This paper examines how male adolescents in Germany become entangled in hegemonic orders of masculinity through social media use and how this shapes their processes of subjectivation. From a postdigital perspective, social media are understood as key spaces of socialisation in which gender is produced through algorithmically structured practices. The analysis draws on Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity, the notion of education as productive entanglement (Allert & Asmussen), and postdigital theory (Jandrić et al.). Drawing on recent studies of social media use, digital masculinities and the German manosphere, the paper shows that young men are drawn into hegemonic masculinity narratives even without active participation in extremist communities. Platform logics and everyday practices such as liking, sharing and browsing stabilise ideals of dominance, performance, emotional control and misogyny. The paper concludes by discussing implications for a critically reflective, postdigital approach to media education that engages with these entanglements and opens up alternative spaces of action.
Table of Contents
List of Figures
List of Abbreviations
List ofAids Used
1 Introduction
2 TheoreticalFramework
2.1 HegemonicMasculinity
2.2 Education through Productive Entanglement
2.3 Postdigitality
3 Key Concepts
3.1 Autonomy
3.2 Subjectivation
3.3 Education
4 Analysis of Recent Empirical Findings
4.1 Male Adolescents and Social Media in Germany
4.2 Representations of Masculinity in Social Media
4.3 Entanglement and Subjectivation of Male Adolescents
4.4 Answering the Research Question
5 DiscussionofResults
6 Conclusion and Implications for Media Education
7 Bibliography
List of Figures
Figure 1: The Structure ofGender According to Connell
Figure 2: How much time do adolescents spend on social media privately?
List of Abbreviations
BKA Bundeskriminalamt
Incels Involuntary Celibates
MGTOW Men Going Their Own Way
MRA Men's Rights Activists
Abstract
Die Arbeit untersucht, wie männliche Jugendliche in Deutschland in sozialen Medien in hegemoniale Männlichkeitsordnungen verwickelt werden und wie diese ihre Subjek-ti- vierungsprozesse prägen. Aus einer postdigitalen Perspektive werden soziale Medien als zentrale Sozialisationsräume verstanden, in denen Geschlecht durch algorithmisch strukturierte Praktiken hervorgebracht wird. Theoretisch stützt sich die Analyse auf Connells Konzept hegemonialer Männlichkeit, den Ansatz der Bildung durch produktive Verwicklung (Allert & Asmussen) sowie postdigitale Theorien (Jandric et al.). Auf Basis aktueller Studien zu Social-Media-Nutzung, digitalen Männlichkeitsdarstellungen und der Manosphere wird gezeigt, dass Jugendliche auch ohne aktive Beteiligung an extremen Online-Communities in hegemoniale Männlichkeitsnarrative eingebunden werden. Plattformlogiken und alltägliche Praktiken wie Liken, Teilen oder Beobachten stabilisieren Leitbilder von Dominanz, Leistungsorientierung, emotionaler Kontrolle und Misogynie. Abschließend werden Konsequenzen für eine kritisch-reflexive, postdigitale Medienbildung diskutiert, die auf die Bearbeitung dieser Verwicklungen und die Eröffnung alternativer Handlungsspielräume zielt.
Schlagwörter: Hegemoniale Männlichkeit; Soziale Medien; Subjektivierung; Medienbildung; Postdigitalität; männliche Jugendliche.
Abstract
This paper examines how male adolescents in Germany become entangled in hegemonic orders of masculinity through social media use and how this shapes their processes of subjectivation. From a postdigital perspective, social media are understood as key spaces of socialisation in which gender is produced through algorithmically structured practices. The analysis draws on Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity, the notion of education as productive entanglement (Allert & Asmussen), and postdigital theory (Jandric et al.). Drawing on recent studies of social media use, digital masculinities and the German manosphere, the paper shows that young men are drawn into hegemonic masculinity narratives even without active participation in extremist communities. Platform logics and everyday practices such as liking, sharing and browsing stabilise ideals of dominance, performance, emotional control and misogyny. The paper concludes by discussing implications for a critically reflective, postdigital approach to media education that engages with these entanglements and opens up alternative spaces of action.
Keywords: hegemonic masculinity; social media; subjectivation; media education; postdigitality; male adolescents
List of Aids Used
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1 Introduction
“Adolescence” attracted worldwide attention in 2025: the Netflix series not only depicts the arrest of a thirteen-year-old boy for the murder of his female classmate. It also highlights how toxic images of masculinity and misogyny circulating on the internet can mislead adolescents and young men in their search for identity (WDR, 2025). The series broke streaming records and led to the topic receiving increased attention both in the media (Boie, 2025; deutschlandfunkkultur.de, 2025; Pouplier, 2025) and in academic research (Rampal, 2025, p. 270; Reintjes etal., 2025, p. 2).
