This piece of research provides a detailed analysis of civil-military relations in Tunisia, highlighting the country's current challenges and potential paths for its democratic future. It examines the evolution of the military’s role since the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, highlighting its crucial contribution to maintaining stability while upholding democratic principles. The subject suggests several key reforms to strengthen civil-military relations, such as legal reforms in the security sector, the development of civilian defense expertise, and educational reforms within military institutions to promote democratic values. In the long term, Tunisia could develop a civil-military relations model based on a professional military under democratic control, with robust civilian institutions providing effective oversight. Special attention is given to the perception of Tunisian youth, who make up 60% of the population and played a central role in the revolution. Their disillusionment with traditional politics could influence their views of the military, which is seen both as a symbol of stability and a remnant of the authoritarian past. The subject stresses the importance of aligning youth aspirations with the military’s role in Tunisian society to consolidate democracy and long-term stability. In conclusion, while Tunisia has a relatively unique model of civil-military relations in the region, it must overcome security, economic, and political challenges to maintain a balance between security and democratic governance. Ensuring the military’s political neutrality and engaging citizens in defense sector oversight will be crucial for the country’s future.

Excerpt

Abstract

Acknowledgment

Introduction

1 Historical context
1 Pre-Revolutionary Era: Overview of the Military’s Role in Tunisia Under the Ben Ali Regime
1.1 Relationship with the State and Society

2 Civil-Military Relations Under Ben Ali
2.1 Continuation of Civilian Control
2.2 The Deliberate Weakening of Tunisia’s Military: A Calculated Strategy for Survival (19561986)
2.3 The Great Purge of 1962: Cementing Civilian Control (The Night the Military Learned Its Place (1962)

3 Tunisia’s Military Under Ben Ali: The Silent Protectors

4 Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: A Nation in Transition
4.1 Political Changes
4.2 Economic Reforms and Challenges
4.3 Social and Cultural Transformation
4.4 Security and Terrorism Concerns
4.5 International Relations
4.6 Challenges and Future Outlook

5 Conclusion

2 The Role of the Military in Modern Tunisia

1 Institutional Role

2 Political Neutrality

3 Civil-Military Relations
3.1 Historical Background
3.2 Challenges and Tensions
3.3 Reforms and Balance

4 Public Perception of the Military
4.1 Trust in the Military Post-Revolution
4.2 National Security Role
4.3 Public Trust vs. Military Power

5 Conclusion

3 Civil-Military Cooperation and Tension

1 Post-Revolution Civil-Military Cooperation
1.1 Restraint at the Barricades
1.2 Securing Free Elections
1.3 Mediating Political Deadlock
1.4 Professional Capacity Building

2 Potential Tensions and Conflicts
2.1 Concentration of Executive Power
2.2 Security Imperatives vs. Civil Liberties
2.3 Civil Society and Media Scrutiny
2.4 Redefinition of Roles

3 Impact of Recent Political Developments
3.1 Judicial Oversight
3.2 Regional Partnerships
3.3 Civil Society Engagement

4 Conclusion

4 Case Studies and Comparisons

1 Tunisia and Egypt: Contrasting Models of Civil-Military Relations
1.1 Egypt’s Politically Active Military
1.2 Tunisia’s Reserved Military Posture
1.3 Key Comparative Insights

2 Tunisia and Algeria: Military Influence Behind the Scenes
2.1 Algeria’s “Le Pouvoir” and Military Dominance
2.2 Tunisia’s Civilian-Led Governance
2.3 Structural Comparisons

3 Tunisia and Turkey: Divergent Trajectories of Military Depoliticization
3.1 Turkey’s Historical Military Interventions
3.2 Tunisia’s Non-Ideological Military
3.3 Comparative Analysis

4 Tunisia and Libya: State Fragmentation vs. Institutional Continuity
4.1 Libya’s Militiafication After Gaddafi
4.2 Tunisia’s Military as a Stabilizing Force
4.3 Key Differences

5 Case Studies in Tunisia: The Military’s Role in Civil Unrest and Humanitarian Missions
5.1 The 2011 Revolution: A Turning Point
5.2 Counterterrorism and Border Security (2013-2017)
5.3 Humanitarian and Disaster Response
5.4 The 2021 Political Crisis

