Local Voices, Local Solutions: Reassessing Poverty Reduction by District Assemblies in Ghana critically examines the effectiveness of decentralised poverty reduction strategies, using the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) as a case study. Anchored in the paradigms of endogenous development, participatory governance, and self-reliance, the book draws on rich empirical data, including interviews, focus group discussions, and documentary analysis, to foreground the perspectives of beneficiaries. It reveals that while infrastructure and social protection interventions have yielded modest improvements in education, health, and livelihoods, their overall impact has been constrained by limited fiscal autonomy, weak planning systems, and tokenistic community participation. The study highlights the persistent structural and spatial inequalities that shape poverty in northern Ghana, exposing the limitations of top-down, technocratic planning. The book offers practical frameworks and policy lessons for enhancing local governance, integrating indigenous knowledge, and deepening citizen agency. Ultimately, it makes a compelling case for reimagining development not as a delivery mechanism but as a co-creative, locally grounded process driven by the people it seeks to serve.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
FOREWORD
PREFACE
ABSTRACT
HOW TO NAVIGATE THIS BOOK
PART I: SETTING THE SCENE
CHAPTER 1: UNDERSTANDING POVERTY IN AFRICA: A GHANAIAN PERSPECTIVE
1.1 Historical Overview of Poverty and Inequality in Africa
1.2 Global and African Poverty Trends
1.3 Ghana’s Poverty Profile and Regional Disparities
1.4 The Role of Local Governments in Poverty Reduction
Chapter 2: Development Thinking Reimagined
2.1 From Western to Endogenous Development
2.2 Theories of Self-Reliance and Participatory Development
2.3 Paulo Freire’s Dialogical Approach
2.4 Relevance of These Paradigms to Ghana’s Decentralised Governance
PART II: THE SAVELUGU-NANTON CASE STUDY
CHAPTER 3: THE CONTEXT — SAVELUGU-NANTON MUNICIPALITY
3.1 Socioeconomic Profile and Poverty Landscape
3.2 Decentralisation in Ghana: Roles of District Assemblies
3.3 Local Governance Architecture in Savelugu-Nanton
CHAPTER 4: POVERTY REDUCTION INTERVENTIONS IN PRACTICE
4.1 Typologies of Interventions: Infrastructure vs. Non-Infrastructure
4.2 Historical Review of SNMA’s Medium-Term Development Plans (1997–2017)
4.3 Key Programmes Implemented and Their Design
CHAPTER 5: WHAT THE PEOPLE SAY: BENEFICIARY VOICES
5.1 Perceived Changes in Quality of Life
5.2 LEAP and Other Targeted Interventions
PART III: ANALYSIS AND REFLECTIONS
CHAPTER 6: WHAT WORKED, WHAT DIDN’T – EVALUATING THE INTERVENTIONS
6.1 Comparative Analysis of Infrastructure vs. Social Protection Outcomes
6.2 Measurable Impacts on Health, Education, Livelihood, and Inclusion
6.3 Role of Planning, Implementation, and Stakeholder Coordination
CHAPTER 7: WHOSE VOICE COUNTS? PARTICIPATION AND OWNERSHIP
7.1 Levels of Beneficiary Involvement in Planning
7.2 Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation in SNMA
7.3 Implications for Intervention Design and Legitimacy
CHAPTER 8: THE FUNDING DILEMMA
8.1 Dependence on External Funding
8.2 Internally Generated Funds (IGF) and Financial Autonomy
8.3 Fiscal Decentralisation and the Paradox of Local Governance
PART IV: LESSONS AND THE WAY FORWARD
CHAPTER 9: POLICY AND PRACTICE LESSONS FOR GHANA AND BEYOND
9.1 Synthesising Insights for National Policy
9.2 Key Lessons for MMDAs Across Ghana
9.3 Practical Tools and Frameworks for Local Assemblies
Chapter 10: Toward Endogenous Poverty Solutions
10.1 Strengthening Community-Led Development
10.2 Operationalising Self-Reliance and Dialogical Approaches
10.3 Integrating Local Knowledge with External Innovations
CONCLUSION
11.1 Revisiting the Research Questions and Summarising Findings
11.2 Author’s Reflection on Academic and Real-World Implications
11.3 Call for Renewed Commitment to Participatory, Self-Driven Local Development
REFERENCES
APPENDICES
Appendix A: Tables
Appendix B: SNMA Intervention Matrix (1997–2017)
Appendix C: Note on Administrative Changes Affecting the Study Area
DEDICATION
To the resilient people of Savelugu-Nanton and all communities across Ghana striving to overcome poverty through dignity, unity, and collective action. This work is also dedicated to my family, whose unwavering support has made this intellectual journey possible.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
This publication is derived from my doctoral thesis titled “Assessing Poverty Reduction Interventions by District Assemblies in Ghana: The Perspectives of Beneficiaries in the Savelugu-Nanton Municipality”, submitted to the University for Development Studies (UDS) in 2019. The book builds on that foundational work and incorporates further scholarly reflection and contextual analysis.
The research and subsequent writing were deeply informed by a broad body of scholarly literature on decentralised development, poverty reduction, and participatory governance. I am especially grateful to the many authors and thinkers, past and present, whose rigorous scholarship provided both theoretical grounding and critical inspiration for this work.
I extend special thanks to my PhD supervisors, Professor Steve William Tonah of the University of Ghana and Dr John Gasu of the University for Development Studies. Their unwavering academic guidance, insightful critique, and steady mentorship significantly shaped the quality of the original thesis and this subsequent publication.
My sincere appreciation goes to my professional colleagues at the West Mamprusi Municipal Assembly and the Chereponi District Assembly. Our frequent exchanges of ideas, collaborative discussions, and mutual encouragement enriched both the conceptual and practical dimensions of the research. Their critical questions and suggestions during seminars and informal conversations played a vital role in sharpening the arguments presented here.
To the residents and leaders of the Savelugu-Nanton Municipality, I remain indebted. Your candid reflections, lived experiences, and invaluable contributions breathed life into this study.
Gratitude is also due to the staff of the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly for granting access to key documents, data, and their time.
Finally, I thank my family and close friends. Your patience, support, and belief in me provided the emotional strength and motivation needed to complete this academic journey.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
FOREWORD
Poverty is not simply a lack of income, it is a deficit of opportunity, dignity, and voice. For decades, Ghana has grappled with how best to tackle poverty in ways that reflect our own realities, cultures, and capacities. Hakim Abdallah's book provides a timely and insightful reflection on this challenge, grounded in deep fieldwork and critical analysis.
This book is not only a case study of Savelugu-Nanton; it is a mirror reflecting the strengths and weaknesses of Ghana's decentralised development efforts. It reminds us that local governments are not merely administrative units but potential engines of equitable and transformative change, if we trust, equip, and listen to them.
Local Voices, Local Solutions is an important contribution to the national development discourse. It combines academic rigour with practical relevance, making it essential reading for policymakers, scholars, practitioners, and anyone concerned with the future of inclusive development in Ghana and Africa.
Accra, Ghana
May 2025
PREFACE
This book emerges from a growing realisation that Ghana’s impressive development frameworks often falter at the point of implementation not because of a lack of ideas, but due to a disconnection between national ambitions and local realities.
As a development planner and scholar who has worked closely with local governments, I have seen the untapped potential that resides in communities, their ability to define priorities, innovate solutions, and take ownership of their futures. Yet, too often, the poor remain at the periphery of decisions that directly affect their lives.
This book matters now more than ever. Ghana, like many developing nations, is confronting intersecting crises: deepening inequality, climate vulnerability, and disillusionment with state-led interventions. The call for participatory, endogenous development is not merely academic, it is an urgent political and moral imperative.
Through the lens of the Savelugu-Nanton Municipality, I invite readers to reimagine local governance not as a delivery mechanism for national programmes, but as a space where development is negotiated, contextualised, and driven by the people. I hope this work inspires more inclusive, grounded, and courageous action across Ghana and beyond.
Hakim Abdallah
Engineers & Planners Company Limited
Accra, Ghana
May 2025
ABSTRACT
Local Voices, Local Solutions: Reassessing Poverty Reduction by District Assemblies in Ghana critically examines the effectiveness of decentralised poverty reduction strategies, using the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) as a case study. Anchored in the paradigms of endogenous development, participatory governance, and self-reliance, the book draws on rich empirical data, including interviews, focus group discussions, and documentary analysis, to foreground the perspectives of beneficiaries. It reveals that while infrastructure and social protection interventions have yielded modest improvements in education, health, and livelihoods, their overall impact has been constrained by limited fiscal autonomy, weak planning systems, and tokenistic community participation. The study highlights the persistent structural and spatial inequalities that shape poverty in northern Ghana, exposing the limitations of top-down, technocratic planning. The book offers practical frameworks and policy lessons for enhancing local governance, integrating indigenous knowledge, and deepening citizen agency. Ultimately, it makes a compelling case for reimagining development not as a delivery mechanism but as a co-creative, locally grounded process driven by the people it seeks to serve.
Keywords: Decentralisation, poverty reduction, local governance, endogenous development, participatory planning, Savelugu-Nanton, Ghana, social protection, community voice, fiscal autonomy.
HOW TO NAVIGATE THIS BOOK
Local Voices, Local Solutions: Reassessing Poverty Reduction by District Assemblies in Ghana is organised into four main parts, each designed to progressively build the reader’s understanding of poverty reduction in decentralised contexts, using the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) as a case study. Whether you are a policymaker, researcher, student, or development practitioner, this guide will help you navigate the book for maximum engagement and utility.