Behind the incels (involuntary celibates) mentioned in “Adolescence” - that is, men who live without sex against their will - lies a heteronormative, sexistand partly racist ideology of the manosphere 1 (Döring, 2023, p. 12). Andrew Tate, who promotes a world view of the dominant man on social media platforms such as YouTube, TikTok and Instagram and has described the state as the “Matrix”, is regarded as a prime example of a toxic “alpha male” ideology, presenting himself as superior to the state, to women, and to other men (p. 11). Supporters ofthis movement use emojis on social media that drawan analogy with the film “The Matrix“: a red pill thus stands for awakening, that is, the realisation that women exert power over men. A blue pill, by contrast, represents continuing to cling to the illusion that this is not the case (Lindsay, 2022, p. 212). Finally, the black pill symbolises the impossibility of escaping this social hierarchy (pp. 215-217).
The issue is also relevant in Germany: the vast majority of 12- to 19-year-olds use the internet on a daily basis (Medienpädagogischer Forschungsverbund Südwest, 2025, p. 24), and their average screen time is just under four hours per day (p. 25). Social media platforms such as Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok are among the most popular apps used by adolescents (p. 27), yet problematic content is noticeably on the rise (p. 55). Three out of ten young people report experiences of sexual harassment (p. 59), which they encounter primarily on these three platforms (p. 60). In 2024, the Bundeskriminalamt (BKA) recorded an increase in digital violence against women and found that around 34 percentofthe victims were minors (Bundeskriminalamt, 2025a, p. 33). The proportion of underage suspects was even higher at around 38 per cent, and in cases of “offline” sexual abuse nearly 30 per cent of suspects were minors as well (p. 38). Record levels of minors were also documented in the field of violent crime: seven per cent of suspects were still children and around 16 per cent were adolescents. The BKA identified violencelegitimising masculinity norms as a riskfactorfor this development (Bundeskriminalamt, 2025b).
Representations of masculinity in the media are frequently linked to violence or aggression (Scharrer & Warren, 2022, p. 295), and participatory media play an increasingly important role in how adolescents negotiate their identities (Hintermann & Pichler, 2023, p. 321). This raises the question of how male adolescents in Germany become entangled in hegemonic representations of masculinity when using social media, and how this affects their subjectivation. To enable a theoretical examination of this question, the present study draws on the concept of hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2015, pp. 130131), the idea of education through productive entanglement (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, pp. 27-68), and a postdigital perspective (Jandric et al., 2018, p. 893). On the basis of recent empirical findings, answers to this question will be elaborated that allow conclusions to be drawn for measures in media education.
The paper is divided into eight chapters: following this introduction, the second chapter provides an overview of the theoretical framework, while the third chapter clarifies key terms. In Chapter4, recent research findings are analysed and the research question is addressed. The results are discussed in Chapter 5, and Chapter 6 presents a conclusion along with implications for media education.
2 Theoretical Framework
This chapter outlines the theoretical foundations of the thesis and delineates the concepts of hegemonic masculinity, education through productive entanglement, and postdigitality. Together, these approaches enable an analysis of subjectivation processes among male adolescents in social media, linking power relations, digital practices, and educational theory.
2.1 Hegemonic Masculinity
R. W. Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity is based on the assumption of the social construction of gender (Connell, 2015, p. 124). Rather than starting from the biological body as the basis of gender, Connell views masculinity not as a uniform, fixed identity but as a historically and socially variable structure of social power relations. Masculinity is thus relational: it always exists in relation to other forms of masculinity as well as in relation to femininity (pp. 125-126). Connell developed a three-tier model to represent the structure of gender (Fig. 1). Power relations play the most important role here, as they prescribe a kind of universally valid order. As an example of the Western gender order, Connell cites patriarchy and the associated subordination of women and dominance of men (p. 127). Production relations refer to the gendered division of labour and thus to gender-related accumulation processes, while emotional bonding structures denote sexual desire and the practices associated with it (pp. 127-128).
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Figure 1: The Structure ofGender According to Connell (Author’s own representation).
Since gender structures social practices, Connell argues that it is inevitably linked to other social structures such as race and class. White men's masculinity is shaped not just in opposition to white women but also relative to black men, for example (p. 128). According to the author, the configuration of working-class masculinity can only be understood ifclass membership is considered alongside its gender politics (p. 129).
