullilove and Fullilove 1999, 1120). Some even went as far as to say that AIDS is “God’s punishment” for sinners, meaning everyone that did not follow the church’s teachings and religious morality (Royles 2020, 161-162).
AIDS-related and homophobic stigma has had a plethora of negative effects. One of which was isolation from necessary resources that churches provide, like community and even material support. This self-isolation led to a loss of religious identity, due to the lack of identification with a church or a religion that shunned one’s existence (Miller Jr. 2007, 51). The loss of religious identity meant that people in need of spiritual and material support and care sometimes lost even their last bastion of hope, their spiritual connection to God. People experiencing this sort of stigma in church react in numerous ways: some continued attending church regardless of stigmatizing sermons to strengthen their personal connection to God, others felt it was an integral part of their self-identity. Even others practiced disassociation, meaning they depersonalized all of the homophobic and AIDS-phobic sermons as to not affect them personally. Inversely, many others increasingly abandoned the church due to the cognitive dissonance they felt between the clergy’s assumption about God’s feelings for them and their own spiritual experiences with God’s love (Ibid, 57). All this furthers isolation, self-hate of religious gay people and PLWHA and diminishes their “self-efficacy” (Ibid, 53) to engage in HIV prevention.
The negative effects of religious doctrine on HIV/AIDS prevention and people at risk of HIV infections have been outlined through the lens of two vital aspects, sexuality, and stigma. By looking at the issue of sexuality in religious discourse and practice, one could identify problems with moral and sexual conservatism in the context of HIV/AIDS. The association of HIV/AIDS with “undesirable” groups of people, like queer people, drug users and sex workers, led heterosexual church members to believe that they were not at risk of contracting HIV at all, leaving them vulnerable and encouraging more risky behaviour, like abstaining from contraception use. This led to the next issue of sexual conservatism, which was the stigmatization of condom use as a tool for unfaithful women and premarital sex. This led to partners in heterosexual marriages not being able to negotiate condom use as a precaution, which put especially married women at risk.
The other aspect, stigma, is also intrinsically linked with sexuality. The negative associations that were just outlined also led to or reinforced stigma against vulnerable groups, especially gay men, and people with a positive HIV diagnosis. The contempt and lack of acceptance these groups felt in the church led to isolation, self-hate, and a sense of powerlessness. Yet they still had found comfort and hope in their relationship to God and even in the sense of community the church provided, meaning there are indeed positive sides to religious HIV/AIDS care. Those aspects will be the subject of the following chapter.
3. Religion’s positive impact on HIV/AIDS prevention
Now that the shortcomings of religious HIV/AIDS care have been discussed, it is now time to highlight the ways in which the church actually benefitted both care and prevention. This chapter focuses on four main aspects, solidarity and community, infrastructure and education, networks and influence and awareness and advocacy. The examination of those aspects should lead to a further understanding of religious organizing, practice focused on solidarity and the church as a social institution of healing and care.
3.1. Solidarity and Community
One of the most important attributes of a religious organization is a solidarity- focused approach. This means that churches treat their congregation as individuals with personal wants and needs as well as a collective body that connects the individual to their fellows. This leads to a collective understanding of individual needs, such as treatment of illnesses, financial troubles, or struggles with employment or housing. Solutions are not found solely on an organizational level, like the clergy, but are addressed through every facet of the church’s structure (Campbell et al. 2011, 1206). This trait of places of worship therefore creates a social space1 where suffering, healing, and caring take place in a collective context, where solidarity moves individuals to act selflessly and altruistically for the good of their community (Haussmann et al 2024, 15).
Examples for this behaviour are found in many different contexts. One such example would be the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), which was founded in Lagos, Nigeria in 1952. The RCCG is a Pentecostal church, which is an offshoot of Christianity. But in contrast to “traditional” Christianity does the Pentecostal belief system include teachings of “indiscernible spiritual forces” (Adogame 2007, 478), which it shares with Yoruba indigenous cosmologies. This branch of Christianity is not merely a sect with Christian morals and teachings, but rather an organic symbiosis of indigenous African belief systems and colonial missionary Christianity. These spiritual forces or benevolent powers are described in Biblical terms like God, Jesus Christ, and the Holy Spirit. The main aspect of Pentecostal rhetoric is that the Bible portrays life as continual warfare between the kingdom of God and Satan.