6 Conclusion

5 Current Challenges and the Path Forward

1 Overview of Contemporary Security Challenges in Tunisia
1.1 Evolution of the Terrorist Threat
1.2 Border and Transnational Challenges
1.3 The Double Asymmetry of Security Challenges

2 The Role of the Tunisian Military in Counterterrorism
2.1 Transformation and Modernization of the Armed Forces
2.2 Operational Strategies and Interinstitutional Coordination
2.3 Balance Between Security Operations and Population-Centered Approach

3 Political Neutrality and Institutional Challenges
3.1 Maintaining Political Neutrality in a Transition Context
3.2 Institutional Reforms and Legal Framework
3.3 Democratic Control and Transparency

4 Towards an Integrated Approach: Current Challenges and Future Perspectives
4.1 Integration of Security and Development Dimensions
4.2 Strengthening Regional and International Cooperation

5 The Historical Evolution of Civil-Military Relations in Tunisia
5.1 From Independence to Revolution: A Legacy of Marginalization
5.2 The Military’s Role in the 2011 Revolution: Neutral Guardian or Strategic Actor?
5.3 Post-Revolutionary Transformations: The Quiet Revolution in Civil Military Relations

6 Contemporary Challenges to Democratic Civil Military Relations
6.1 The 2021 Constitutional Crisis: A Turning Point
6.2 The Conscription Challenge: Reconnecting Military and Society
6.3 Security Sector Reform: Incomplete and Contested

7 Essential Reforms for a Professional Military in a Democratic Tunisia
7.1 Strengthening Democratic Oversight Mechanisms
7.2 Reforming the Conscription System
7.3 Developing a Professional Military Ethos

8 Balancing Military Involvement and Democratic Principles
8.1 Defining Appropriate Boundaries for Military Engagement
8.2 Creating Institutional Firewalls
8.3 Fostering a Democratic Security Culture

9 The Path Forward: Recommendations for Sustainable Reform
9.1 Short-Term Priorities
9.2 Medium-Term Reforms
9.3 Long-Term Vision: A New Model of Civil-Military Relations

10 Youth and Military Perception: The Dynamic Intersection in Tunisia’s Democratic Aspirations
10.1 The Tunisian Military: Public Perception and Role
10.2 Tunisian Youth: Political Landscape and Attitudes
10.3 Analyzing Youth Perception of the Military
10.4 Implications for Future Civil-Military Relations

11 Conclusion

General conclusion

References

List of Figures

1.1 "Operational Readiness and Public Interaction in Urban Military Deployment"

1.2 Military leadership General "Rchid Ammar"

1.3 "Military Presence and Symbolic Peace"

1.4 "2015 Sousse beach attacks"

1.5 "2015 Bardo Museum attack"

3.1 Military securing free elections

4.1 Tunisian military during crisis: COVID 19

[Note: The figures are not included.]

Introduction

The relationship between the military and society is a dynamic and complex interplay that shapes and is shaped by the political, cultural, and social fabric of any nation. Far from being merely an institution of defense, the military often serves as a mirror of national identity, values, and historical experiences. Across the globe, militaries have influenced state formation, technological advancement, national security policies, and, at times, the political direction of entire countries. At the same time, militaries do not exist in a vacuum; they are embedded within broader societal structures and are constantly shaped by public opinion, political ideologies, economic conditions, and cultural narratives. This mutual influence forms what is often referred to as the military-society nexus—an evolving and context-dependent relationship that is essential for understanding the functioning and stability of states, especially in times of political transition or national crisis. Tunisia presents a particularly intriguing case study within this global context. Unlike many of its neighbors in the Middle East and North Africa, where the military has often played a dominant role in political affairs—sometimes acting as a catalyst for regime change and, in other instances, serving as an obstacle to democratic development—Tunisia’s armed forces have largely remained in the background of national politics. This deliberate depoliticization of the military dates back to the country’s first president, Habib Bourguiba, who, wary of military coups and political instability in the region, intentionally maintained a small, underfunded, and politically isolated army. His successor, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, continued this strategy, relying instead on internal security forces to uphold his authoritarian regime. As a result, the Tunisian military developed a strong institutional culture centered around professionalism, restraint, and non-intervention. This tradition of neutrality was put to the test during the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, a pivotal moment not only for Tunisia but for the wider Arab world. As popular protests surged against Ben Ali’s regime, the military made the critical decision to side with the people rather than the state apparatus. By refusing to suppress protesters and ultimately facilitating Ben Ali’s departure, the military played a quiet yet decisive role in Tunisia’s peaceful transition, earning widespread public trust and reinforcing its image as a guardian of national unity rather than an instrument of political repression. This exceptional stance marked Tunisia as a democratic outlier in a region where many post-Arab Spring transitions descended into civil conflict or returned to military authoritarianism.In the years since the revolution, the intersection of military and society in Tunisia has become even more significant. The military’s responsibilities have expanded beyond traditional defense to include counterterrorism operations, disaster response, and border security—all while preserving its commitment to political neutrality. Yet, this evolving role also presents new challenges. The rise of terrorism, political instability, economic uncertainty, and increasing public demands for accountability have placed the armed forces in a complex position, where maintaining professionalism must be balanced with adapting to new security and governance responsibilities.