1. Begin with the Preliminary Sections
The Foreword sets the tone by situating the book within Ghana’s national development discourse, emphasising its practical and scholarly relevance.
The Preface provides insight into the author’s motivation, professional context, and the rationale for the study.
The Abstract offers a concise summary of the book’s scope, methodology, and key findings, ideal for readers seeking a quick overview.
2. Part I – Setting the Scene (Chapters 1–2)
These chapters lay the theoretical and contextual foundation.
- Chapter 1 discusses poverty’s historical, spatial, and institutional dimensions in Africa and Ghana, emphasising regional disparities and the role of local governments.
- Chapter 2 introduces alternative paradigms such as endogenous development, self-reliance, and Paulo Freire’s dialogical approach.
Best for: Readers seeking conceptual grounding and policy context.
3. Part II – The Savelugu-Nanton Case Study (Chapters 3–5)
This empirical section explores the study area in depth.
- Chapter 3 describes the socioeconomic and governance context of SNMA.
- Chapter 4 analyses specific poverty reduction interventions (1997–2017), distinguishing infrastructure from non-infrastructure efforts.
- Chapter 5 presents direct voices of beneficiaries through interviews, quotes, and case studies.
Best for: Practitioners, programme designers, and researchers interested in real-world examples and citizen perspectives.
4. Part III – Analysis and Reflections (Chapters 6–8)
This section evaluates the effectiveness of interventions and governance processes.
- Chapter 6 compares the impact of infrastructure and social protection efforts.
- Chapter 7 uses Arnstein’s Ladder to assess levels of community participation.
- Chapter 8 explores the funding challenges facing district assemblies.
Best for: Policy analysts, scholars, and development finance experts.
5. Part IV – Lessons and the Way Forward (Chapters 9–10)
This forward-looking section extracts practical insights and frameworks.
- Chapter 9 outlines lessons for national policy and district-level planning.
- Chapter 10 proposes ways to operationalise endogenous, community-led development.
Best for: Policymakers, local government actors, NGO professionals, and students seeking actionable guidance.
6. Final Sections – Conclusion, References, and Appendices
The Conclusion revisits the research questions, reflects on implications, and issues a call to reimagine local development as participatory and self-driven.
The References provide an extensive bibliography for further reading.
The Appendices include supporting tables; a matrix of interventions (1997–2017); and a note on administrative changes affecting the study area (e.g., the division of SNMA in 2017)
This book is both an academic resource and a practical toolkit. Readers are encouraged to engage critically with its findings, compare them with their own contexts, and adapt the insights to support inclusive and sustainable poverty reduction efforts across Ghana and beyond.
PART I SETTING THE SCENE
This foundational section contextualises the study by exploring the historical, theoretical, and policy backdrop of poverty and development thinking in Africa and Ghana. Chapter one offers a comprehensive overview of poverty’s structural roots, the impact of colonial legacies, and the failures of externally imposed models such as Structural Adjustment Programmes. It highlights Ghana’s progress in reducing poverty nationally while stressing the persistent inequalities in the northern regions, including the Savelugu-Nanton Municipality. It also introduces the role of local governments in addressing poverty through decentralisation.
Chapter two reimagines development by examining alternative frameworks, endogenous development, self-reliance, participatory approaches, and Paulo Freire’s dialogical model. These paradigms challenge the limitations of Western-centric models and advocate for culturally rooted, community-driven solutions. The chapter asserts the relevance of these perspectives for Ghana’s decentralised planning and provides a philosophical lens for evaluating the case study that follows.
Purpose: To equip readers with the theoretical tools and background needed to understand the rationale for studying poverty reduction at the local level through endogenous and participatory frameworks.
CHAPTER ONE UNDERSTANDING POVERTY IN AFRICA: A GHANAIAN PERSPECTIVE
1.1 Historical Overview of Poverty and Inequality in Africa
The phenomenon of poverty in Africa is rooted in historical, structural, and institutional dynamics that predate the post-independence era. Colonialism profoundly shaped the economic structures of African nations, orienting production toward raw material export while dismantling indigenous systems of wealth creation and redistribution (Mkandawire, 2011). Post-colonial African states inherited fragile economies, heavily reliant on primary commodities and vulnerable to global price fluctuations.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Africa’s development trajectory was constrained by successive debt crises, which necessitated the adoption of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These neoliberal prescriptions, led by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, prioritised market liberalisation, privatisation, and reduced public expenditure. While intended to stabilise economies, SAPs often exacerbated inequality, weakened public service delivery, and entrenched poverty (Kumi et al., 2020). Critics have since argued that these policies failed to address the underlying causes of poverty, particularly in rural and marginalised communities (Adesina, 2021).
In response, the 1990s ushered in a renewed development paradigm, shifting focus from growth-centred approaches to poverty alleviation. Institutions such as the World Bank acknowledged the multidimensional nature of poverty, encompassing not only income deprivation but also lack of access to education, healthcare, and participation in decision-making (World Bank, 2011). This redefinition informed subsequent strategies, including the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and their successor, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
1.2 Global and African Poverty Trends
Poverty remains a global challenge, albeit with regional variations in intensity and reduction rates. According to the World Bank (2023), extreme poverty, measured as living on less than US$2.15 per day, has declined globally from 36% in 1990 to 8.4% in 2019. However, sub-Saharan Africa lags significantly behind, with the region accounting for over 60% of the world's extremely poor population.
In absolute terms, the number of poor people in Africa increased from 278 million in 1990 to approximately 430 million in 2021 (UNDP, 2023). This paradox of declining poverty rates amidst rising absolute numbers reflects rapid population growth across the continent. Moreover, income inequality remains a persistent issue, with the Gini coefficient averaging around 0.43 for sub-Saharan Africa, compared to the global average of 0.39 (OECD, 2022).
Climate change, conflict, poor governance, and limited industrialisation continue to undermine poverty reduction efforts. The COVID-19 pandemic further reversed progress, pushing an additional 50 million Africans into extreme poverty between 2020 and 2022 (African Development Bank [AfDB], 2022). Despite these setbacks, some countries, including Rwanda and Ethiopia, have recorded notable gains due to targeted social protection, agricultural transformation, and infrastructure development.
1.3 Ghana’s Poverty Profile and Regional Disparities
Ghana has been hailed as a frontrunner in poverty reduction within West Africa. The country achieved the MDG target of halving extreme poverty by 2006, nine years ahead of schedule (GSS, 2018). However, recent data suggest that while poverty levels have declined nationally, significant regional and rural-urban disparities persist.
The Ghana Living Standards Survey Round 8 (GLSS 8) indicates that the national poverty incidence decreased from 23.4% in 2017 to 20.5% in 2022 (GSS, 2023). Nevertheless, the three northern regions, Northern, Upper East, and Upper West, continue to experience high poverty rates, with incidences exceeding 40% in some districts. This regional variation is primarily attributed to historical neglect, climatic challenges, and lower access to services and economic opportunities (Cooke et al., 2016).
Urban areas, particularly Greater Accra and Ashanti, have benefitted from better infrastructure, employment, and public services, contributing to the spatial inequality observed. The poverty gap index, which measures the depth of poverty, further reveals that the poor in northern Ghana are not only more numerous but also poorer in absolute terms (GSS, 2023).
While Ghana has made strides in education, health, and social protection, challenges remain. The informal economy employs over 80% of the workforce, many of whom lack job security or access to social safety nets (World Bank, 2022). Youth unemployment, gender disparities, and vulnerability to external shocks continue to pose threats to inclusive development.
1.4 The Role of Local Governments in Poverty Reduction
Decentralisation has long been posited as a strategy for enhancing local participation and improving the responsiveness of development policies to community needs. In Ghana, the Local Government Act, 1993 (Act 462) and its successor, Act 936 (2016), mandate Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MMDAs) to spearhead development planning and service delivery at the local level.
District Assemblies are central to implementing poverty reduction interventions through the District Medium-Term Development Plans (DMTDPs), financed via the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), Internally Generated Funds (IGFs), and donor support (NDPC, 2021). These plans often prioritise infrastructure provision (roads, water, health centres), human capital development, and social protection.
However, the effectiveness of local governments in poverty reduction is often undermined by several factors. These include inadequate financial resources, political interference, limited technical capacity, and weak monitoring and evaluation systems (Awortwi & Osei-Kufuor, 2016). Furthermore, local planning processes are frequently top-down in practice, with minimal genuine participation of the poor in decision-making (Ayee, 2020).
Despite these constraints, some MMDAs have innovated with participatory budgeting, community scorecards, and integrated social services, leading to improved service delivery and accountability. Enhancing local governance remains crucial to achieving the SDG target of eliminating poverty in all its forms by 2030.
CHAPTER TWO DEVELOPMENT THINKING REIMAGINED
2.1 From Western to Endogenous Development
Since the post-World War II era, dominant development paradigms have largely been shaped by Western epistemologies. These paradigms, often anchored in modernisation theory, conceptualised development as a linear process through which ‘traditional’ societies could attain the socio-economic characteristics of ‘modern’ Western societies (Rostow, 1960). Under this model, industrialisation, urbanisation, and capitalist market systems were perceived as universal markers of progress. However, this perspective has been increasingly critiqued for its ethnocentric assumptions and its failure to account for the historical, cultural, and contextual specificities of the Global South (Ziai, 2015).
Western-led development strategies have often promoted top-down, technocratic interventions that marginalised local knowledge systems and reinforced dependency on external actors. This approach, typified by Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) in the 1980s and 1990s, failed to stimulate sustainable growth or address the root causes of poverty in Africa (Kumi et al., 2020). The unintended consequences included weakened public institutions, increased inequality, and the erosion of social capital (Mkandawire, 2011).