Satan, or the devil, includes everything that hinders the attainment of good health and wealth. Any number of issues are personified as spirits or demons, like the demon of disease, death, adultery, poverty, or HIV/AIDS (Ibid). “[...] RCCG casts HIV/AIDS as a demonic spirit and those afflicted as victims of a spiritual demonic attack.” (Ibid, 479). This representation of HIV/AIDS as a demonic spirit that befalls an innocent victim is, as far as religious allegories for HIV/AIDS go, a surprisingly non-judgemental characterization. It does not paint the PLWHA as in some way having it brought upon themselves. They are stripped of guilt, of immorality and sin. Instead, the disease itself is cast as an active perpetrator, meaning its demonization is not targeting the people living with it. Even though it is not the ideal, entirely stigma-free representation needed in discussions around HIV/AIDS, it is still a more compassionate portrayal than many others offered that pushes back against harmful stereotypes and stigmata.
Another example for this solidarity-focused work are church groups or other faith-based organizations in Malawi. Faith leaders frequently and explicitly reference HIV/AIDS (Trinitapoli 2006, 261), a factor which has a positive convincing effect on religious people providing support and care for PLWHA in their community (Bazant and Boulay 2007, 942). Other practices that showcase the church’s work are “visiting the sick, clergy home visits, and encouraging voluntary HIV testing before marriage.” (Trinitapoli 2006, 263). Local places of worship also collaborated with non-religious HIV/AIDS initiatives to spread awareness (Ibid, 261) and to make use of the existing community infrastructure for education and sometimes even treatment.
3.2. Infrastructure and education
One of the most prevalent arguments for faith-based organizations and institutions to get involved in combatting the HIV/AIDS crisis are its existing infrastructures.
Education is maybe the most obvious part where churches have a clear advantage over non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or even government initiatives (Royles 2020, 144). The entire composition of mass, services and sermons have an educational aspect to them. They transfer information and interpretations of texts in scripture or current events from faith leaders to congregates. Especially the African American Church, or Black church, in the United States has historically provided its members with (religious) education, spiritual formation and has acted as a shelter from societal oppression (Miller Jr. 2007, 51) in times where freedom (from oppression) and education were not guaranteed for or were outright denied to Black people, regardless of social status. Christian churches also provide educational programs outside of service, like Bible studies or Sunday school that further religious education, spiritual formation, and a sense of community and of self (Ibid, 55). Both Islam and Judaism provide similar offerings to their followers, Qur’an study for Muslim children and Hebrew school for Jewish youth. In essence, religious institutions are a place of education and therefore ideally placed for educational initiatives promoting HIV/AIDS prevention.
To again draw from the example of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, it established an office at the RCCG Redemption Camp called the “Redeemed AIDS Programme Action Committee” (RAPAC). RAPAC collaborated with other health institutions and NGOs for treatment and clinical management and received funding from the “US Agency for International Development” (USAID) and the Family Health International’s “IMPACT Project.” The committee’s goal was to develop “a dynamic HIV/AIDS prevention programme that focused on changing risky behaviour and advocating for those affected by the disease. The project empowers individuals and families to prevent HIV by using peer education, interpersonal communication and counselling, spiritual counselling, drama, and HIV/AIDS education modules in the church’s Bible college curriculum.” (Adogame 2007, 480). The church even recruited specialist counsellors to educate the clergy that usually provide church-based counselling to incorporate HIV/AIDS-specific counselling. References to HIV/AIDS in sermons and publications by the church’s General Overseer, Enoch Adeboye, fostered an environment in which other forms of HIV/AIDS education, like musical concerts, dramas and seminars could flourish. These programs distributed RCCG’s messages and slogans around HIV/AIDS, like emphasizing the risk for anybody irrespective of age, class, gender, and social status and contradicting the view of it being a “sinner’s disease” (Ibid, 480-481). The dissemination of this type of information not only educated people on their respective risk levels, but also challenged common stigmata circulating in religious discourse around people affected by AIDS. DeHaven et al. also underline the educational effect of faith-based health programs. Although there is not enough information available to fully assess the effectiveness of faith-based health programs, they conclude that one major affirmative effect of such programs is a significant increase in knowledge of the disease, improvement in screening behaviour and a willingness to reduce the risk associated with the disease and its symptoms (DeHaven et al. 2004, 1032-1033).