This project aims to explore the trajectory and current status of civil-military relations in Tunisia, from the post-independence era to the post-revolutionary period. It seeks to understand how the military’s role has transformed over time, how it interacts with political institutions and civil society, and how it navigates the tensions between safeguarding national security and remaining apolitical in a fragile democratic environment. Through this study, we aim to shed light on one of the most critical yet often under-examined dimensions of Tunisia’s democratic transition, drawing comparative insights from regional contexts to better understand what makes Tunisia’s model distinctive—and what challenges may lie ahead.

1 Historical context

1 Pre-Revolutionary Era: Overview of the Military’s Role in Tunisia Under the Ben Ali Regime

Under the regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (1987-2011), the Tunisian military played a relatively subdued role compared to other authoritarian regimes in the region. Unlike Egypt or Syria, where the military was deeply entrenched in politics and society, Tunisia’s armed forces were primarily focused on external defense and remained largely apolitical. This approach was rooted in historical precedents set during Habib Bourguiba’s presidency (1956-1987), which emphasized civilian control over the military and restricted its involvement in political affairs.

The Tunisian military under Ben Ali consisted of approximately 40,000-43,000 personnel across the Army, Air Force, and Navy. Its primary functions included external defense, emergency relief, public works projects in remote areas, and participation in international peacekeeping missions. The military was not a central pillar of Ben Ali’s authoritarian regime; instead, internal security forces such as the police and National Guard were relied upon to maintain order and suppress dissent.

1.1 Relationship with the State and Society

Ben Ali continued Bourguiba’s tradition of civilian control over the military. High-ranking officers were initially appointed to key positions within the government, such as General Habib Ammar as Interior Minister and General Ali Seriati as Director of National Security. However, this trend was short-lived as Ben Ali sought to consolidate power by marginalizing the military from political decision-making. The armed forces were excluded from domestic governance and internal security operations, which were handled by police forces loyal to Ben Ali. The military’s apolitical stance and professionalization fostered a degree of autonomy from political interference. This separation allowed it to maintain institutional cohesion and avoid becoming embroiled in repression against civilians—a characteristic that later influenced its behavior during Tunisia’s 2011 revolution.[1].

2 Civil-Military Relations Under Ben Ali

2.1 Continuation of Civilian Control

• Ben Ali maintained the tradition of civilian control over the military established by his predecessor, Habib Bourguiba. This ensured the armed forces remained subordinate to civilian authorities, with limited involvement in political decision-making.
• Initially, high-ranking military officers such as General Habib Ammar (Interior Minister) and General Ali Seriati (Director of National Security) and Chief of Staff of the Army and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces general "Rchid Ammar" were appointed to key government positions. However, these appointments were short-lived, as Ben Ali prioritized consolidating his power by sidelining the military from internal security matters.¹

2.2 The Deliberate Weakening of Tunisia’s Military: A Calculated Strategy for Survival (1956-1986)

The Bourguiba Doctrine: Engineering Military Impotence

• Habib Bourguiba, fearing military coups like those in Egypt (1952), Iraq (1958), and Syria, deliberately kept the Tunisian army weak and politically isolated.
• Armed groups that had fought for independence were disbanded, and the new army was small, underfunded, and tasked mainly with border protection.