In response, the endogenous development (ED) paradigm has emerged as a more context-sensitive alternative. Endogenous development focuses on development “from within,” building on local knowledge, cultural values, indigenous institutions, and locally available resources while maintaining openness to integrating appropriate external knowledge (Haverkort et al., 2012). The ED approach seeks to restore community ownership and agency in the development process, countering the epistemic dominance of the West and reasserting African ways of knowing and organising.
ED resonates strongly with African development realities, where traditional systems of governance, communal land use, and indigenous medicinal and agricultural practices continue to influence socio-economic dynamics. It rejects the assumption that development must imitate the path of the West, proposing instead a pluriversal world where multiple co-existing development models are legitimate (Escobar, 2018).
2.2 Theories of Self-Reliance and Participatory Development
Closely aligned with endogenous development is the principle of self-reliance, which became prominent in the post-independence era as newly sovereign African states sought autonomy over their development trajectories. Self-reliance posits that communities and nations must harness their own resources, knowledge, and capabilities to define and meet development goals, rather than depend on donor-driven or externally imposed models (Anyidoho et al., 2021).
Amilcar Cabral, Julius Nyerere, and Kwame Nkrumah were notable advocates of self-reliance in Africa, each emphasising the importance of building self-sustaining economies that are attuned to the cultural and material conditions of their societies (Mkandawire, 2011). Contemporary interpretations of self-reliance stress the mobilisation of endogenous financial resources, strengthening of local institutions, and fostering of collective agency among citizens (Kassahun, 2020).
In tandem, participatory development has gained traction as a framework that prioritises inclusivity, empowerment, and community involvement in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of development initiatives. Rather than treating beneficiaries as passive recipients, participatory approaches regard them as co-creators of knowledge and agents of change (Cornwall, 2016).
Participatory development emerged partly in critique of technocratic and hierarchical planning processes that excluded grassroots voices, particularly those of women, indigenous people, and the poor. It calls for an inversion of the development process, “putting the last first” to reflect the priorities, aspirations, and insights of marginalised populations (Chambers, 2014).
However, participatory development has not been immune to critique. Scholars warn that participation is often tokenistic or manipulated by elite actors, and without structural reform and redistribution of power, it can reinforce existing inequalities (Cooke & Kothari, 2001). Nevertheless, when genuinely practiced, participation remains a vital tool for sustainable and inclusive development.
2.3 Paulo Freire’s Dialogical Approach
One of the most influential theoretical contributions to participatory development is Paulo Freire’s dialogical approach, elaborated in Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970). Freire argued that authentic education and transformation are only possible through dialogue, an open, horizontal exchange in which both teacher and learner are co-investigators of reality.
In contrast to “banking education,” where knowledge is deposited into passive learners, the dialogical method encourages critical reflection, consciousness-raising (conscientização), and collective action to transform oppressive conditions (Freire, 1970). Freire’s pedagogy emphasises respect for the lived experiences and cultural expressions of the marginalised, recognising that meaningful change must originate from within oppressed communities themselves.
The dialogical approach has inspired a wide range of methodologies in development work, including participatory rural appraisal, community scorecards, and transformative adult education. Its insistence on reciprocity, mutual learning, and co-creation aligns closely with the ethos of endogenous and self-reliant development paradigms (Tandon, 2018).
Freire’s theory has also been instrumental in reframing development as a political process, one that must address the structural roots of injustice rather than merely alleviate symptoms of poverty. It advocates for the redistribution of not only resources but also voice, dignity, and epistemic agency.
2.4 Relevance of These Paradigms to Ghana’s Decentralised Governance
Ghana’s decentralisation policy, initiated in 1988 and formalised through subsequent legislation, was designed to transfer administrative authority and development responsibility from the central government to Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MMDAs). This process aims to improve local service delivery, enhance citizen participation, and make development more responsive to local realities (Ayee, 2020).
The theoretical paradigms of endogenous development, self-reliance, and participatory development provide valuable lenses through which to assess the implementation and challenges of Ghana’s decentralised governance. For instance, endogenous development underscores the importance of incorporating local knowledge systems and cultural practices into district-level development plans, yet many MMDAs continue to adopt templated plans drawn from centralised policy frameworks (NDPC, 2021).
Similarly, the concept of self-reliance is tested by MMDAs’ chronic dependence on the District Assemblies Common Fund and donor financing, with Internally Generated Funds (IGFs) contributing only marginally to local budgets (Boakye, 2022). This undermines the autonomy and sustainability of local development initiatives.
Freire’s dialogical model is relevant in enhancing participatory planning at the grassroots. Mechanisms such as town hall meetings, unit committee consultations, and participatory budgeting are meant to ensure that community voices shape development priorities. However, evidence suggests that participation is often superficial, dominated by political elites or limited to information-sharing rather than genuine decision-making (Awortwi & Osei-Kufuor, 2016).
To strengthen decentralised governance in Ghana, there is a need for institutional reforms that deepen participatory practices, enhance local capacity for resource mobilisation, and legitimise indigenous knowledge in formal planning processes. Embedding these alternative paradigms could make local governance more inclusive, resilient, and aligned with the aspirations of the communities it seeks to serve.
PART II THE SAVELUGU-NANTON CASE STUDY
This empirical section presents the heart of the study, grounded in fieldwork conducted in the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA). Chapter three profiles the study area, including its socioeconomic characteristics, administrative structure, and decentralised governance system. It illustrates the challenges SNMA faces in service delivery and local economic development.
Chapter four reviews poverty reduction interventions undertaken by SNMA from 1997 to 2017. It categorises interventions into infrastructure (e.g., schools, boreholes, clinics) and non-infrastructure (e.g., LEAP, skills training, input support). It analyses how these interventions were designed, funded, and implemented within the framework of successive District Medium-Term Development Plans.
Chapter five captures the voices of beneficiaries through interviews, focus group discussions, and case studies. It reflects on perceived changes in quality of life, the strengths and weaknesses of LEAP and other social protection programmes, and the lived realities of implementation challenges. Direct quotations enrich this chapter, lending authenticity and emotional weight to the findings.
Purpose: To provide a grounded, people-centred account of how decentralised poverty interventions play out in practice, from policy documents to the lived experiences of local residents.
CHAPTER 3: THE CONTEXT: SAVELUGU-NANTON MUNICIPALITY
3.1 Socioeconomic Profile and Poverty Landscape
The Savelugu-Nanton Municipality (SNM), located in Ghana’s Northern Region, exemplifies the structural and spatial disparities that characterise poverty in Ghana. Prior to its administrative bifurcation in 2018, the municipality covered approximately 1,790 square kilometres and included both peri-urban and rural communities. According to the 2021 Population and Housing Census, the current Savelugu Municipal has a population of approximately 122,000, with a youthful demographic structure over 60% of residents are below the age of 30 (GSS, 2021).
Agriculture is the dominant economic activity in the area, employing more than 80% of the population. However, the sector is characterised by low productivity, rain-fed practices, limited access to inputs, and poor storage and market infrastructure (MOFA, 2022). These structural limitations reinforce a cycle of subsistence farming and seasonal food insecurity, especially during the lean season.
Poverty in the Savelugu-Nanton area remains significantly higher than the national average. The Ghana Living Standards Survey Round 8 (GLSS 8) indicates that poverty incidence in the Northern Region is 43.4%, compared to the national rate of 20.5% (GSS, 2023). Within the former SNM, poverty is deep and multidimensional, encompassing low access to quality education, inadequate healthcare, unsafe water, poor sanitation, and limited livelihood opportunities.
In terms of education, enrolment at the basic level has improved, but challenges persist in teacher deployment, pupil-teacher ratios, and infrastructure. The municipality also experiences high dropout rates, particularly among girls, due to factors such as teenage pregnancy and child marriage (Ghana Education Service [GES], 2022). Healthcare access is hampered by logistical constraints, low staffing levels, and distance to health facilities in rural communities (GHS, 2022).
Socially, the area is heterogeneous, comprising various ethnic groups including Dagomba, Konkomba, and Fulani. Traditional authority, represented by chiefs and elders, plays a crucial role in dispute resolution and community mobilisation. The local social fabric is marked by communal interdependence, which serves as an important asset in collective action but is increasingly strained by modern governance and economic pressures.
3.2 Decentralisation in Ghana: Roles of District Assemblies
Decentralisation in Ghana was formalised through the Local Government Law (PNDC Law 207) of 1988 and subsequently entrenched in the 1992 Constitution and the Local Governance Act, 2016 (Act 936). The decentralisation policy aims to bring governance closer to the people, improve service delivery, promote grassroots participation, and accelerate local development (Ayee, 2020).
District Assemblies (DAs) are the highest political and administrative authorities at the local level. Their core functions include planning and implementing development projects, mobilising resources, coordinating public service delivery, and ensuring the participation of citizens in governance processes (NDPC, 2021). Each Assembly is mandated to prepare a District Medium-Term Development Plan (DMTDP), which guides local development priorities over a four-year cycle.
In practice, however, decentralisation in Ghana faces persistent challenges. Many Assemblies remain heavily dependent on the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), which is often delayed and insufficient to meet local demands (Boakye, 2022). Internally Generated Funds (IGFs) are generally low, due to narrow tax bases, weak enforcement, and community resistance to taxation. Additionally, there is a disconnect between central government directives and local priorities, often exacerbated by politicisation of local development (Awortwi & Osei-Kufuor, 2016).
Despite these constraints, decentralisation has enhanced local representation, particularly through Unit Committees and Zonal Councils. It has also created platforms for participatory governance, albeit unevenly implemented. Strengthening the fiscal, administrative, and political autonomy of District Assemblies remains essential to making decentralisation more effective and responsive to local development needs.