3.3. Networks and influence
Another major contributor to the success of faith-based HIV/AIDS initiatives are religious networks and their influence. This contributing factor ties in with the aforementioned church infrastructure and highlights the interconnectivity of religious institutions that could be of service to combatting the epidemic.
Pernessa Seele, the founder of the faith-based organization “The Balm in Gilead”, which will be discussed more in depth later, recounted her impression of her hometown’s churches as “hubs for networks of mutual support, providing ‘whatever was needed [...]’, to the community and serving as ‘the first line of defense’ when someone fell ill or died.” (Royles 2020, 135-136). The church functioned as a place for fostering maintaining connections and acted as a junction for individuals and groups and their interconnected relationships. It connected people and brought diverse types of people from all kinds of walks of life together through a shared spiritual connection and consistent values. It is due to the wide-reaching influence that churches possess, that positive HIV prevention messages have such a constructive effect on high-risk populations. Even though they might not share a lot of commonalities in terms of occupation or personalities, they do share a spiritual conviction and are therefore still connected through shared service (Sarvela et al 2001). Places of worship are in some cases the only well-established community network available, especially in areas of AIDS-vulnerable populations (Campbell et al 2011, 1204) and in settings with limited access to health care and welfare services (Ibid, 1205). This is due to the intersection of poverty, migration, war, and lack of health care (Royles 2020, 159), which impact many countries in the global south and marginalized communities in western countries as well. These structural and systemic factors perpetuate the AIDS crisis and therefore sustain themselves indefinitely. Accordingly, some churches set out to address the root causes of both poverty and HIV/AIDS, which will be covered in the next chapter.
But when referring to networks in the context of the church one is not just referencing the community networks that are channelled and facilitated through local churches, but also the networks between churches themselves, religious institutions, and political actors.
The Brazilian Catholic Church has organized segments of its structural organization hierarchically to facilitate bureaucratically structured social work, so called “Pastorals.” In 2000 the AIDS Pastoral was founded as a joint effort of the Episcopal Conference of Brazil (CNBB) and the Ministry of Health. This Pastoral was a giant national network with regional and local branches of smaller Pastoral, who in turn reach out to established community networks to promote HIV prevention and care (Garcia et al 2011, 949). This demonstrates an immense effort and an abundance of resources and manpower, one that other organizations and institutions, even governmental ones, did not have access to. Majority religions in any country are able not only able to gather funding through multiple sources of income, like donations, taxes, and treasuries, but are also able to mobilize an impressive number of workers and volunteers by framing the work as charity (Haussmann et al. 2024) or religious duty.
Religious networks are a crucial part of spreading the gospel and the church’s ideals. These far-reaching networks allow for the creation of local churches and congregations that affect more and more people. This gives religious institutions the power to influence their followers, for better or for worse. In earlier chapters it has been demonstrated how the church negatively influences its members to associate homosexuality and HIV/AIDS with immorality and sin. Now the conversation will turn to the ways in which this influence can be harnessed for positive impacts on HIV prevention.
Some advocates for the strategies employed by churches in sub-Saharan Africa argue, that social stigmatization can have a positive effect on congregations. This stems from the idea that western conceptualisations of sexual empowerment are not always appropriate or effective in every setting. Conservative, traditionalist social control imposed by churches therefore might help in stopping the spread of AIDS (Campbell et al. 2011, 1213). For example, Robert C. Garner argued that some types of churches in South Africa influenced their members to reduce extra- and pre-marital sexual activity (Garner 2000, 47), which minimizes the risk of HIV infection in religious communities that otherwise disapprove of contraception. Though Garner is incredibly careful to attribute the reduction of sexual activity to one specific religion or type of church or even religion entirely (Ibid, 64-65). He also stresses the importance of economic factors in decision making around sexual activity (Ibid, 66) and goes as far as to call Christianity a “liability” (Ibid, 47) in the fight against HIV/AIDS. All of this is to say that these particular results are to be taken with a grain of salt.