2.3 The Great Purge of 1962: Cementing Civilian Control (The Night the Military Learned Its Place (1962)

• In response to a rumored coup in 1962, Bourguiba dismissed hundreds of military officers, sending a clear message: any political dissent would not be tolerated.
• This purge created what scholars called “institutional amnesia” within the army, suppressing any political ambitions.²

The Hollow Force: Military Life Under Bourguiba

• For the soldiers who remained, life was far from glamorous. While armies in other countries got new weapons and prestige, Tunisia’s military scraped by on meager budgets (just 1.5% of GDP). Their equipment was outdated, their training minimal. They spent their days patrolling empty deserts, chasing smugglers, or helping after natural disasters—anything but real warfare.
• The humiliation peaked in 1980, when Libyan-backed militants attacked the town of Gafsa. Tunisia’s military response was slow, disorganized, and embarrassingly ineffective. Bourguiba didn’t care. In fact, it proved his point: This army couldn’t protect the country, let alone overthrow him. Real power stayed with the police and internal security forces.³

The Unintended Legacy

• By 1987, when Bourguiba was overthrown by his prime minister, the military had become apolitical and professionally detached from governance.
• During the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, the army’s neutrality and refusal to suppress protests became a cornerstone of Tunisia’s peaceful transition, helping prevent military dictatorship.
• In the end, Bourguiba’s strategy—meant only to keep himself in power—helped Tunisia avoid the military dictatorships that crushed democracy elsewhere in the Arab Spring. A paranoid leader’s survival tactic became, decades later, an accidental gift to Tunisia’s fragile democracy.

3 Tunisia’s Military Under Ben Ali: The Silent Protectors

• Military veterans recall being sidelined and under-resourced during Ben Ali’s reign, while police forces were heavily funded and empowered.
• The divide between soldiers and police was visible in daily life: the police received better housing, equipment, and prestige.
• During the 1990s, counterterrorism units received modern gear, while the army remained stationed in remote, often neglected, regions.
• During the 2011 revolution, the army won public admiration by protecting protesters and maintaining order without violence. Their restraint became a symbol of integrity and professionalism.

4 Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: A Nation in Transition

4.1 Political Changes

After the revolution, Tunisia set out on a bold and challenging journey toward democracy. The fall of Ben Ali’s regime gave the country an opportunity to rethink its political system, introducing fresh political ideas and a multiparty setup. However, achieving democracy was far from easy. Tunisia faced numerous hurdles and uncertainties as it worked to build democratic institutions from scratch. In 2011, the nation held its first- ever democratic parliamentary elections, with Ennahda, a moderate Islamist party, securing the most seats in the Constituent Assembly. Even though Tunisia’s shift to democracy was a major achievement, it came with its fair share of challenges. The country faced political instability, with frequent changes in direction, as well as deep ideological divides. There were strong disagreements on what path Tunisia should take moving forward. Secular and Islamist groups each had their own vision for the country, which created a divided political landscape and made it harder to reach consensus on how to govern. Navigating this turbulent landscape was no easy feat. Yet, despite these difficulties, Tunisia achieved a significant milestone in 2014 by drafting a new constitution. This constitution was a major accomplishment, providing a framework that safeguarded fundamental rights and established the foundation for democratic governance. It was a beacon of hope, signaling a new era for Tunisia’s democracy.⁴

4.2 Economic Reforms and Challenges

High unemployment, inflation, and regional inequality are only a few of the factors that have made Tunisia’s post-revolutionary economic situation worse. The revolution allowed for greater political freedom, but it did not resolve the country’s long-standing economic problems. During the transition period, strikes and protests were widespread, particularly among young people who believed the revolution would result in better economic opportunities. Tourism and agriculture, two significant businesses, were severely impacted. A major source of revenue, tourism was severely damaged by the 2015 terrorist attacks, which also caused a sharp decline in foreign visitors. Regional disparities persisted, with the interior regions of Tunisia facing more serious economic challenges than the coastal cities. One example of a change meant to diversify is the 2020 Tunisian economic plan.