Connell draws on Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony - understood as a contradictory unity of coercion and consent (Gramsci, 1991, p. 783 GH 4) - to define hegemonic masculinity. She does not regard it as a rigid construct that remains constant across time and space (Connell, 2015, p. 130), but as a configuration of masculinity prevailing within any given gender relation structure—one that is always open to challenge” (p. 130). It emerges only when cultural ideals align with institutional power, be it collective or individual (p. 131). Thus, hegemonic masculinity denotes the cultural ideal of masculinity that is regarded as ideal, legitimate, and superiorwithin a society-yet it must also be understood as a historically dynamic relation. Within this overarching framework exist distinct patterns of dominance and subordination among groups of men (p. 131), Connell explains. She divides this hierarchy into three levels: subordination, complicity, and marginalisation (pp. 131-134), the latter of which always emerges in relation to the empowerment of hegemonic masculinity within the dominant group (p. 132). According to Connell, many members of the privileged group also resort to violence to secure their dominance. The intimidation of women can span from street catcalling and workplace sexual harassment to rape, domestic abuse, and even murder at the hands of a patriarchal 'owner' (p. 137). Violence also plays a role in gender politics among men through war, terrorism, and violent crime (p. 137). Connell sees the scale of violence as a means of power and oppression, and its current extent, as an indication that the legitimation of patriarchal power is collapsing. This points to a “crisis tendency” in the gender order, which is disrupted by its transformation and gives rise to resistance movements defending patriarchy (pp. 138-139).
In the context of digital disruption, one statement by Connell stands out in particular: authority and rationality can lose their significance through changes in technology and economic conditions, leading to a redefinition of masculinity (p. 147). When ideological, technological, and economic changes transform established relationships to self and world, this brings the question of altered subjectivation and educational processes to the fore, which can be examined from the perspective of productive entanglement.
2.2 Education through Productive Entanglement
The concept of education through productive entanglement, developed by Allert and Asmussen, seeks to develop an understanding of education capable of responding to phenomena such as algorithmisation and digitalisation, without being limited to them (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, p. 27). From this viewpoint, occasions for educational processes are not naturally given but arise through human activities, social interaction, and engagement with the new (p. 27). Education thus emerges from a formative and productive engagement with indeterminacy - particularly in relation to algorithms (p. 30). In an increasingly indeterminate world, creativity and productivity gain new importance: human actors productively engage with technologies in situations that would otherwise remain open and questionable. “Productive“ here means co-shaping these situations through mutual interaction (p. 34). The digital is not seen as something standing opposed to the subject but as constitutively interwoven with it through practices (p. 32). People can no longer step out of this entanglement with digitality; even without direct interaction with technologies, they remain primary factors in cultural practices and subjectivation processes (p. 30). This applies especially to complex algorithms now involved in all everyday human activities. In relation to them, autonomy and self-determination are relinquished, even though their operations and effects remain opaque (p. 34). Through productive engagement with the world - for instance, by creatively outmanoeuvring algorithms - insights arise that transform not only the individual’s self- and world-understanding internally but also the external situation (p. 35).
Regarding the subject’s entanglement, the authors adopt a praxeological approach centring on practices - that is, routinised, continuous, and collective patterns of action (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, p. 46). Subjectivation occurs here in relation to the world, practices, and other subjects participating in them. This interplay alters not only reality but also the practices themselves and the participants’ positions within the relational framework (p. 47). Subjects become part of a community when their contribution is recognised and acknowledged as a community contribution, thereby co-constituting the community and practice (p. 51). This understanding draws on Felix Stalder’s “Culture of Digitality“ : Individuals must communicate continuously and extensively to establish themselves in digital fields and practices, or risk invisibility. This vast output of tweets, updates, emails, blogs, images, texts, collaborative entries, and databases can only be generated and sustained through digital technologies (Stalder, 2016, p. 137).
Subjectivation thus creates a performative self exposed to ongoing transformation processes. It lacks a fixed, determinate core and remains inherently indeterminate (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, p. 51). Against this backdrop, the question of individual autonomy takes on a new shape: understanding autonomy as bourgeois freedom would imply complete detachment from entanglement, establishing distance - which is impossible given the assumption of perpetual involvement. Autonomy is therefore conceived as the production of difference within communal formations (pp. 53-54). Education, from this perspective, is a transactional process unfolding within social practices. It constitutes a dynamic, ongoing self- and world-formation occurring through participation, co-shaping, and wilful interventions in social contexts. Education is neither an individual cognitive process nor detached reflection - the latter would require disengagement from entanglement. Instead, reflection involves stepping into the situation (p. 58) and experimenting with creative, idiosyncratic moves - so-called “poetic plays”. These express a subject’s autonomy without being fully governed by a practice’s rules. Poetic plays disrupt stable orders, shifting situations from determinacy to indeterminacy - and it is precisely then that transformation and education occur (pp. 58-61).