Other examples include the Deliverance Church in Kenya, a religious body associated with Pentecostal traditions. Its attempts at social influence particularly targeted the community’s youth to effectively illicit “positive” behaviour changes. Their methods included promoting abstinence before and fidelity within marriage as well as requiring mandatory HIV testing for couples intending to marry (Parsitau 2009, 45). The church tried to promote these behaviour changes through social and sexual discipline, a process whose effectiveness is challenged by the author. Although the methods being promoted are effective in curbing the spread of HIV, they also parallelly engaging in the same harmful stigmatization and forms of social control which have been discussed before. Any HIV prevention method that simultaneously causes psychological and/or emotional harm to its participants should not be worth pursuing.
In summary, this line of argumentation is worth considering and debating, but it ultimately falls short of delivering results that are convincing and are overshadowed by other arguments for the effectiveness of faith-based organizations. The following chapter deals with the ways in which churches spread awareness about HIV/AIDS and how they advocated for positive HIV/AIDS prevention and influence policy.
3.4. Awareness, Advocacy, and policy
In 1996, the wife of the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God called Mummy G.O. founded the organizational body “African Missions Committee”, later known just as “African Missions”. Its task was the oversight and outreach to missions that spread the RCCG’s version of the gospel into other West African countries outside of Nigeria. The Committee provided basic infrastructure tailored to each specific mission as to make them self-supporting and -sustaining. It trained pastors and missionaries, it assisted with the establishment of mission schools and bible colleges and developed programs with the goal of eradicating poverty and educating communities on and consequently reducing the spread of HIV/AIDS in these countries (Adogame 2007, 479-480). As the operation of African Missions grew, it also expanded onto other continents, such as Europe and the United States. The latter became the base of operations for a new division of African Missions, called “African Mission North America” (AMNA). The States subsequently became fertile ground for missionary and religious work, as would be seen in 2003. The RCCG 7th Annual Convention titled “Latter Rain” was held in Dallas, Texas in June that year, where a “Walk for Africa” was organized and led by RCCG General Overseer Enoch Adeboye and his wife. The Walk was a procession around town with the hope of raising awareness and financial assistance for African HIV/AIDS victims. AMNA organized a similar procession a few days later on June 19th. Its mission statement was to “improve the quality of life of children, youth and families, help the needy, feed the poor, educate a child, help stop the spread of AIDS and make disciples of all nations” (Ibid, 480). One month later AMNA and the faith-based organization CitiHope International donated drugs valued at $1.5 million to Nigeria to help with health complication that arose alongside HIV/AIDS. This move came in support of US president George W. Bush’s push for faith-based initiatives combatting the AIDS crisis (Ibid). These examples demonstrate the potential and resources religious institutions possess in order to spread awareness around HIV/AIDS, its prevention, care and even treatment. But these types of church sponsored awareness campaigns were not just a mere dissemination of information to religious congregations and the public; they also had an influence on governmental policy and decision making.
After growing its influence for multiple years, The Balm in Gilead was asked by US president Bill Clinton’s Office of National AIDS Policy to organize a conference of 56 Black clergy from 19 different religious denominations at the White House. This conference taking place on the 28th of February in 1994 would be later known as the “African American Clergy Summit on HIV/AIDS”. In 1995 TBIG received support by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in order to replicate its program called the “Black Church Week of Prayer” on a national level (Royles 2020, 147).
The Black Church Week of Prayer was a scaled-up version of the original Harlem Week of Prayer, which took place on the 10th of September 1989. It was coordinated by the organization’s founder, Pernessa Seele, as a way to gather Harlem’s faith leaders together to pray and education them about AIDS. It was structured like a series of church revival meetings and workshops on HIV transmission, treatment, and pastoral care. The Harlem Week of Prayer grew into an annual event and after the founding of the nonprofit group The Balm in Gilead it was available all year-round (Ibid, 136-137). The projects’ structure proved to be successful and through its expansion out of Harlem itself was renamed to The Black Church Week of Prayer to be more widely accessible but still utilize Harlem Week’s modus operandi as a blueprint.