In order to address these issues, the 2020 Tunisian economic strategy sought to diversify the economy. Despite efforts to attract international investment and finance, Tunisia remains heavily dependent on outside aid, particularly from the EU and IMF. Economic injustice continues to frustrate many Tunisians, and unemployment remains a significant issue, especially for recent graduates.⁵

4.3 Social and Cultural Transformation

The revolution brought about significant changes to Tunisia’s social and cultural fabric. One of the biggest shifts has been the increased empowerment of women and marginalized communities. Despite the Ben Ali government’s limitations on women’s political and social rights, the revolution led to notable progress in gender equality. In its 2014 Constitution, Tunisia became one of the first Arab countries to declare gender equality a fundamental right throughout addition, Tunisia became the first Arab country to legalize abortion and advocated for women’s rights throughout the region. A progress’s been made, but social tensions continue to simmer, especially between religious and secular communities. Some people worry that the rise of Islamist political groups might revive conservative values, putting the nation’s progressive stance on issues like women’s rights and individual freedom at risk. Tunisia’s youth, who played a key role in the revolution, are becoming more frustrated with the slow rate of progress. Even if many people are unhappy with the lack of progress in the political and economic arenas, they provided the catalyst for the hope for a better future. Young people, especially those without jobs and with few other choices, are growing frustrated. Despite their discontent, many people are determined to speak up, demand social and political reform, and keep the government accountable for its commitments.⁶

4.4 Security and Terrorism Concerns

The security situation in Tunisia has been one of the country’s most pressing problems since the revolution. The spread of jihadist ideologies and the rise of extremist groups like Ansar al-Sharia have raised serious concerns about national security. The country has seen some of the bloodiest terrorist attacks in recent memory, most notably in 2015 when attacks on the Bardo Museum and the Sousse beach resort targeted foreign tourists. These tragedies not only resulted in a significant number of fatalities but also had a detrimental impact on the tourism industry, which is an essential component of the national economy. In response to the increasing threat of terrorism, the Tunisian government has made an effort to strengthen its security personnel and tighten counterterrorism procedures. Tunisia has also received military support and counterterrorism expertise from other countries, such as the United States and France. The country is still vulnerable to extremist groups, and security problems including radicalization and internal conflict persist despite the progress made in the war against terrorism. The fundamental causes of extremism, such as economic marginalization, social isolation, and illiteracy, are difficult for the government to resolve.⁷

4.5 International Relations

Since the revolution, Tunisia has worked to keep its foreign policy in a careful balance. Tunisia has emerged as a beacon of hope and a possible model for democratic reform in the Arab world, having been the first nation to successfully topple an authoritarian government. Tunisia has been acknowledged by the international world, especially the European Union, as a vital ally in the area and a significant partner in the war against terrorism. Relations between Tunisia and its neighbors, particularly Algeria and Libya, have been both cooperative and difficult. Tunisia has advocated for more stability and cooperation in the area, focusing on counterterrorism efforts and economic integration. By interacting with global forces, the country has also attempted to strengthen its ties with the US and Europe. At the same time, the region’s complex political landscape has presented significant challenges, especially with neighboring Libya’s descent into civil war and the ongoing crises in Syria and Yemen impacting the broader Middle East and North Africa. Despite these hurdles, Tunisia has managed to maintain its crucial role in Arab diplomacy. The country has consistently promoted moderation, democratic transition, and regional cooperation, showcasing its commitment to fostering a more stable and united region.⁸

4.6 Challenges and Future Outlook

Tunisia’s post-revolutionary journey is far from over. There are still many challenges to be addressed, especially in the areas of social cohesion, economic growth, and security, despite the country’s significant progress toward political stability and democratic reforms. The ability of the country to address these issues

will determine its long-term success. There was a significant progress in establishing democratic institutions and ensuring human rights, but Tunisia nevertheless faces persistent political tensions, high unemployment, and regional economic disparities. The government’s ability to implement economic reforms, attract foreign investment, and offer job opportunities to young people will be crucial in addressing these problems. The security situation remains unstable because extremism and terrorism remain significant risks to the country’s stability.