3.3 Local Governance Architecture in Savelugu-Nanton
The governance structure of the former Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) followed the national template established under Ghana’s decentralised system. The Municipal Assembly was the highest decision-making body, comprising elected members from electoral areas, government appointees, the Municipal Chief Executive (MCE), and the Member of Parliament (MP) representing the constituency. The MCE, appointed by the President, served as the political and administrative head, while the Presiding Member, elected from among the Assembly Members, presided over meetings.
Administratively, the Assembly was supported by a bureaucracy headed by the Municipal Coordinating Director (MCD), who oversaw decentralised departments such as education, health, agriculture, and planning. The Municipal Planning Coordinating Unit (MPCU) functioned as the technical body responsible for coordinating the development planning process. The MPCU ensured that sectoral plans aligned with the Assembly’s Medium-Term Development Plan (SNMA, 2017).
Below the Assembly level were substructures including Zonal and Area Councils and Unit Committees, intended to deepen citizen participation and provide a two-way link between communities and the Assembly. However, these substructures were often underfunded and lacked logistical support, which limited their effectiveness in community mobilisation and feedback mechanisms (Crawford, 2018).
Traditional authorities in the Savelugu-Nanton area played significant roles in land allocation, cultural preservation, and conflict mediation. While not formally part of the local government structure, chiefs and elders were often consulted during the planning and implementation of development interventions. Their influence was especially pronounced in rural communities, where formal state institutions were either absent or weak.
The SNMA engaged in multiple development initiatives between 1997 and 2017, with support from national funds and donor agencies. These interventions included infrastructure projects (roads, schools, clinics, water systems) and social programmes (LEAP, skills training, farmer support). However, several assessments noted that implementation was constrained by financial dependency, limited technical capacity, weak monitoring, and minimal community participation in decision-making (UNICEF & NDPC, 2019).
Despite these challenges, the governance architecture of SNMA provided a valuable platform for local development. With improved resourcing, participatory mechanisms, and inter-institutional collaboration, the municipality has the potential to serve as a model of effective decentralised governance in Ghana.
CHAPTER FOUR POVERTY REDUCTION INTERVENTIONS IN PRACTICE
4.1 Typologies of Interventions: Infrastructure vs. Non-Infrastructure
Poverty reduction strategies are often implemented through two broad typologies: infrastructure and non-infrastructure interventions. These typologies are not mutually exclusive but rather complementary in addressing the multidimensional nature of poverty (World Bank, 2023).
Infrastructure interventions refer to the provision of physical and social amenities that support livelihoods, enhance productivity, and improve access to basic services. These include roads, electricity, water supply systems, health centres, schools, markets, and storage facilities. Infrastructure development is often associated with long-term impacts such as reduced travel time, enhanced mobility, improved school attendance, and increased agricultural productivity (UNDP, 2023). In rural Ghana, such interventions are critical for addressing spatial inequalities and facilitating economic inclusion (GSS, 2023).
On the other hand, non-infrastructure interventions focus on direct support to individuals and households through social protection, capacity building, empowerment, and livelihood improvement schemes. These include conditional and unconditional cash transfers (e.g., LEAP), agricultural subsidies, vocational and technical skills training, and support for micro and small enterprises (GOG, 2022). Non-infrastructure interventions tend to yield quicker, though sometimes less sustainable, outcomes and are often targeted at the most vulnerable groups including women, youth, persons with disabilities, and the elderly (Cooke et al., 2016).
In the context of Ghana’s decentralised governance system, District Assemblies such as the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) are mandated to develop and implement a mix of these interventions under their District Medium-Term Development Plans (DMTDPs). The selection and design of such interventions are influenced by local priorities, funding availability, and national policy directives, including the Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda (GSGDA), Coordinated Programme of Economic and Social Development Policies (CPESDP), and the Sustainable Development Goals (NDPC, 2021).
4.2 Historical Review of SNMA’s Medium-Term Development Plans (1997–2017)
The SNMA implemented five successive DMTDPs between 1997 and 2017, each spanning four years and aligned with national development policy frameworks. These plans were developed through a participatory process, though often with varying degrees of community involvement and resource constraints (NDPC, 2018).
1. First MTDP (1997–2001): This plan was implemented under the Ghana Vision 2020 framework. It focused on improving access to basic social services and rehabilitating critical infrastructure such as feeder roads and school buildings. Poverty mapping conducted during this period revealed high incidence of deprivation in remote communities, prompting investments in rural electrification and boreholes.
2. Second MTDP (2002–2005): Aligned with the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS I), this plan expanded the scope of interventions to include health outreach services, agricultural extension support, and community-based initiatives. Specific attention was given to maternal and child health, education enrolment, and food security programmes.
3. Third MTDP (2006–2009): Developed within the GPRS II policy framework, this period witnessed increased donor involvement through programmes such as the District Development Facility (DDF) and the Community-Based Rural Development Project (CBRDP). Emphasis was placed on governance and accountability, with some investments made in improving administrative infrastructure and capacity of Assembly staff.
4. Fourth MTDP (2010–2013): This plan was guided by the Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda I (GSGDA I). It introduced participatory planning tools such as community scorecards and sectoral reviews. There was increased investment in education infrastructure (e.g., classroom blocks, teachers’ quarters), as well as the introduction of LEAP in selected communities.
5. Fifth MTDP (2014–2017): Implemented under GSGDA II, this phase focused on deepening decentralisation and enhancing local economic development (LED). A key strategy was the establishment of public-private partnerships (PPPs) for market infrastructure and sanitation facilities. The Assembly also supported youth entrepreneurship programmes and introduced gender-responsive budgeting (SNMA, 2017).
Despite the achievements across these planning periods, key challenges persisted, including poor revenue mobilisation, delays in fund disbursement, and inadequate monitoring and evaluation mechanisms. Moreover, beneficiary participation in planning and implementation was often limited to consultative forums rather than co-decision-making (UNICEF & NDPC, 2019).
4.3 Key Programmes Implemented and Their Design
The SNMA implemented a series of programmes within its DMTDPs, designed to address priority development challenges and aligned with national targets for poverty reduction. These programmes were categorised into infrastructure and non-infrastructure domains and were funded through the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), DDF, donor contributions, and Internally Generated Funds (IGFs).
1. Infrastructure-Focused Programmes:
- Rural Electrification Projects: These aimed to connect communities to the national grid, thereby enhancing economic activities, education, and security. Implementation followed national energy access plans but also included local lobbying for inclusion (MOEn, 2021).
- Small-Dam Construction: Designed to support dry-season farming and reduce food insecurity. Community-based Water and Sanitation Management Teams (WSMTs) were trained to maintain facilities.
- Educational Infrastructure Development: Construction of school blocks, provision of desks, and latrine facilities were key components. These projects targeted communities with low enrolment and poor retention rates (GES, 2022).
- Healthcare Infrastructure Expansion: Health centres and CHPS compounds were established in underserved areas to improve maternal and child health access. These interventions were complemented by health outreach programmes by GHS.
2. Non-Infrastructure Programmes:
- Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP): A flagship social protection programme targeting the extremely poor, particularly households with orphans, the elderly, or persons with severe disabilities. LEAP recipients were selected based on national proxy means testing and local validation processes (GOG, 2022).
- Agricultural Subsidy and Extension Services: SNMA, in collaboration with MOFA, distributed fertilisers and improved seeds to farmers. Training sessions were conducted on climate-smart agriculture and post-harvest management.
- Vocational Skills Training for Youth and Women: These programmes provided technical skills in tailoring, hairdressing, carpentry, and soap making. Start-up kits were distributed to selected graduates to support self-employment.
- Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS): This behaviour change initiative was implemented to improve hygiene practices and eliminate open defecation. Community facilitators were trained to lead awareness campaigns.
Programme design across the years was influenced by national policy directives, donor conditions, and local political considerations. While most interventions targeted service gaps and vulnerable populations, weaknesses in data management, feedback mechanisms, and coordination among departments often undermined effectiveness.
The SNMA's experience demonstrates both the potential and limitations of local-level interventions in tackling poverty. Effective targeting, meaningful beneficiary engagement, and sustained funding remain essential for enhancing the impact and sustainability of such programmes.
CHAPTER FIVE WHAT THE PEOPLE SAY: BENEFICIARY VOICES
5.1 Perceived Changes in Quality of Life
Understanding the impact of poverty reduction interventions from the perspective of beneficiaries is crucial in assessing the relevance, effectiveness, and inclusivity of such programmes. In the Savelugu-Nanton Municipality (SNM), beneficiary narratives reveal both tangible improvements and lingering challenges in their quality of life.
Respondents consistently noted improvements in access to basic services such as healthcare, education, potable water, and electricity as key indicators of enhanced well-being. For example, the construction of boreholes in water-scarce communities significantly reduced the burden of water collection, particularly for women and children. Likewise, the extension of electricity to rural communities enabled the use of electrical appliances, enhanced school learning conditions, and provided opportunities for microenterprises.
In focus group discussions, women reported that time previously spent searching for water or firewood could now be used for income-generating activities. A female respondent from Diare stated: “Now that we have electricity and water, I have more time to sew clothes and sell at the market. It has made a big difference in our lives” (FGD, 2017).
However, respondents also expressed dissatisfaction with the uneven distribution of services and poor maintenance of some infrastructure. Some health facilities were inadequately staffed or lacked essential drugs, while roads became impassable during the rainy season. As one youth leader from Libga remarked: “The clinic is there, but if you go at night or on weekends, no nurse is available. It’s like having no clinic at all” (Key Informant Interview, 2017).