The African American Clergy Summit had long term effects as well. The White House’s Office of National AIDS Policy attempted to deepen the cooperation between federal AIDS offices and Black religious community. The ministers attending the summit collectively agreed to sign a document called “The African American Clergy’s Declaration of War on HIV/AIDS.” This declaration set out to “[...] ‘wage a war on fear and ignorance of AIDS/HIV’ through prevention and education, as well as through ‘consciousness-raising sermons about AIDS prevention and compassion for all, regardless of sexual orientation, drug dependency, or lifestyle choices.’” (Ibid, 147). This specific example points out the interacting nature of religious influence. Influence is not a one-way street. The church certainly does not have unilateral power over federal policy, yet the federal government does also not demonstrate complete power over the religious approaches tackling HIV/AIDS. It is rather an interactive relationship, with both institutions influencing each other and forming a collaborative effort to combat the AIDS crisis.
The strongest supporting example of this unique symbiosis between the government and religious institutions might be the aforementioned relationship between the Brazilian Catholic Church and the National AIDS Program (NAP). NGOs played a significant role in Brazil’s history, especially in its process of “redemocratization”, meaning the period of time after Brazil’s dictatorship in the mid-1970s and 80s. This historic period brought forth a joining of forces in solidarity between different social movements dealing with differing sectors of public life, like the health care system. This laid the foundation for a participatory, universal, and decentralized understanding of care, treatment and responsibility in civil life and the countries constitution of 1988. These tenets also lead to the foundation of the Brazilian universal health care system (SUS) that facilitated the immediate implementation of its developed National AIDS Program (NAP) as the first cases of AIDS were reported in the early 1980s. The NAP was a multifaceted program that was expanded to state and local level governments. Brazil was a majority Catholic country with 73% of the population being Catholic (Garcia et al. 2011, 946). Catholic Communities, called Catholic Ecclesiastic Base Communities (CEBs), also played a vital role in confronting the dictatorship. Their religious convictions translated into values of grassroots involvement, self-esteem building, emancipation and collective ownership of social problems and solutions (Ibid). The involvement of the church in emancipatory practices in the face of oppression is nothing unique to Brazil, it is found in many contexts of (religious) oppression or marginalization. As was mentioned before, the Black Churches in the United States were at the forefront of the struggle against racial injustice through communal organizing, providing education and care and sheltering people from oppression (Miller Jr. 2007, 51).
Another instance of religious resistance can be seen in Buddhist Tibetans resisting the annexation of their territory by China spearheaded by the exiled Dalai Lama (Davis 2011). All these cases demonstrate a clear emancipatory and resistant potential of religious institutions, no matter the denomination. This is due to the strong bonds between worshippers and faith leaders, a strong sense of identification with religious beliefs and groups and a shared value system containing teachings of humanism, altruism and self-lessness.
In the beginning of the HIV/AIDS outbreak, Church officials offered responses that were as morally conservative as was to be expected of the Catholic church. Yet as the epidemic expanded rapidly and people with AIDS required more and more care they decided to participate in the treatment. Hospices and home care programs were developed that provided support for people suffering the effects of HIV. This was largely due to the church’s vital role in the community as the first contact point in times of crisis or need, as well as the church’s commitment to values such as mercy and charity. The Brazilian health care system also was not able to mobilize an appropriate response to the epidemic at the time, further increasing people’s reliance on religious services. The reason for the church’s ability of this prompt response was also the fact that in contrary to the health care system, which was still in its initial stages and therefore highly centralized, the Catholic church enjoyed much more autonomy and possessed the necessary capabilities for a local-level response. The Brazilian Catholic church also possessed a more nuanced understanding of structural inequality, as it framed poverty as the main factor causing social injustices.