The premise that disengagement from digital entanglement is impossible also underpins the concept of postdigitality, outlined in the following subsection.
2.3 Postdigitality
“Like air and drinking water, being digital will be noticed only by its absence, not its presence” (Negroponte, 1998): This statement by US computer scientist Nicholas Negroponte sparked a discourse that gained traction around the turn of the millennium in music and art scenes, and from 2019 in educational sciences. The term “postdigital”, first used by Kim Cascone in a music journal (Cascone, 2000, p. 12), then described a rapidly changing world: “We are increasingly no longer in a world where digital technology and media is separate, virtual, ‘other’ to a ‘natural’ human and social life” (Jandric et al., 2018, p. 893). Jandric et al. describe the postdigital as elusive: “[...] messy; unpredictable; digital and analog; technological and non-technological; biological and informational” (p. 895). Analogue and digital communication seamlessly blend, boundaries between virtual and natural worlds dissolve. “Post”digital thus does not signal the end of the digital, but its unquestioned fusion with everyday life. At the same time, postdigitality responds to the internet’s dashed utopias, power concentration in big tech firms, inequality, commercialisation, and ecological impacts (p. 895). In education and research, it manifests in transformed learning environments, new work practices, and data-driven inquiry (pp. 895-896) - education thus occurs in social media too. From a postdigital viewpoint, the digital in education is not mere support but fundamentally entangled with it (Jandric & Knox, 2022, p. 785). Claims of digital technologies as neutral tools or pure innovation drivers are viewed critically. Postdigital education increasingly falls under data economies, platforms, surveillance, private corporate interests, and material infrastructure. This necessitates critical engagement with power dynamics, environmental impacts, working conditions, data policies, and social inequalities (p. 786). Jandric and Knox call for a postdigital ecopedagogy - education that integrates environment and technology, prioritising sustainability, justice, and responsibility. Education should no longer be technology-driven but critically reflect social and ecological dimensions - as part of a complex world where humans, technology, and nature are inseparably linked (pp. 788-791).
How this theoretical perspective connects with the preceding ones to define key concepts around education and subjectivation is the subject ofthe following chapter.
3 Key Concepts
To address how male adolescents become entangled in hegemonic masculinity representations through social media use and how this shapes their subjectivation, precise conceptual clarifications are required. Autonomy, subjectivation, and education must be defined in ways compatible with the preceding theoretical framework for consistent application.
3.1 Autonomy
Autonomy - understood as self-determination and self-legislation in opposition to heteronomy - requires fundamental rethinking against the backdrop of postdigital entanglements and hegemonic masculinity. Connell views autonomy as part of socially constructed gender ideals, associating concepts like independence and control with masculinity (Connell, 2015, p. 106), while submission is linked to femininity (p. 61). From a postdigital perspective, autonomy is attributed to machine processes (Cramer & Jandric, 2021, p. 972) - individual human autonomy fades amid algorithmic governance, data economies, and infrastructural control. Allert and Asmussen deem detachment from such entanglements impossible (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, p. 53), instead defining autonomy as the creative production of difference within communal formations. This “form of autonomy“ arises through alternative, idiosyncratic actions: a productive response to indeterminacy by co-creating difference and communality within performative practices (p. 54).
Autonomy is thus relational: a subject’s capacity to produce difference within postdigital entanglements and communal structures. Autonomy lies not in withdrawal but in discovering, exploring, and exploiting leeway within practices. It is a fragile, provisional process dependent on technology, algorithms, social and personal resources - distinct from masculine notions of independence, control, violence, or resistance. For adolescents’ social media engagement, autonomy would mean young men testing alternative, self- willed moves amid hegemonic masculinity ideals, thereby generating difference.