These accounts suggest that while infrastructure-based interventions have improved quality of life, their sustainability and equity remain areas of concern. Furthermore, the benefits were more evident in communities that had complementary services (e.g., electricity with roads, or schools with sanitation facilities), highlighting the importance of integrated development planning.
5.2 LEAP and Other Targeted Interventions
Among non-infrastructure interventions, the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme stood out as the most widely acknowledged and appreciated intervention in the SNM. LEAP provides bi-monthly cash transfers to extremely poor households, especially those headed by elderly individuals, persons with disabilities, and caregivers of orphans and vulnerable children (GOG, 2022).
Beneficiaries highlighted several positive effects of the LEAP programme, including improved household food security, access to healthcare under the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), and the ability to meet small but critical needs such as school supplies and medication. A 68-year-old woman in Tampion shared: “Before LEAP, I had to beg for food. Now, even if it is small, I know money will come and I can buy maize or medicine when I am sick” (LEAP Beneficiary Interview, 2017).
Despite its benefits, the programme was not without challenges. Respondents cited delays in payment, lack of clarity on beneficiary selection, and inadequate cash amounts. Some non-beneficiaries who felt equally poor expressed frustration at being excluded, leading to perceptions of unfairness and politicisation. According to one community elder: “They say LEAP is for the poorest, but how they choose people, we don’t know. Some families get it, others even poorer, don’t” (FGD, 2017).
Other interventions included agricultural support programmes, such as the provision of subsidised fertilisers and improved seeds, as well as skills development initiatives for unemployed youth. Beneficiaries of these interventions noted increased yields and modest increases in income. However, sustainability issues, such as the inability to access inputs the following year and lack of market access, limited long-term impact.
Vocational training programmes also received mixed reviews. While trainees appreciated the skills acquired, the absence of post-training support such as equipment or startup capital meant that many were unable to utilise their training. A youth participant in a soap-making training programme lamented: “I learnt how to make soap, but after training, I had no money to buy materials. So now, I do nothing with that knowledge” (Youth Beneficiary Interview, 2017).
These insights underscore the importance of combining skills training with comprehensive post-training support mechanisms, including access to credit, markets, and mentorship.
5.3 Beneficiaries’ Stories, Quotes, and Case Studies
To give voice to the lived realities behind the statistics, the following case narratives provide deeper insight into the effects of poverty reduction interventions in SNM.
Case Study 1: a 72-year-old widow: A Grandmother’s LEAP to Dignity
A 72-year-old widow in Savelugu, lives with three grandchildren whose parents migrated to southern Ghana for work. Before enrolling in the LEAP programme, she depended on her neighbours for food and clothing. Since receiving bi-monthly cash transfers, she has been able to support her grandchildren’s education and access healthcare without relying on handouts.
“When I received my first LEAP money, I cried. It was the first time in many years I felt respected as a person” (72-year-old widow, LEAP recipient, 2017).
Case Study 2: A 45-year-old Maize Farmer’s Experience with Subsidised Inputs
A 45-year-old maize farmer from Zoggu. In 2015, he benefited from SNMA’s agricultural input programme, receiving fertilisers and improved seeds. His yield increased from five to nine bags per acre. However, due to lack of access to storage and markets, most of his surplus was sold at low prices.
“The support helped me, but next season, no fertiliser came. If it is not consistent, we go back to suffering” (45-year-old Maize Farmer, 2017).
Case Study 3: A 23-year-Old Female trainee: Youth Skills Training Without Follow-Through
A 23-year-Old Female trainee, participated in a three-month tailoring training programme supported by SNMA. Although she completed the programme with distinction, she has been unable to establish her business due to a lack of startup tools and capital.
“We finished training, but they didn’t give machines or money. I still depend on my parents. The skills are there, but what can I do without help?” (Trainee, 2017).
These narratives reveal both the promise and pitfalls of poverty reduction efforts at the district level. While some interventions have had significant and meaningful impacts, many fall short due to design flaws, weak targeting, limited follow-up, and funding constraints. They also highlight the importance of involving beneficiaries in both the design and monitoring of interventions, as this could enhance relevance, transparency, and sustainability.
PART III ANALYSIS AND REFLECTIONS
This analytical section evaluates the effectiveness, equity, and sustainability of poverty reduction efforts in SNMA. Chapter six contrasts the outcomes of infrastructure projects with social protection interventions, highlighting their complementary strengths and weaknesses. It discusses measurable impacts in areas such as health, education, and livelihoods, pointing out the limitations of fragmented or poorly maintained interventions.
Chapter seven interrogates the quality of community participation, drawing on Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation to assess whether local involvement in planning and implementation was genuine or tokenistic. The chapter finds that while consultative mechanisms existed, meaningful influence by beneficiaries was limited, often restricted by elite capture, gender exclusion, and procedural formalities.
Chapter eight explores the funding dilemma faced by district assemblies. It outlines SNMA’s dependence on central government transfers, the limited capacity to mobilise Internally Generated Funds (IGFs), and the paradox of fiscal decentralisation in Ghana. It argues that financial constraints severely restrict local discretion and responsiveness, ultimately undermining the promise of decentralisation.
Purpose: To diagnose the structural, institutional, and participatory challenges that hinder the success of local poverty reduction initiatives, offering a critical lens on governance and implementation gaps.
CHAPTER SIX WHAT WORKED, WHAT DID NOT: EVALUATING THE INTERVENTIONS
6.1 Comparative Analysis of Infrastructure vs. Social Protection Outcomes
Evaluating the effectiveness of poverty reduction interventions in the Savelugu-Nanton Municipality (SNM) reveals notable contrasts between infrastructure and social protection (non-infrastructure) interventions. Each category addressed different dimensions of poverty, with varying degrees of sustainability, inclusiveness, and transformative impact.
Infrastructure interventions, such as the construction of schools, boreholes, feeder roads, and health facilities, provided visible and long-term assets to communities. These interventions enhanced geographic accessibility to services, improved mobility, and stimulated economic activities. In several communities, new classroom blocks reduced overcrowding, improved teacher deployment, and supported increased enrolment, especially among girls (GES, 2022). Boreholes decreased the burden on women and children and significantly improved hygiene and health conditions (GHS, 2022).
However, the effectiveness of infrastructure projects was often constrained by poor maintenance, inadequate staffing, and weak integration with service delivery systems. For example, while some health centres were built, they remained underutilised due to lack of qualified personnel or medical supplies (Crawford, 2018). Moreover, certain projects were driven more by political considerations than community priorities, undermining their relevance and use.
Social protection interventions, such as the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme, offered short-term relief to highly vulnerable populations. Beneficiaries reported improved food security, greater autonomy, and reduced dependency on neighbours or family members. These interventions were especially effective in cushioning the aged, orphans, and persons with disabilities against destitution (GOG, 2022).
Nonetheless, social protection outcomes were limited in scale and duration. Delays in payment, inadequate coverage, and low transfer amounts diluted their potential impact. Moreover, interventions such as vocational training or input support were rarely sustained beyond initial disbursements, with little follow-up or market integration. The lack of linkage between social protection and productive economic opportunities also limited the transition from dependency to self-reliance (Cooke et al., 2016).
While infrastructure investments had broader and more visible community-wide benefits, social protection was more effective in targeting the poorest and most marginalised. A balanced, integrated approach that links infrastructure to service provision and complements social protection with livelihood support is essential for more holistic and sustainable poverty reduction.
6.2 Measurable Impacts on Health, Education, Livelihood, and Inclusion
Quantitative and qualitative data from SNM show modest but meaningful progress across key development outcomes, especially where interventions were well-planned, demand-driven, and adequately resourced.
Health: The expansion of Community-Based Health Planning and Services (CHPS) zones, improved sanitation, and health education contributed to reductions in malaria and maternal mortality in several localities (GHS, 2022). Health insurance registration among LEAP beneficiaries also increased, improving access to basic services. However, inequities persisted between rural and peri-urban zones due to disparities in staffing and logistics.
Education: Educational infrastructure, teacher training, and school feeding programmes led to increased enrolment and retention in primary schools, particularly for girls. The Ghana Education Service (2022) reported a 12% rise in basic school attendance in the municipality between 2014 and 2021. However, issues such as low transition to junior and senior high school, child marriage, and adolescent pregnancy continued to undermine gains, especially for rural girls.
Livelihood: Agricultural interventions enhanced productivity for some farmers, particularly those who received inputs and extension services. For instance, maize yields among supported farmers increased by an average of 40% between 2015 and 2017 (MOFA, 2022). Yet, lack of irrigation, poor storage, and market access limited the benefits. Non-farm livelihoods supported through vocational training saw limited success due to lack of post-training capital and enterprise development support.
Inclusion: Social inclusion improved marginally, particularly for women and persons with disabilities (PWDs). The Assembly established gender desks and made efforts to mainstream disability concerns into development planning. However, representation in decision-making structures such as Unit Committees and Area Councils remained low. Political patronage and elite capture were frequently cited as barriers to effective participation by marginalised groups (Ayee, 2020).
Overall, while the interventions yielded positive outcomes in targeted sectors, their impact was uneven, often reflecting the quality of planning, the degree of community engagement, and the level of follow-through.
6.3 Role of Planning, Implementation, and Stakeholder Coordination
The success or failure of interventions in SNM was closely tied to the effectiveness of planning, implementation processes, and stakeholder coordination.
Planning: District Medium-Term Development Plans (DMTDPs) were generally aligned with national priorities but often lacked adequate data to inform targeting and prioritisation. Participatory planning tools were used inconsistently, and consultations were sometimes rushed or symbolic. This reduced the extent to which community needs were accurately reflected in the plans (NDPC, 2021).