Therefore, an understanding of HIV/AIDS as an outcome of structural violence could be fostered and channelled into multisector alliances with other organizations (Garcia et al. 2011, 948). The relationship between the NAP and the church began in 1998, when HIV-positive priests contacted the Civil Society and Human Rights Department (SCDH) of the NAP. The idea of developing prevention activities through the church infrastructure came up and was subsequently discussed by the director of the SCDH, CNBB delegates and the Minister of Health, Jose Serra. In 2000, religious representatives, AIDS activists and public health workers founded the AIDS Pastoral2, marking the official formalization of the relationship between the Ministry of Health and the Church (Ibid, 949). The work of the Pastorals was expanded through the cooperation of the Centre for International Cooperation (CICT), a department of the National AIDS Program, and a Catholic NGO in Porto Alegre. The Catholic NGO established a reference centre, which linked PLWHA with local hospitals and trained peer educators. The director of the CICT, who’s goal was to facilitate partnerships with other developing countries, supported and financed their work. She even arranged international meetings between the leaders of the NGO and religious leaders from other countries working on AIDS (Ibid, 950).
Both the government and the Catholic church depended on and completed each other in areas where they lacked resources and infrastructure. It was an almost natural symbiosis between the national government, which was still recovering from a dictatorship and subsequent regime change, and a religious institution, which represented a majority of the population and was able to reach even the most remote and impoverished communities in the country. The cooperation between the Ministry of Health and the Catholic church is therefore solid proof of the interacting influence of religion and the national policy.
The second part of this thesis underlined the importance of solidarity focused work in religious communities while highlighting the spiritual commitment to core values such as mercy, charity, helping those in need and treating those that are suffering. Furthermore, the existing infrastructure of religious institutions was examined and the potential for spiritual and general education, which had remarkably positive effects on congregations and individuals living with AIDS. In addition, the wide- reaching networks of communities were examined as well as the influence that the church asserts over its followers was dissected critically. In the last chapter, the church’s role in spreading awareness about HIV/AIDS prevention was presented and lastly the interconnectivity and -action of religious influence on governmental policies and vice versa. In summary, the positive effects of religious prevention programs and care offers cannot be denied. Although there still exist a couple of obstacles toward ideal and stigma-free prevention programs, like the acknowledgement of sexuality and same-sex desire and the promotion of condoms, it is a much-needed supplement or alternative for deeply religious or impoverished communities in rural areas.
4. Conclusion
Based on the analysis and insights provided throughout this thesis, it is clear that the role of religious institutions in addressing the HIV/AIDS epidemic is both complex and multifaceted. While certain religious doctrines have at times contributed to stigma, exclusion, and misinformation surrounding HIV/AIDS, faith-based organizations have also offered significant support and community resources for prevention, care, and advocacy. Many religious communities provide valuable infrastructure, social networks, and moral guidance that have enhanced HIV/AIDS awareness, education, and resource distribution, particularly in regions where government healthcare support may be limited. By fostering solidarity, utilizing widespread networks, and engaging in educational initiatives, these institutions have made meaningful contributions to supporting people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA).
Moving forward, further integration between religious groups and public health agencies could help address the remaining barriers, such as stigma around sexuality and contraception, by promoting inclusive and evidence-based approaches. In the end, this synthesis of spiritual care with public health strategies underscores the unique position of religious communities to not only advocate for but also enact holistic care solutions. For communities deeply rooted in faith, these efforts may represent the most accessible and compassionate means of support, helping bridge gaps in healthcare systems and encouraging progressive shifts toward empathy, dignity, and respect for all affected by HIV/AIDS.
Unfortunately, some aspects of this discussion had to be cut as to not go beyond the limits of this thesis paper. One particular argument could have been the examination of the individual religions and their places of worship, so one could examine the differences and similarities of their approaches towards tackling HIV/AIDS in their congregations. One paper that assesses this topic is a comparison between Christianity and Islam in the context of AIDS in Africa by Sloan Speakman (Speakman 2012). More research examining this discussion is highly encouraged to further a nuanced understanding of the different religions approach humanitarian crisis.
5. List of sources and references
Studies
Bazant, Eva S. and Marc Boulay. 2007. “Factors Associated with Religious Congregation Members’ Support to People Living with HIV/AIDS in Kumasi, Ghana.” AIDS and Behavior 11, 936-945.
DeHaven, Mark J. Irby B. Hunter, Laura Wilder et al. 2004. “Health Programs in Faith-Based Organizations: Are They Effective?” American Journal of Public Health 94, No. 6, 1030-1036.