3.2 Subjectivation
From the perspective of hegemonic masculinity, gender constitutes a mode of social practice (Connell, 2015, p. 124). Since this paper focuses explicitly on male adolescents, it must first be noted that they have already undergone an assignment process to the male gender, leading to identification with it. This process remains ongoing, however, as adolescents in the hegemonic gender order continuously undergo subjectivation processes. They enact specific forms of masculinity and thereby become part of dominant, subordinate, or marginalised groups (pp. 130-134). From a postdigital viewpoint, subjectivation occurs through entanglement with digitality - whether merely viewing posts or creating, storing, and commenting on them. Allert and Asmussen describe subjectivation as processes and practices in which we simultaneously design ourselves as subjects and are designed (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, p. 50).
In this paper, subjectivation is understood as processes and practices through which individuals become subjects within social, cultural, and media practices - attaining particular modes of being. It is not viewed as self-determined identity development but as a historically and socially framed process of self-becoming, shaped by power relations, norms, and cultural ideals. Accordingly, it is neither linear nor complete but an enduring entanglement in discursive and technical orders, where gender is continually reproduced. In the context of hegemonic masculinity and social media, subjectivation may involve adolescents internalising these masculinity ideals and being assigned to groups.
3.3 Education
Education is understood in this thesis as the transformation of self- and world-reference (Nohl et al., 2015, p. 154) and, following Allert and Asmussen, as a transactional process of self- and world-constitution within social practices (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, p. 58). In postdigital society, education occurs through entanglement with digitality, not detached reflection. It arises where disruptions emerge, routines break down, orders become questionable, and new interpretations prove necessary. Education is thus not an intrapsychic process but a relational one: it unfolds in the interplay of subject, world, and technology, with the digital as integral to its enactment rather than a mere medium.
In the context of hegemonic masculinity representations on social media, education can be seen as confrontation and engagement with these ideals. This process may range from mere exposure to questioning normative expectations. In postdigitality, it involves reflecting on the fusion of analogue and digital worlds - not from a distance, but through practices incorporating creative, idiosyncratic “poetic plays”.
4 Analysis of Recent Empirical Findings
To address how male German adolescents become entangled in hegemonic masculinity representations through social media use and how this shapes their subjectivation, studies from English- and German-speaking contexts published between 2020 and 2025 were analysed. The analysis synthesises diverse empirical approaches: it first examines social media usage patterns, then explores online masculinity representations, and finally investigates male adolescents' entanglement and subjectivation processes.
4.1 Male Adolescents and Social Media in Germany
Most German adolescents use social media for one to three hours daily. Eighteen per cent spend an hour or less on weekdays, 20 per cent three to five hours, seven per cent five to seven hours, and three per cent more than seven hours. Weekend long-term usage rises, while time spent by those using up to three hours declines (Fig. 2). The boundary between instant messengers and social media has blurred in recent years. Multi-functional platforms like WhatsApp, Instagram, Snapchat, and TikTok enable text, voice, and video exchanges. Users can actively post and repost content, like and comment, or passively scroll feeds and lurk without posting. WhatsApp is used regularly by 96 per cent of 12- to 19-year-olds, holding first place among communication and social media apps for years. Instagram follows at 63 per cent (second), Snapchat at 56 per cent (third), and TikTok at 53 per cent (fourth) (Medienpadagogischer Forschungsverbund Sudwest, 2025, p. 31). While female usage ofapps like Instagram, Snapchat, and Pinterest exceeds male usage by about ten percentage points, platforms such as Discord, Twitch, and X are used markedly more by male adolescents (p. 32).
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Figure 2: How much time do adolescents spend on social media privately? (ifo Institut, 2025).
Instagram usage notably increases with age. TikTok is predominantly used by 16- to 17- year-olds (p. 33) - mostly several times daily (p. 33). Boys use fewer voice messages, emojis, stickers, and animated graphics but more WhatsApp channels than girls (p. 34). Overall, 37 per cent of male adolescents use Snapchat's "Flames", 34 per cent Instagram's "Insta-Reels", 27 per cent "YouTube Shorts", and six per cent "TikTok LIVE", with female users outnumbering males except for "YouTube Shorts" (p. 36).
The most popular influencers 2 among 14- to 19-year-old males in Germany are Montana Black (1st), followed by Kontra K, Twenty4Tim, Apache 207, and Julesboringlife (Internationales Zentralinstitut für das Jugend- und Bildungsfernsehen, 2025, p. 47). Montana Black alone - who provoked a storm of criticism by comparing women to dogs, claiming he meant no offence by it (RND, 2019) - currently reaches over 5.7 million followers on Twitch.