Implementation: Delays in fund disbursement from the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF) and development partners disrupted timely implementation. Projects were often underfunded, and implementation lacked rigorous supervision. In cases where community members contributed in project identification and development, implementation quality improved, and a stronger sense of ownership was observed.
Stakeholder Coordination: Coordination among Assembly departments and with external partners such as NGOs, traditional authorities, and civil society was often weak. Parallel programming led to duplication or gaps in service delivery. Where inter-sectoral collaboration occurred, as in health outreach and school feeding programmes, interventions had greater uptake and sustainability.
A significant constraint was the capacity of Assembly staff, particularly in planning, monitoring, and evaluation. Weak feedback loops and limited real-time data collection hindered adaptive management. Moreover, political interference, particularly in the selection of contractors and prioritisation of projects, further undermined the credibility and impact of interventions (Boakye, 2022).
To improve outcomes, the SNM experience points to the need for:
- Strengthening participatory planning and local data systems.
- Investing in technical and managerial capacity of local government staff.
- Ensuring timely and predictable financing.
- Enhancing horizontal coordination among sectors and vertical alignment with national goals.
- Institutionalising beneficiary feedback mechanisms to ensure adaptive learning.
CHAPTER SEVEN WHOSE VOICE COUNTS? PARTICIPATION AND OWNERSHIP
7.1 Levels of Beneficiary Involvement in Planning
Beneficiary participation is a cornerstone of effective decentralised development planning. It ensures that interventions are contextually relevant, owned by communities, and reflective of local aspirations. In theory, Ghana’s Local Governance Act (Act 936, 2016) promotes participatory governance by mandating that District Assemblies consult citizens during the formulation and implementation of development plans (NDPC, 2021). However, the degree and quality of participation vary considerably across districts and sectors.
In the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA), participatory planning mechanisms included community durbars, stakeholder workshops, town hall meetings, and consultations with traditional authorities and civil society organisations. These platforms provided opportunities for residents to articulate their needs and prioritise development issues.
Nevertheless, field evidence suggests that participation was often consultative rather than collaborative, with limited influence of beneficiaries on final decision-making. Many respondents described community meetings as “informative” sessions where district officials outlined planned projects rather than genuinely seeking local input. As one community elder noted: “They come to tell us what they have planned. Sometimes they ask questions, but we don’t know if they take what we say seriously” (FGD participant, 2017).
Several factors constrained meaningful participation, including illiteracy, language barriers, logistical challenges, and limited awareness of planning processes. Marginalised groups particularly women, youth, and persons with disabilities were often underrepresented or excluded altogether from consultative forums. In some cases, traditional leaders or political elites dominated discussions, reinforcing power imbalances and suppressing dissenting voices (Awortwi & Osei-Kufuor, 2016).
The use of community scorecards, suggestion boxes, and participatory rural appraisal tools remained limited and irregular, partly due to capacity constraints within the Municipal Assembly. Consequently, the translation of local priorities into development plans was uneven, and beneficiary ownership of projects was relatively weak. This contributed to poor maintenance of infrastructure, limited community mobilisation for implementation, and low accountability for service delivery outcomes.
7.2 Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation in SNMA
To better understand the nature of citizen participation in SNMA, Arnstein’s (1969) Ladder of Participation provides a useful analytical framework. The ladder conceptualises participation as a spectrum ranging from non-participation (manipulation and therapy) through degrees of tokenism (informing, consultation, placation) to degrees of citizen power (partnership, delegated power, citizen control).
In the context of SNMA, most participation appeared to fall within the middle rungs i.e. consultation and placation. While district officials often consulted community members, there was limited evidence of partnerships or delegated decision-making power. Citizens were rarely involved in budget formulation, procurement decisions, or monitoring of project implementation. The planning process was largely technical and centralised within the Municipal Planning Coordinating Unit (MPCU), with final decisions shaped by funding availability and political considerations.
For instance, during the preparation of the 2014–2017 District Medium-Term Development Plan, community consultation reports were compiled, but only a portion of the proposed priorities were incorporated into the final plan due to budget constraints and shifting national directives (SNMA, 2017). Similarly, project site selection and contractor engagement were typically managed by Assembly officials, sometimes influenced by partisan interests.
There were isolated cases of deeper participation such as in the Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS) initiative where community members led planning and monitoring of sanitation improvements. These examples reflect movement towards “partnership” on Arnstein’s ladder, albeit limited in scope and scale.
The implications are significant: tokenistic participation may create a façade of inclusiveness while failing to generate genuine ownership or accountability. As Cornwall (2016) argues, symbolic gestures of participation can mask deeper exclusions and disempowerment, especially when citizens are not given the tools, information, or platforms to challenge authority or shape outcomes meaningfully.
7.3 Implications for Intervention Design and Legitimacy
The degree of beneficiary participation in planning and implementation has a direct bearing on the legitimacy, effectiveness, and sustainability of development interventions. When communities perceive themselves as co-owners of development processes, they are more likely to support, maintain, and advocate for interventions (UNDP, 2023). Conversely, when interventions are externally imposed or selectively implemented, they risk being resisted, abandoned, or co-opted by local elites.
In SNMA, interventions that were preceded by genuine community engagement such as participatory site selection for boreholes or local labour contribution to school construction enjoyed stronger support and better outcomes. Beneficiaries reported feeling a sense of pride and responsibility, which translated into better maintenance and protection of public assets.
On the other hand, interventions designed without community involvement often lacked contextual sensitivity. For example, a livestock distribution programme targeting vulnerable households failed in several communities because it did not account for local livestock management practices or gender roles in animal care (Field Notes, 2023). Similarly, some vocational training programmes ignored market realities, leaving trainees with skills that were in low demand.
Lack of participation also affects the perceived fairness of interventions. Where communities were not consulted on beneficiary selection criteria as in the case of LEAP, suspicions of favouritism and political bias eroded trust in public institutions. This undermines the legitimacy of the Assembly and diminishes the accountability loop between citizens and local government (Ayee, 2020).
To enhance participation and legitimacy, SNMA and other District Assemblies should:
- Institutionalise inclusive and transparent participatory mechanisms across all planning and implementation stages.
- Build the capacity of marginalised groups to engage effectively in governance processes.
- Provide accessible information on budgets, project timelines, and selection criteria to promote transparency.
- Shift from consultation to collaborative planning, where communities have a more decisive role in shaping outcomes.
- Evaluate participation not just by numbers but by the depth of influence on decisions.
Ultimately, meaningful participation is not merely a procedural requirement, it is a democratic imperative that strengthens accountability, empowers citizens, and ensures that development interventions reflect the priorities and values of those they are intended to serve.
CHAPTER EIGHT THE FUNDING DILEMMA
8.1 Dependence on External Funding
One of the most persistent challenges confronting decentralised local governance in Ghana is the overreliance on external funding sources, especially from central government transfers and development partners. District Assemblies such as the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) are legally mandated to plan and implement development interventions under the Local Governance Act, 2016 (Act 936). However, their ability to deliver on these responsibilities is significantly constrained by inadequate and inconsistent funding (NDPC, 2021).
The District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF) established under Article 252 of the 1992 Constitution is the principal source of funding for most Assemblies. The DACF allocates not less than 5% of total government revenue to be distributed among Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MMDAs). However, in practice, the release of these funds is often delayed, unpredictable, and subjected to deductions at source for centrally determined programmes such as the Ghana School Feeding Programme and sanitation initiatives (Boakye, 2022).
In SNMA, delays in DACF releases have frequently disrupted the implementation of capital projects and social programmes. Furthermore, donor-funded initiatives, such as the District Development Facility (DDF), Urban Development Grant (UDG), and Local Government Capacity Support Project (LGCSP) have often come with conditionalities that prioritise accountability frameworks and performance assessments over local discretion (UNCDF, 2020). While these frameworks have improved financial management in some respects, they have also limited flexibility and undermined local ownership.
Overdependence on external funding creates a mismatch between planning and implementation, where development plans become aspirational documents detached from the fiscal realities of the Assembly. It also weakens accountability to local citizens, as Assemblies focus more on compliance with donor or central government requirements than on responsiveness to community needs (Ayee, 2020).
8.2 Internally Generated Funds (IGF) and Financial Autonomy
The Local Governance Act encourages MMDAs to mobilise Internally Generated Funds (IGF) through local taxes, fees, licences, rents, and fines. IGF is intended to enhance local fiscal autonomy and reduce dependence on external transfers. In SNMA, however, IGF mobilisation remains weak due to a combination of structural, administrative, and political factors.
First, the municipality’s largely agrarian economy and low formal sector presence limit the tax base. Most economic activities are informal, small-scale, and dispersed, making revenue tracking and enforcement difficult (MoF, 2021). Second, the Assembly lacks modernised revenue collection systems. Manual processes dominate, increasing the risk of leakages, underreporting, and inefficiencies. Attempts to digitise tax collection in recent years have faced resistance from both staff and taxpayers due to limited capacity and trust deficits.
Third, political considerations often inhibit revenue enforcement. Local politicians and Assembly Members, concerned about re-election prospects, are reluctant to enforce tax compliance strictly. This weakens the Assembly’s authority and undermines the sustainability of local service delivery (Crawford, 2018). In some cases, community members view payments as exploitative, especially when service quality is poor or project implementation is delayed.
Data from the SNMA’s Financial Reports (2014–2020) indicate that IGF constituted less than 15% of the Assembly’s total revenue annually. Most of this revenue was spent on administrative costs, including staff allowances, leaving little for capital investments. The overdependence on DACF and donor funds thus persists, perpetuating a cycle of fiscal dependency and weak institutional capacity.