Fullilove, Mindy Thompson, and Robert E. Fullilove III. 1999. “Stigma as an Obstacle to AIDS Action: The Case of the African American Community”, American Behavioral Scientist 42, no. 7, 1117-1129.
Garcia, Jonathan, Miguel Munoz-Laboy, Laura R. Murray et al. 2011. “Strange bedfellows: The Catholic Church and Brazilian National AIDS Program in the response to HIV/AIDS in Brazil.” Social Science & Medicine 72, 945-952.
Garner, Robert C. 2000. “Safe sects? Dynamic religion and AIDS in South Africa.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 38, 1, 41-69.
Harris, V. William, James P. Marshall, and Jay D. Schvaneveldt. 2008. “In the Eyes of God: How Attachment Theory Informs Historical and Contemporary Marriage and Religious Practices among Abrahamic Faiths.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 39, no. 2, 259-78. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41604214.
Haussmann, Annette Daniela, Olivia Lea Odrasil, Stefanie Wiloth et al. 2024 “Tradition and Transformation: Spirituality in Church-Related Caring Communities in a Pluralistic Society.” Religions 15, 363. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15030363.
Miller Jr., Robert L. 2007. “Legacy Denied: African American Gay Men, AIDS, and the Black Church.” Social Work 52, Issue 1, 51-61.
Mtenga, S.M., C. Pfeiffer, M. Tanner, et al. 2018. “Linking gender, extramarital affairs, and HIV: a mixed methods study on contextual determinants of extramarital affairs in rural Tanzania.” AIDS Res Ther 15, 12. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12981-018-0199-6
Parsitau, Damaris Seleina. 2009. “Keep Holy Distance and Abstain till He Comes: Interrogating a Pentecostal Church’s Engagements with HIV/AIDS and the Youth in Kenya.” Africa Today 56, Number 1, 45-64.
Sarvela, Paul D., Lynda M. Sagrestano, Ainon N. Mizan, et al. 2001. “The Role of the Church in the Prevention of HIV/AIDS” The International Electronic Journal of Health Education 4, 48-54.
Trinitapoli, Jenny. 2006. “Religious Responses to AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Examination of Religious Congregations in Rural Malawi.” Review of Religious Research 47, No. 3, 253 270.
Literature
Adogame, Afe. 2007. “HIV/AIDS Support and African Pentecostalism: The Case of the Redeemed Church of God (RCCG).” Journal of Health Psychology 12, 3, 475-484.
Buttimer, Anne. 1969. “Social Space in Interdisciplinary Perspective.” Geographical Review 59, No. 3, 417-426.
Campbell, C., M. Skovdal and A. Gibbs. 2011. “Creating Social Spaces to Tackle AIDS-Related Stigma: Reviewing the Role of Church Groups in Sub-Saharan Africa.” AIDS and Behavior 15, 1204-1219.
Davis, Michael C. 2011. “Repression, Resistance, and Resilience in Tibet.” Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 12, no. 2, 30-38.
Royles, Dan. 2020. “There is a Balm in Gilead: AIDS Activism in the Black Churches.” In To Make the Wounded Whole: The African American Struggle against HIV/AIDS. University of North Carolina Press, 135-164.
Speakman, Sloane. 2012. “Comparing the Impact of Religious Discourse on HIV/AIDS in Islam and Christianity in Africa.” Vanderbilt Undergraduate Research Journal 8.
[...]
1 The term “social space” is borrowed from Maximilien Sorre’s interpretation of Emile Durkheim’s concept, “substrat social.” Durkheim’s definition of the “substrat social” was the social environment, or group framework a person resides in, independent of the physical setting. Sorre’s interpretation stresses the importance of both physical and social environments. This interpretation of a social space as the amalgamation of a physical location and a metaphysical social environment (Buttimer 1969, 419) is perfectly fit to describe the concept of “the church” which is utilized in this paper.
2 The structure of the AIDS Pastoral was already explained on page 8.
- Quote paper
- Nando Stubenrauch (Author), 2024, The Church vs. HIV/AIDS, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1557770