4.2 Representations of Masculinity in Social Media
Regardless of platform or usage intensity, social media increasingly shape male teenagers' identity formation and significantly influence how they construct and communicate their personal and intimate selves (Scholes et al., 2025, p. 44). For adolescents, they represent key spaces for experience and socialisation, where gender images are not only received but actively produced, evaluated, and negotiated (p. 41). They also serve as platforms for disseminating toxic masculinity representations, as exemplified by manosphere ideology.
The manosphere encompasses various groups, including so-called Pick-Up Artists, who instruct male followers on manipulating women to achieve sexual relations - even against their will (Döring, 2023, p. 12). Most of their content focuses on aligning male performance and behaviour toward women with manosphere ideology, with strong emphasis on sculpting a masculine body (Qaglar et al., 2025, p. 9).
Another manosphere faction comprises MGTOWs (Men Going Their Own Way), who promote gender hierarchies and relations where racism and misogyny intersect. They avoid women, many falsely fearing rape accusations, and believe alimony and divorce laws oppress men while feminism destroys society (p. 10).
MRAs (Men's Rights Activists), known as "masculinists" in German-speaking contexts, also worry about false sexual harassment claims. Viewing themselves as feminism's victims, they frame men as victims and blame women for men's declining status, expressed in academic language (Qaglar et al., 2025, p. 12).
Red Pillers also seek to resist what they perceive as female oppression. Elon Musk ranks among their globally prominent figures (Döring, 2023, p. 12). They long for a return to patriarchy, idealising the chauvinistic superman: tough, emotionless, and dominant. Selfoptimisation and masculine appearance take priority for them; women, they believe, should be young, attractive, traditional housewives with fewer than five sexual partners, submissive to men (Kracher, 2021, p. 13).
Finally, Incels (involuntary celibates) comprise young, sexually inexperienced men who feel rejected by women and consequently hate both women and their more successful male rivals (Döring, 2023, p. 12). Like Red Pillers, incels believe women need alphamale leadership, but view masculine appearance and self-improvement as futile, assuming their own fundamental unattractiveness (pp. 13-14).
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Figure 3: Depiction ofan "lncel"and a "Chad"
(BOJA - Bundesweites Netzwerk Offene Jugendarbeit, 2023).
Incels fixate equally on their looks and the absence - or presence - of sex (Döring, 2023, p. 14). Their frustrated basic needs fuel misogyny, which they use to justify violence against women. The incel scene frequently employs memes3 representing specific male and female archetypes (Fig. 3). Videos from the so-called Wojak4 universe also circulate on YouTube (Döring, 2023, p. 13).
All manosphere ideologies interconnect with right-wing nationalist thought and various conspiracy myths (p. 12). No community membership is required to encounter their content and narratives, as they are freely available on internet forums and social media.
Numerous studies have examined incel ideology (Qaglar et al., 2025, p. 7), with growing research on manosphere ideology's spread in German online spaces (p. 8). The Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft "Gegen Hass im Netz" analysed German-language threads on Incels.is and 4plebs, identifying incel-specific terminology also valuable for examining social media posts (Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft "Gegen Hass im Netz", 2024, p. 54).
A case study also examined misogynistic and antifeminist narratives among Pick-up Artists and life coaches on TikTok, many of whom model themselves on Andrew Tate (p. 56). Men displaying traits stereotypically deemed feminine, for instance, were labelled unnatural and as deviations from a hierarchy promoted as natural (p. 60). Narratives on masculinity, male dominance, and antifeminism proved most prevalent. Quantitative analysis of incel forum messages revealed 99.55 per cent in English, including most broader manosphere content, though German messages ranked second (p. 77). Incel terminology in Germany rose from 2022 to 2024 (p. 84). Analysis of frequent keywords in incel and manosphere milieus ranged from “manlet“5 und “gigachad“6 to “horny” and “victim” (pp. 86-87). The resulting word clouds hold potential for social media content analysis too. “Moonshot“'s far-right prevention analyses estimate ~1,000 incel members in Germany, active on Twitter, YouTube, and Kohlchan imageboards” (Kracher, 2021, p. 26) - underscoring the scene's threat level domestically. Germany's manosphere structure mirrors the international one (p. 38). Pick-up artists, Red Pillers, and masculinist influencers favour TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube; incels prefer imageboards. Reddit serves incels and MGTOWs (p. 20), while Facebook and X attract MRAs (p. 21).