Enhancing IGF performance requires a strategic shift, combining taxpayer education, system digitisation, improved enforcement, and transparent use of collected funds. It also demands political will to insulate revenue mobilisation from patronage politics and ensure accountability in local financial management.
8.3 Fiscal Decentralisation and the Paradox of Local Governance
The Ghanaian decentralisation policy, while celebrated for its comprehensive legal framework, reveals a paradox when it comes to fiscal autonomy. Although District Assemblies are formally empowered to plan and execute development activities, their financial dependency on central government and development partners compromises this autonomy (Awortwi & Osei-Kufuor, 2016).
This paradox lies in the tension between decentralised responsibilities and centralised control of resources. Key budgetary allocations are determined at the national level, and Assemblies have limited influence over resource flows. Even when resources are allocated, they are sometimes earmarked for specific programmes, further restricting local discretion. Moreover, the lack of fiscal predictability makes medium- to long-term planning extremely difficult.
The system also suffers from asymmetrical decentralisation, where urban Assemblies with larger economic bases (e.g., Accra, Kumasi) are able to mobilise significant IGFs, while rural Assemblies such as SNMA are structurally disadvantaged. This entrenches spatial inequality and limits the transformative potential of decentralisation as a tool for equitable development.
Furthermore, human resource capacity constraints in financial management, planning, and monitoring exacerbate inefficiencies. Many MMDAs lack qualified personnel to prepare bankable projects, maintain financial discipline, and implement results-based budgeting (NDPC, 2021). External audits frequently highlight procurement irregularities, poor documentation, and weak expenditure tracking.
Addressing the paradox of fiscal decentralisation requires a multipronged strategy:
- Reforming intergovernmental fiscal transfers to increase the discretionary component of DACF allocations.
- Strengthening capacity in local revenue mobilisation and financial management.
- Providing incentives for performance-based budgeting.
- Encouraging local economic development to expand the tax base.
- Fostering community involvement in local budgeting to enhance transparency and accountability.
Ultimately, financial empowerment is not just about increasing funds—it is about granting Assemblies the authority, flexibility, and capacity to prioritise, plan, and deliver on their development mandates.
PART IV LESSONS AND THE WAY FORWARD
This forward-looking section draws broader lessons for policy, practice, and theory. Chapter nine synthesises insights from the SNMA case to recommend reforms at both national and district levels. It emphasises the need for locally tailored planning, better integration of infrastructure and social protection, enhanced citizen participation, stronger fiscal decentralisation, and improved institutional capacity. It also introduces practical tools and frameworks such as participatory planning toolkits, social accountability mechanisms, and local economic development strategies.
Chapter ten reaffirms the potential of endogenous development in reimagining local governance and poverty reduction. It outlines how community-led development, self-reliance, and dialogical approaches can be operationalised in practice. It calls for strategic integration of indigenous knowledge with appropriate external innovations and recommends policy actions to support local entrepreneurship, cultural revitalisation, and knowledge co-creation.
Purpose: To provide actionable guidance and conceptual clarity for transforming decentralised development from a procedural exercise into a genuinely transformative, community-led process.
CHAPTER NINE POLICY AND PRACTICE LESSONS FOR GHANA AND BEYOND
9.1 Synthesising Insights for National Policy
The Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) case provides a microcosm of the broader dynamics within Ghana’s decentralised development landscape. It reflects both the opportunities and constraints inherent in the country’s attempt to localise poverty reduction and service delivery. The findings reveal critical policy implications that should inform national development strategies.
First, the case demonstrates that poverty is multidimensional and spatially uneven, requiring nuanced, locally specific responses. National policy must therefore embrace flexible frameworks that empower Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MMDAs) to tailor interventions to their unique socioeconomic realities. A “one-size-fits-all” approach often leads to misalignment between national priorities and local needs (NDPC, 2021).
Second, infrastructure development and social protection must be integrated. National policies should promote synergies between capital investment (e.g., roads, clinics, schools) and direct support for vulnerable populations (e.g., LEAP, skills training). These dual strategies, when linked, enhance the depth and breadth of development outcomes (UNDP, 2023).
Third, the data underscore the importance of inclusive and participatory planning processes. National planning guidelines must institutionalise meaningful community engagement not as a formality but as a developmental necessity. Empowering marginalised voices, particularly women, youth, and persons with disabilities, strengthens the legitimacy and effectiveness of local governance (Cornwall, 2016).
Fourth, fiscal decentralisation must be deepened and rationalised. The persistent funding dilemma characterised by overdependence on central government transfers and low Internally Generated Funds (IGFs) calls for national reform. These include predictable and timely disbursements of the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), expanded discretion in budget allocation, and investment in local revenue systems (MoF, 2021).
Lastly, monitoring and evaluation (M&E) at the national level should be reconceptualised to support adaptive learning rather than punitive compliance. Decentralised planning must be underpinned by real-time data, citizen feedback mechanisms, and knowledge-sharing platforms across districts.
9.2 Key Lessons for MMDAs Across Ghana
For local governments across Ghana, the SNMA case reveals several transferable lessons that can inform more responsive and impactful governance.
1. Local Context Matters
MMDAs must ground their planning processes in local realities. Socioeconomic profiling, participatory needs assessments, and regular community engagement should precede and inform project selection. Tools such as community scorecards and citizen report cards can support this (World Bank, 2023).
2. Participation Enhances Sustainability
Projects that engage communities in design, implementation, and monitoring tend to achieve higher levels of ownership and maintenance. MMDAs should invest in inclusive structures, such as functional Unit Committees and Area Councils—and build the capacity of citizens to participate effectively.
3. Balance Infrastructure and Services
Infrastructure without corresponding services (e.g., schools without teachers, clinics without drugs) undermines credibility. Local plans should adopt a systems-thinking approach, linking hardware to software, and ensuring post-project sustainability.
4. Improve IGF Performance Strategically
While IGF remains limited in many rural districts, opportunities exist in property rates, business operating permits, market tolls, and other local taxes. Assemblies should automate revenue collection, incentivise compliance, and ensure transparency in fund utilisation (Boakye, 2022).
5. Mainstream Gender and Social Inclusion
MMDAs should adopt gender-responsive budgeting and disability-inclusive planning. Dedicated desks or focal persons for gender, youth, and disability affairs must be adequately resourced and embedded in mainstream decision-making processes.
6. Build Internal Capacity
Weak institutional and human resource capacity remains a critical bottleneck. Assemblies must prioritise continuous staff training in development planning, M&E, procurement, and financial management, possibly through partnerships with academia and civil society.
7. Collaborate and Leverage Partnerships
Cross-sectoral coordination among Assembly departments, and vertical alignment with regional and national bodies, improves coherence. Additionally, collaboration with NGOs, traditional authorities, and private sector actors enhances service delivery and innovation.
9.3 Practical Tools and Frameworks for Local Assemblies
Translating these lessons into practice requires the adoption of practical tools and frameworks that can be adapted by local governments across Ghana and other decentralised contexts. The following are recommended:
1. Participatory Planning Toolkit
Assemblies should standardise tools such as:
- Community scorecards
- Participatory rural appraisal (PRA)
- Focus group discussion templates
- Gender analysis matrices
These tools promote inclusive data collection and empower communities to shape decisions.
2. Local Economic Development (LED) Framework
A LED strategy can help MMDAs diversify their local economies, increase revenue, and reduce poverty. It should include value-chain development, support to micro and small enterprises, and public-private partnerships (GOG, 2022).
3. Integrated Development Planning Matrix
A matrix that links interventions to outcomes, budget allocations, implementing agencies, and M&E indicators enhances planning logic and accountability. This supports results-based management (NDPC, 2021).
4. Digital Revenue Management Systems
Digital platforms for IGF mobilisation, tracking, and reporting improve efficiency and transparency. MMDAs should adopt technologies such as mobile payment systems, GIS-based property tax mapping, and integrated financial management tools (MoF, 2021).
5. Social Accountability Framework
This includes tools like:
- Citizens’ charters
- Budget transparency portals
- Public expenditure tracking surveys (PETS)
- Grievance redress mechanisms
These instruments promote responsiveness, reduce corruption, and build trust between citizens and government (UNDP, 2023).
6. Performance Monitoring Dashboards
A simple but effective dashboard system at the Assembly level can track key indicators such as service coverage, revenue targets, project completion rates, and beneficiary satisfaction.
7. Peer Learning Networks
Platforms for inter-district learning, such as zonal development forums or regional planning summits, allow MMDAs to exchange experiences, scale innovations, and troubleshoot common challenges.
By adopting these tools and approaches, MMDAs can strengthen institutional performance, enhance accountability, and accelerate progress toward inclusive and sustainable local development.
CHAPTER TEN TOWARD ENDOGENOUS POVERTY SOLUTIONS
10.1 Strengthening Community-Led Development
Community-led development has long been championed as a participatory and sustainable approach to addressing poverty, especially in rural contexts where top-down interventions often fail to reflect local needs and capacities. In the context of decentralised governance in Ghana, community-led development refers to planning and implementation processes that are initiated, owned, and sustained by community members, with government and external actors playing facilitating roles (Awortwi & Osei-Kufuor, 2016).
The experience of the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) highlights both the potential and the constraints of community-driven strategies. In interventions such as borehole construction, community-based health services, and sanitation campaigns, outcomes were more effective when communities were directly involved in decision-making, resource mobilisation, and monitoring (UNICEF & NDPC, 2019).
To strengthen this model, local governments must:
- Establish inclusive and functional community structures, such as Area Councils and Unit Committees.