Tunisia’s future will depend on its ability to maintain its democratic course while ensuring that the benefits of the revolution are felt by all segments of society. Even while the future is still uncertain, other countries in the region may find promise in Tunisia’s successful democratic transition.⁹

5 Conclusion

Tunisia’s post-revolutionary path is marked by notable achievements in political reform and civil liberties, yet remains challenged by economic difficulties, security threats, and social tensions. The military’s his- torical marginalization, once intended to preserve authoritarian power, has unexpectedly contributed to Tunisia’s democratic resilience. As Tunisia moves forward, sustaining democratic values while addressing socioeconomic grievances will be vital to ensuring lasting stability and progress. Tunisia’s experience stands as a hopeful example for the region and underlines the critical role of civil-military dynamics in shaping democratic transitions.

2 The Role of the Military in Modern Tunisia

Tunisia’s soldiers have never just been men with guns—they’re the steady hands that have guided the nation through its toughest moments. Since 1956, they’ve played many roles: first as peacekeepers after independence, then as silent guardians watching over Tunisia’s political changes. While armies in other Arab countries often grab power, ours chose a different path—one of discipline and restraint, putting the country first.

But their mission got harder after 2011. Suddenly, they weren’t just defending borders—they were fighting terrorists, protecting protests, and quietly making sure Tunisia’s fragile democracy didn’t collapse. They don’t rule from presidential palaces like elsewhere, but when crisis hits, everyone turns to them. They’re the safety net Tunisia can’t see but always relies on.

The Institutional Role

The institutional role of Tunisia’s military is deeply embedded in the country’s historical context, evolving from its independence in 1956 to its current position in the modern era. The military has played a multifaceted role throughout Tunisia’s history, from its formation in the post-colonial period to its involvement in contemporary national security issues. Tunisia’s military has never been a simple defense force—it’s a prime player in the nation’s drama, shaping its politics and security since independence from France in 1956. Sandwiched between Algeria, Libya, and the Mediterranean, Tunisia is under constant security squeeze, from terrorist havens in western mountains to trafficking networks across the open Sahara. The military has had to stay on guard, watching rugged borders and cracking down on threats before they permeate cities and towns.

The 2011 revolution changed all that. Suddenly, Tunisia was battling homegrown extremism as ISIS- and Al-Qaeda-linked groups took advantage of the instability. Places like Mount Chaambi became war zones, with soldiers pursuing militants while trying to safeguard civilians. It has not been easy each operation is a tricky balancing act between security and human rights, especially in a country still learning democracy.

When protests erupted in 2015 over corruption and employment, the army was again deployed, this time to keep order without suffocating the liberties Tunisians had gained. It is a tricky balancing act, but the army has managed thus far to stay out of politics while continuing tobe the final guarantor of stability when things get out of hand.

Abroad, Tunisia’s troops have earned respect for their role in UN peacekeeping, from Lebanon to Somalia. Closer to home, they work with European allies to track terrorists and stop arms crossing the Libyan frontier.

Behind the scenes, the National Guard—a specialized force—fills the gaps, launching counterterror raids and intelligence gathering to stay one step ahead of the threat.

What is unexpected is how the military has managed Tunisia’s turbulent transition. After the previous regime fell in 2011, soldiers protected protesters instead of shooting at them. That restraint saved Tunisia from the violent crackdowns that took place elsewhere in the region. Even today, notwithstanding the emergence of new crises, the military remains a force for stability—not as a kingmaker, but as a guardian of the state.¹⁰

The Political Neutrality

During the Ben Ali period, political neutrality continued to be a hallmark characteristic of Tunisia’s military. Even though government was autocratic, the military’s institutional independence was, on the whole, kept intact. Ben Ali’s reliance on the police force and intelligence services for internal repression ensured that the military was not directly involved in the regime’s political machinations. This separation between the military and the political leadership allowed the military to maintain a positive public image as an institution above politics, trusted to protect the country rather than serve the interests of any political faction.

The 2011 revolution, though, tested Tunisia’s military neutrality. When demonstrators in large numbers took to the streets, the military stepped in firmly to defuse tensions and prevent further violence. Unlike Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world, where the military sided with or against governments, Tunisia’s military remained neutral. In fact, the inaction of the military against demonstrators was a primary reason for toppling the Ben Ali regime. It gained the support of the general public for the military as an institution more interested in national stability than loyalty to any individual or political group.

Establishing a working democracy turned out to be a challenge in the post-revolution period. Neutrality was therefore critical to the military during this time of transition. The military was tested on many occasions, with the situation growing worse in politics in 2013 following the assassination of two opposition leaders. The military, during the crisis, did not intervene directly into politics but committed itself to the support of negotiations between opposing political forces.