Germany's most popular influencers among male teenagers exert significant influence on social media masculinity portrayals. MontanaBlack, the top influencer, performs a defiant, dominance-oriented masculinity in his streams and appearances that closely aligns with hegemonic patterns. His repeated derogatory treatment of women (RND, 2020; Spiegel, 2020) reflects a view of gender where women appear primarily as objects of emotional, sexual, or social evaluation. The runner-up, Kontra K, embodies performance- and discipline-driven masculinity defined by self-control, physical strength, and perseverance. His lyrics and public persona frequently link masculinity to combat metaphors, pain endurance, and personal responsibility (Lanzinger, 2017). By contrast, Twenty4Tim offers a counter-model to classic hegemonic masculinity, marked by openness, emotionality, playful gender role handling, and deliberate disruption of normative male images (Deutschlandfunk Nova, 2021). Apache 207 critiques traditional masculinity concepts in his rap songs, with his engagement of toxic masculinity eliciting both acclaim and controversy (Kunze, 2025). Julesboringlife, the sole woman in the top 5 for male adolescents, focuses primarily on her cancer experience rather than masculinity ideals.
4.3 Entanglement and Subjectivation of Male Adolescents
As noted in the previous subsection, memes convey core manosphere ideology content. Whether "Chad", "Wojak", "Doomer“7 or stereotypical female depictions, incels extensively employ memes (Kracher, 2021, pp. 28-34). These performative practices - along with posting gym selfies, commenting on posts, and passive following or lurking - represent ways male teenagers become entangled in hegemonic masculinity representations on social media. Per Allert and Asmussen, adolescents' subjectivation occurs here not primarily as intrapsychic maturation but through practices within digitally structured publics. This happens as teenagers identify with posts, replicate problematic content, or block disliked material; they evaluate content, adopt or reject trends (Scholes et al., 2025, p. 129). Recognising and identifying with memes fosters belonging to groups or feelings of superiority/inferiority (Kracher, 2021, p. 27). Anonymity, online disinhibition, and echo chamber8 amplification explain the manosphere's functioning. In such environments, adherents create unconstrained alternative selves or avatars, free from physical, ethical, or moral limits (Zimmerman, 2023, p. 109). Disinhibition plus platform/search engine algorithms form echo chambers and filter bubbles9, driving users from manosphere fringes to its misogynistic core. Social media likes and comments further boost such posts algorithmically. "Generally, the most extreme posts are the ones that are rewarded, thus reifying and incentivising extreme rhetoric" (p. 110).
4.4 Answering the Research Question
The guiding question of this thesis asks how German male teenagers become entangled in hegemonic masculinity representations through social media use and how this affects their subjectivation. The preceding analysis yields several key answers.
Social media constitute central postdigital spaces of socialisation and subjectivation for male adolescents, where masculinity is not merely depicted but performatively produced, evaluated, and normalised (Scholes et al., 2025, p. 41). Usage forms an integral part of everyday practices negotiating self- and world-relations, with subjectivation unfolding through ongoing entanglement with platforms, algorithms, and social recognition mechanisms. Studies show male adolescents encounter hegemonic masculinity narratives especially on visually and algorithmically curated platforms like Instagram and TikTok. These emphasise dominance, emotional control, physical prowess, and female sexual availability as norms (Qaglar et al., 2025, pp. 9-13; Scharrer & Warren, 2022, p. 295). Such narratives spread not only via manosphere actors but also popular influencers aligning with hegemonic ideals without explicit positioning. Entanglement requires no active community membership. Passive consumption, liking, following, or meme recognition already stabilises hegemonic masculinity through participation in practices (Kracher, 2021, pp. 27-34; Scholes et al., 2025, p. 129). Algorithms amplify this by prioritising polarising, extreme content, fostering echo chambers and filter bubbles (Deutscher Bundestag, 2022, pp. 8-13; Zimmerman, 2023, pp. 109-110). These entanglements shape subjectivation by offering belonging, recognition, and self-worth - particularly appealing amid biographical uncertainty. Hegemonic masculinity promises control, status, and meaning, even if unattainable (Connell, 2015, pp. 130-139; Lindsay, 2022, pp. 215-217). For marginalised groups, this forms affective communities (e.g., incels) normalising frustration, powerlessness, and violence legitimation. Male adolescents thus become entangled via everyday practices, algorithmic structures, and cultural ideals, profoundly influencing subjectivation. This occurs not as autonomous identity choice but relational positioning within power and recognition orders.
