What is a Geordie? Where does a Geordie live? And how does a Geordie speak and write? There have been countless debates about the definition of the term ‘Geordie’. Oftentimes it has been applied to people all across the Northeast of England. In contrast to this, recent studies consider the term rather inappropriate for people living elsewhere than in Newcastle and its direct surroundings, i.e. the so-called Tyneside. Wells claims the term is to be applied to “anyone who comes from Tyneside” (Wells 1982: p. 374). However, there is hardly any evidence for either theory. The name ‘Geordie’ is obviously derived from the early 18th century, when the inhabitants of Newcastle supported the English kings George I and George II. Thus they had formed an opposition to Northumberland, where it was obligatory to support the Scottish Jacobite rebellions (cf. Smith 2007).
What can be said without a doubt is that people living in Sunderland, not more than twenty miles south of Newcastle, would probably feel offended when being called a Geordie. They prefer the term ‘Mackem’ in spite of quite a number of similarities to the Geordies with regard to language. According to Andrea Simmelbauer, Tyneside English, spoken in and around Newcastle, is a dialect which is “restricted to an area which stretches some 10-12 kilometres to the north and to the south of the river Tyne”(Simmelbauer 2000: p. 27). Nonetheless, the task of a final definition of the term ‘Geordie’ remains and will probably remain unsolved. So what can this paper do?
At least it can give an overview of the linguistic features which characterize the accent that is commonly used in Newcastle and its surroundings. This topic has been covered by a wide range of linguists not only in academic papers, but also in popular, commercial literature: Scott Dobson humorously made the suggestion to “Larn Yersel’ Geordie” and Dick Irwin even published a book which contains “100 Geordie Jokes.”
If so, why not start off with such a joke right from the beginning. It goes as follows: A Geordie in a wheelchair visits a medical doctor. The doctor says: “You’ve made good progress and it’s time to try to walk again.” The Geordie replies: “Work? Why man, Aa cannet even waak!” The joke only works under a certain condition. The listener or reader needs to be aware of particular Geordie pronunciations which are rudimentarily reflected in the semi-phonetic spellings of the words ‘I’ as Aa, cannot as cannet and walk as waak...
Table of Contents
I. Introduction
II. Historical Aspects of Tyneside English
III. Tyneside Grammar
III.1 Introductory Comment
III.2 Verb Phrases
III.3 Interrogatives
III.4 Noun Phrases
III.5 Sentence-final Elements
III.6 Prepositions
IV. Tyneside Phonology
IV.1 General Overview
IV.2 Newcastle Vowels
V. Geordie Lexis
VI. Conclusion
Objectives and Research Focus
This paper aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the linguistic characteristics of Tyneside English, specifically the dialect spoken in Newcastle and its immediate surroundings. It seeks to explore the unique grammatical, phonological, and lexical features that distinguish this dialect from Standard English and other regional varieties, while also examining the factors contributing to its local identity and ongoing linguistic evolution.
- Historical development and influences on the Tyneside dialect
- Grammatical variations, including verb phrase structures and pronoun usage
- Phonological distinctiveness, focusing on glottalisation and vowel shifts
- Vocabulary-specific markers and discourse patterns unique to Geordie speech
Excerpt from the Book
III.2 Verb Phrases
Although some irregularities of Tyneside verb forms are dying out, some have remained, such as the ending in –en of the participle forms of forget (forgetten), get (getten) and put (putten). As another irregularity, Tynesiders would use tret as the past tense form of treat. Moreover, they replace the verb go with gan. Frequently they also use divvent as the negation of do, at least in sentences like: “I do all the work, divvent I?” It is also striking that Tynesiders add the inflectional suffix –s not only to verbs with a third person singular subject (he, she, it), but also to those with a third person plural subject. Conclusively, they treat certain plural subjects as singular subjects, at least if they are nouns, not pronouns; e.g.: “Things has changed.” But they would also use the form was instead of were in the context of third person plural pronouns, i.e. “they was”.
As far as modal verbs are concerned, may and shall are hardly used by Tynesiders. They are basically considered extra-polite and unnecessary substitutes for can and might. People in Tyneside would even formulate questions like “Will I do it?” instead of “Shall I do it?”
Summary of Chapters
I. Introduction: This chapter defines the term 'Geordie' and establishes the scope of the study, emphasizing the dialect's specific geographical restriction to the Tyneside area.
II. Historical Aspects of Tyneside English: An exploration of the historical developments and regional influences, such as the early Northumbrian kingdom and Scandinavian impacts, that shaped the dialect.
III. Tyneside Grammar: A detailed analysis of grammatical features including verb forms, interrogative structures, noun phrases, and prepositional usage.
IV. Tyneside Phonology: This section covers the complex phonological system of the dialect, specifically glottalisation and the distinct vowel patterns characteristic of Newcastle speakers.
V. Geordie Lexis: A presentation of the unique vocabulary and discourse markers that differentiate Tyneside English from other varieties.
VI. Conclusion: A summary of the findings, reflecting on the challenges of capturing a living, evolving dialect amidst the pressures of language standardisation.
Keywords
Tyneside English, Geordie, Newcastle, Dialect, Linguistics, Grammar, Phonology, Glottalisation, Lexis, Northumbria, Sociolinguistics, Language Variation, Standard English, Linguistic Identity, Verbal Inflection
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the primary subject of this publication?
This work provides an academic overview of the linguistic properties of the dialect commonly referred to as Geordie, spoken in the Tyneside region of England.
Which areas of linguistics does the paper examine?
The study primarily focuses on three major areas: Tyneside grammar, phonology (specifically vowel variations), and the unique vocabulary or 'lexis' used in the region.
What is the central research objective?
The main goal is to identify and explain the specific linguistic features that distinguish the Newcastle accent and dialect from Standard English and other regional forms.
Which scientific methods are employed in this analysis?
The research is based on a descriptive analysis of linguistic features, drawing upon established sociolinguistic literature and existing dialectological studies to catalogue and explain observed phenomena.
What specific grammatical areas are covered in the main section?
The main section covers verb phrases, including modal usage and negation, interrogative patterns, noun phrase structure (especially pronouns), and the varied usage of prepositions.
How would you characterize the core keywords of this work?
The key themes revolve around dialectology, the specific regional variety of Newcastle, linguistic variation, and the historical evolution of northern English speech patterns.
Does the author believe the term 'Geordie' is applied correctly by everyone?
No, the author notes there is debate surrounding the term, suggesting it is most accurately applied to people from Newcastle and its immediate surroundings (Tyneside) rather than the broader Northeast.
How does the dialect handle the negation of verbs?
The dialect uses unique forms such as 'divvent' for 'don't', often avoids standard contractions, and frequently employs multiple negations, which are common markers in Tyneside speech.
- Quote paper
- Karsten Keuchler (Author), 2007, Geordie Accent and Tyneside English, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/161008