Whereas historically neutral, post-revolution Tunisia has tested the military’s role as a pillar in Tunisia’s democratic development. The military continues to have significant influence in internal affairs but needs to tread carefully between maintaining institutional independence and heeding calls to give more civilians greater authority over its activities. While Tunisia grapples with the challenges of democratization, including political polarization and extremism, the military’s status as a neutral institution is increasingly under scrutiny. Although the military is viewed by most as a guarantor of stability, others fear its influence on the political process, particularly during crises.

The military’s commitment to neutrality is also influenced by its professional nature. Tunisia’s military is usually regarded as one of the most professional and disciplined in North Africa. This professionalism, which has existed since the early days of the Tunisian military, has allowed the military to have a perceived legitimacy and trust among Tunisia’s citizens. However, the growing complexity of Tunisia’s security and political environment means that it is reasonable to wonder how long the military’s traditional neutrality can hold in the face of challenges that are novel.¹¹

1 Civil-Military Relations

1.1 Historical Background

Civil-military relations are important to grasping how Tunisia’s military relates to its political leaders and society. These relationships determine the role of the military in governance, the military’s contribution to stability, and its capacity to uphold its professional identity. Tunisia’s military has succeeded in striking a fine balance between civilian control and military autonomy while adhering to a long-standing tradition of political neutrality. This dynamic is at the heart of understanding how the military navigates the evolving political terrain and how it impacts the nation’s democratic development.

Historical Background of Civil-Military Relations In Tunisia, historically, civil-military relations have been characterized by strict segregation of labor. In the post-independence period, under President Habib Bour- guiba, the military was excluded from politics for the most part, with Bourguiba concentrating authority in the civilian government. The military was considered a professional organization tasked with the defense of the country and national unity, but not actively involved in governance. This was intentional; Bourguiba did not want to militarize Tunisia’s political process, as had occurred in other North African nations, such as Algeria, where political processes were dominated by military officers.

Under Ben Ali, Tunisia’s armed forces continued this pattern. While the regime was repressive, utilizing security forces to police the population and maintain control, the role of the armed forces was de-emphasized. Tunisia’s military forces were professionalized, state loyal, and politically responsive. The Tunisian army avoided factionalism such as in other countries, where army officers often vie for political power, a feature that led to military-led coups or even dictatorship.

The professional ethos of the army was tested during the 2011 revolution. When the Ben Ali regime col- lapsed, the army faced intense pressure. But the long tradition of professionalism of the Tunisian military and its focus on national loyalty prevented it from taking sides with Ben Ali, as militaries in states such as Egypt or Libya had their loyalties more tied to the leaders. Tunisia’s military ensured that the transfer of power was as peaceful as could be, even amidst growing political instability and growing public demonstra- tions. This occasion highlighted the military as a central pillar, or stabilizing force, of Tunisia’s transition to democracy.¹²

1.2 Challenges and Tensions

Civil-military relations have become more complex in the years following the revolution in Tunisia. As Tunisia proceeds with its democratic transition, issues of governance, accountability, and military influence have come up. The balance between civilian control over the military and allowing military autonomy has been shaken. The greater participation of political actors, particularly Islamist parties, has raised alarm about how the military will interact with these new political actors.

There have been fears regarding the military’s involvement in politics. While Tunisia’s military has never directly engaged in politics, its role in providing national security has often overlapped with political matters. In times of crisis, such as terrorist attacks or political instability, the military has been tasked with assisting in the maintenance of public order. This sometimes generates tension between civilian and military leadership, which must balance security with democratic freedoms and human rights.