5 Discussion of Results
The findings from the previous chapter's analysis can be interpreted as postdigital reproduction of hegemonic masculinity. Connell's concept proves applicable, framing observed dynamics not as individual misconduct but as structurally embedded practices (Connell, 2015, pp. 130-134). From the perspective of education through productive entanglement, male teenagers cannot stand outside these dynamics but are constitutively interwoven with digital practices where subjectivation, recognition, and autonomy are simultaneously produced and constrained (Allert & Asmussen, 2017, pp. 30-35). Autonomy emerges as the capacity to produce difference within practices - such as outsmarting algorithms. While social media could enable pluralised masculinity images, hegemonic and toxic forms gain algorithmic amplification. Extreme, polarising content achieves greater visibility and recognition, potentially drawing vulnerable youth into escalating dynamics (Zimmerman, 2023, p. 110). This algorithmic selection favours masculinities emphasising dominance, aggression, or emotional control. Postdigitally, analysis shifts from individual usage choices to socio-technical power configurations shaping subjectivation (Jandric et al., 2018, p. 895). Manosphere studies reveal emotions like shame, hurt, anger, or envy as binding forces in digital communities (Lindsay, 2022, pp. 214, 218). These affects drive entanglement by channeling personal experiences like uncertainty into collective interpretations. Finally, hegemonic masculinity portrayals serve as coping strategies amid societal transformations, offering seemingly clear orientation against economic challenges and digital disruption (Connell, 2015, pp. 138-139).
From an educational theory viewpoint, education cannot be a protective space from problematic content or mere skills transmission. Instead, engagement within digital practices proves essential. If male adolescents' subjectivation embeds in hegemonic masculinity narratives, education involves making entanglements visible and workable - not just unmasking narratives. Per productive entanglement, education occurs where idiosyncratic moves within practices can be tested. It demands not distance but deepened participation producing difference and new self-world relations. Such processes require pedagogically framed spaces recognising alternative masculinities and reflexively processing affects like shame, hurt, or anger. Education thus appears relational, aiming not at independence but autonomy as "wilful" persistence in communal formations.
The analysis's findings carry limitations: much empirical manosphere research originates from English-speaking contexts, limiting transferability to Germany. Existing studies often focus on extremes (incels, explicit misogyny), under-examining everyday, ambivalent hegemonic reproductions via mainstream influencers - precisely the grey areas most rele- vantfor media education interventions.
6 Conclusion and Implications for Media Education
This paper demonstrates how male adolescents become multiply entangled in hegemonic masculinity portrayals on social media, profoundly shaping their subjectivation and educational processes. Social media function as postdigital socialisation spaces where gender orders become not just visible but reproduced and valorised through algorithmically structured practices. Hegemonic masculinity emerges as an apparently stable orientation amid societal change, yet entails exclusions, violence legitimation, and social externalisations.
Building on these results and the theoretical framework, media education requires recalibration. Neither purely preventive approaches nor individual media literacy suffice postdigitally. Instead, media education must acknowledge entanglement, address responsibility, and enable "wilful" difference production. Per productive entanglement, it should avoid shielding youth from social media or solely evading problematic content. Rather than merely critiquing hegemonic images, media education should create spaces for creative thought experiments and idiosyncratic moves. Postdigitally, digital technologies demand viewing not in isolation but within social-ecological systems (Jandric & Knox, 2022, pp. 787-789). Thus, media education should explain algorithmic control, platform economies, and data-driven attention systems while reflecting their ecological, social, and gender-political implications.
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[...]
1 “Manosphere refers to a diverse collection of websites, blogs, and online forums promoting masculinity, misogyny, and opposition tofeminism“ (Scholes et al., 2025, p. 50).
2 “Influencers are individuals with large and/or highly engaged social media followers who have significant influence in specific industries such as beauty, fashion, fitness, travel, and food“ (Scholes etal., 2025, p. 43).
3 Memes form a core part of modern communication, encoding messages beyond the image. This renders them powerful political tools for rapid, consistent idea dissemination (Kracher, 2021, p. 27).
4 Wojak represents the disadvantaged man, typically without a partner and with a poorly paid job (Doring, 2023, p. 13)
5 “Aterm used to describe a short man or man with a small physique“ (Moonshot, o. J., p. 15).
6 “According to the community, a ,Gigachad‘ is a man who is in the top 0.1% of men in terms of physical attractiveness“ (Moonshot, o. J., p. 4).
7 The "Doomer" represents a depressed young man resigned to the world's inherent evil (Kracher, 2021, p. 31).
8 Echo chambers describe spaces where like-minded people reinforce each other's views like echoes, limiting contrary opinions (Deutscher Bundestag, 2022, pp. 8-9).
9 Filter bubbles emerge from algorithms crafting personalised content feeds that favour users' existing preferences (Deutscher Bundestag, 2022, pp. 9-13).
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