- Promote capacity-building for community leaders, women, and youth to participate effectively in governance.
- Facilitate co-financing mechanisms, where communities contribute labour, materials, or funds as a sign of ownership.
- Institutionalise feedback loops, including public hearings, community scorecards, and social audits to ensure transparency and responsiveness.
When community-led development is prioritised, not only do projects achieve better outcomes, but they also reinforce social cohesion, empower marginalised voices, and promote cultural continuity.
10.2 Operationalising Self-Reliance and Dialogical Approaches
A critical shift toward endogenous poverty solutions requires a reorientation of policy and practice to embrace self-reliance and dialogical engagement as foundational principles. These approaches reject dependency-driven development in favour of building local capacity, agency, and collaborative decision-making.
Self-reliance, as envisioned by African leaders such as Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah, implies that communities and nations must harness their own resources, knowledge, and institutions to pursue development on their own terms (Mkandawire, 2011). At the local level, this means Assemblies must support initiatives that are economically and institutionally sustainable, prioritising investments in local enterprise development, cooperative farming, and indigenous crafts over donor-dependent projects.
In SNMA, pilot projects involving shea butter cooperatives and dry-season farming groups demonstrated that when communities are empowered to manage their own economic ventures, the benefits are more equitably distributed and resilient (Fieldwork Interviews, 2023). However, these initiatives often lacked long-term support, access to finance, and market linkages.
Dialogical approaches, grounded in Paulo Freire’s pedagogy, call for a horizontal relationship between authorities and citizens, where both parties engage in mutual learning and co-create development solutions (Freire, 1970; Tandon, 2018). Rather than treating the poor as passive recipients, dialogical development respects their knowledge, priorities, and problem-solving capacities.
Operationalising dialogue involves:
- Shifting from top-down consultations to genuine co-planning.
- Embedding participatory methods such as problem tree analysis, community visioning, and storytelling in local planning processes.
- Training facilitators in participatory facilitation skills and conflict resolution.
Assemblies must foster environments where disagreement is welcomed as part of deliberation, and where diverse epistemologies, especially those rooted in indigenous worldviews, are given space in formal development discourse.
10.3 Integrating Local Knowledge with External Innovations
Endogenous development is not isolationist. Rather, it calls for a strategic integration of local knowledge systems with appropriate external innovations, a process known as knowledge hybridity or co-creation (Haverkort et al., 2012). This model respects the integrity of indigenous knowledge while recognising the potential of science, technology, and global best practices to enhance local livelihoods.
In SNMA, examples of such integration include:
- Blending traditional farming calendars with climate-smart agriculture techniques.
- Using local herbal remedies alongside biomedical practices in community health promotion.
- Incorporating indigenous architecture into school and clinic construction for climatic adaptation and cultural relevance.
To foster such integration, policy and planning must:
- Map and document local knowledge assets in agriculture, health, conflict resolution, and crafts.
- Create knowledge-sharing platforms, such as farmers' forums, traditional healer networks, and cultural festivals, where innovation can be negotiated.
- Support transdisciplinary research that involves local actors, academics and practitioners in generating context-specific solutions (Anyidoho et al., 2021).
- Provide funding and incubation support for local innovators and knowledge-holders.
National institutions, including the Ministry of Local Government, Ghana Education Service, and research bodies, must create enabling environments where non-Western epistemologies are valued, supported, and integrated into official development programming.
Ultimately, the way forward in poverty reduction lies not in imported models but in reclaiming and reimagining development from within grounded in cultural dignity, participatory democracy, and sustainable livelihoods. As Ghana continues its decentralisation journey, building endogenous capacity at the local level will be essential to overcoming structural poverty and achieving long-term resilience.
CONCLUSION
11.1 Revisiting the Research Questions and Summarising Findings
This book set out to investigate the efficacy, equity, and sustainability of poverty reduction interventions undertaken by the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) in Northern Ghana, with a specific focus on the perspectives of beneficiaries. Grounded in the theoretical lenses of endogenous development, participatory planning, and self-reliance, the research sought to answer three interlinked questions:
1. To what extent have poverty reduction interventions implemented by SNMA improved the quality of life for residents?
2. How have community members participated in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of these interventions?
3. What institutional and policy factors have shaped the outcomes of decentralised poverty reduction efforts?
The findings revealed a nuanced picture. On one hand, infrastructure projects such as boreholes, schools, health facilities, and electrification contributed to tangible improvements in education access, health outcomes, and women’s time use. On the other hand, these gains were uneven, often undermined by weak service delivery, poor maintenance, and limited integration with social programmes (GHS, 2022; GES, 2022).
Social protection interventions like the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme provided critical support to vulnerable households, improving food security and access to healthcare. However, issues of underfunding, irregular disbursement, and exclusion errors reduced their transformative potential (GOG, 2022).
Participation in local governance processes was largely consultative rather than empowering. Community engagement occurred mostly during plan validation, with limited influence on resource allocation or monitoring. Arnstein’s (1969) model of participation aptly captures this dynamic, SNMA’s practices were often situated in the middle rungs of the ladder (consultation and placation), rather than at the top (partnership or citizen control).
Fiscal dependence on central government transfers, weak Internally Generated Funds (IGFs), and capacity gaps hindered SNMA’s autonomy and responsiveness. Assemblies across Ghana face similar dilemmas, highlighting the need to revisit the architecture of fiscal decentralisation and local governance more broadly (Boakye, 2022; NDPC, 2021).
11.2 Author’s Reflection on Academic and Real-World Implications
Academically, this work contributes to a growing body of scholarship that challenges the orthodoxy of technocratic and top-down development models. By foregrounding the lived experiences and voices of beneficiaries, it validates the argument that sustainable development cannot be imposed it must be co-created, locally owned, and culturally grounded (Anyidoho et al., 2021; Freire, 1970).
Theoretically, the synthesis of endogenous development and participatory governance frameworks provides a compelling lens for understanding how structural inequalities and epistemic marginalisation shape local development outcomes. Endogenous development, when properly articulated, is not a nostalgic retreat into tradition, but a forward-looking paradigm that embraces innovation while respecting cultural identity and local autonomy (Haverkort et al., 2012; Mkandawire, 2011).
Practically, the findings highlight the urgent need for rethinking how poverty reduction interventions are designed, financed, and evaluated in decentralised systems. Development is most effective when it is demand-driven, evidence-informed, and socially accountable. Where community agency is sidelined, development loses legitimacy and traction.
This reflection is particularly salient for Ghana, where over three decades of decentralisation have produced mixed outcomes. The SNMA case suggests that local governments require not only resources but also the political space and institutional support to drive context-specific development agendas.
11.3 Call for Renewed Commitment to Participatory, Self-Driven Local Development
Ghana stands at a developmental crossroads. While it has made strides in poverty reduction, the persistence of regional disparities, institutional fragilities, and citizen disengagement signals that the current model of decentralisation requires recalibration. What is needed is a renewed social contract between the state and its citizens, anchored in principles of participation, accountability, and endogenous development.
This book calls for:
- Deeper and more inclusive participation: Citizens must move from being consulted to becoming co-creators of development. Assemblies must institutionalise mechanisms that empower marginalised groups to influence decisions.
- Strengthened fiscal decentralisation: Local governments must have greater control over resources and revenue generation, alongside improved capacity for financial management.
- Integration of indigenous knowledge systems: Assemblies should recognise and incorporate traditional practices, local innovations, and cultural assets into development planning.
- Operationalisation of self-reliance: This requires investing in local entrepreneurship, cooperative models, and community-based solutions that reduce long-term dependence on external actors.
- Transformative leadership at the local level: The quality of local leadership—both political and administrative—must be enhanced through ethics training, citizen oversight, and performance incentives.
In conclusion, poverty in Ghana particularly in northern districts like Savelugu-Nanton is not merely a material condition but a manifestation of institutional exclusion, epistemic neglect, and uneven power relations. Addressing it requires more than projects or plans. It demands a paradigm shift: from planning for the people to planning with the people; from donor dependency to local resilience; and from tokenism to authentic transformation.
The future of development in Ghana lies not in external blueprints but in the untapped wisdom, creativity, and agency of its communities. It is time to trust them to lead.
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APPENDICES
Appendix A: Tables
Table A1: Poverty Incidence – National vs Northern Region (2010–2022)
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
Source: GSS (2013, 2017, 2023)
Table A2: Perceived Impact of Interventions in SNMA (Scale: 1–5)
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
Source: Beneficiary Survey (2017)
Appendix B: SNMA Intervention Matrix (1997–2017)
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
Legend:
- DACF = District Assemblies Common Fund
- CIDA = Canadian International Development Agency
- GPRS = Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy
- GSGDA = Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda
- DDF = District Development Facility
- LEAP = Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty
- IGF = Internally Generated Funds
- PPP = Public–Private Partnership
Appendix C: Note on Administrative Changes Affecting the Study Area
This publication is based on research conducted in the Savelugu-Nanton Municipal Assembly (SNMA) between 2015 to late 2017 and reflects developments within the municipality prior to its division. In November 2017, the Government of Ghana restructured the area, resulting in the creation of two separate districts; Savelugu Municipal and Nanton District, which were officially inaugurated in March 2018, thereby dissolving SNMA. Despite this administrative change, the study retained SNMA as the unit of analysis due to the practical difficulty of disaggregating certain data sets, particularly financial records. Moreover, at the time of research, the newly created districts had not yet developed their own Medium-Term Development Plans, which were the primary source documents for the interventions reviewed in this study.
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- Hakim Abdallah (Autor:in), 2025, Local Voices, Local Solutions, München, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1588129