One example of civil-military tensions was in 2015, when Tunisia was struck by a wave of attacks by extremist groups, including the gruesome attack on the Bardo Museum in Tunis that killed over 20 tourists. In the wake of this attack, the military was heavily involved in counterterrorism operations. There were, however, disparities between the military and the political leadership regarding the approach used in combating terrorism. The military, based on their experience of waging insurgencies in mountains and deserts, advocated the use of more aggressive counterterrorist policies, but civilian political leaders, subjected to pressure from international human rights organizations, advocated a more measured policy that emphasized civil liberties and democratic values. This episode illustrated the challenge of upholding good security while adhering to democratic norms, a delicate balance in Tunisia’s democratic transition from authoritarian rule.4

1.3 Reforms and Balance

As Tunisia goes on with democratic transition, civil-military relations must evolve. Demands have been made for civilian control over the military to ensure that it remains under democratic regulation, especially because of Tunisia’s security issues. Some have expressed concern about the possibility of the military becoming politicized or yielding too much authority, especially in times of crisis. Others argue that the military, as a symbol of stability, must be given the freedom to act independently to safeguard national security, particularly since the nation is under threat from terrorism and regional instability.

The National Defense Council, established during Tunisia’s transition to democracy, is a critical institution for ensuring civilian oversight of the military. The council is intended to ensure that military choices align with national interests and democratic principles. However, its effectiveness has been doubted, and others argue that military pressure still has a strong impact on decision-making, particularly on security matters.¹³

The Ministry of Defence is run by a civilian minister and controls the military, although the armed forces enjoy a significant degree of autonomy with regard to operational decision-making.

The dynamic between military commanders and political civilian actors will continue to be among the priorities of Tunisia’s democratic experience. As political factions vie for control, the army will remain an important actor in ensuring the security of the country. But there are concerns: how much will the military desire to preserve its position within Tunisian democracy? And how will civilian politicians navigate increasingly finer tightrope between democratic rule and national security?¹⁴

2 Public Perception of the Military

2.1 Trust in the Military Post-Revolution

Following the 2011 revolution, Tunisia’s military gained widespread admiration for its role in supporting the peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy. While other countries in the region witnessed violent crackdowns by security forces, Tunisia’s military remained neutral during the popular uprisings that ousted President Ben Ali. This crucial decision helped to preserve the military’s legitimacy in the eyes of the public and solidified its role as a national institution focused on unity rather than power consolidation.

Public opinion polls taken after the revolution showed a high degree of trust in the military. The military was viewed as a stabilizing force in a country transitioning to democracy, especially given the challenges posed by terrorism, political instability, and economic difficulties. The military was seen as a neutral actor that had played an essential role in ensuring public order during periods of unrest and political chaos. This reputation as a “safeguard of the nation” helped the military maintain public legitimacy, even as Tunisia’s political environment grew more polarized.¹⁵

2.2 National Security Role

The perception of the military is also shaped by its role in addressing security challenges. As Tunisia has faced increasing threats from Islamist militants, particularly in the wake of the 2011 revolution, the public’s view of the military has evolved. On one hand, the military is seen as a vital force in combating terrorism, with many citizens expressing confidence in the army’s ability to handle national security issues. The military’s successful efforts in counterinsurgency operations, particularly in the Mount Chaambi region and other volatile areas, have earned it praise for its professionalism and effectiveness in fighting terrorism. On the other hand, some segments of the population have expressed concern over the military’s increasing influence in security matters. The military’s involvement in domestic security operations has occasionally led to debates about civilian oversight and the balance between protecting national security and respecting

democratic freedoms. The military’s actions during the 2015 Bardo Museum attack, for instance, while widely praised for their success in protecting Tunisia’s citizens, raised questions about the broader implications for civil liberties and the role of the military in daily life.¹⁶

2.3 Public Trust vs. Military Power

While the military is widely trusted, it is not immune from criticism. Civil society groups and political activists have raised concerns about the potential for the military to become too powerful, especially in the context of Tunisia’s fragile democracy. There are concerns about the military’s influence in governance and the potential for militarization of Tunisia’s political system, as seen in other regions of the world. These concerns are heightened by the increasing prominence of the military in counterterrorism operations and its involvement in post-revolutionary governance.

Despite these challenges, public opinion remains largely favorable toward the military. Tunisia’s military is generally seen as a guardian of national unity rather than a political actor seeking power. It is trusted to safeguard Tunisia’s democratic institutions, provided it remains politically neutral and accountable to civilian leaders.¹⁷

3 Conclusion

Tunisia’s military has played a crucial role in shaping the country’s modern identity. From defending borders to ensuring political neutrality during national crises, the military has consistently upheld its image as a professional and apolitical institution. Its actions during the 2011 revolution solidified its role as a stabilizing force in Tunisia’s democratic transition.

However, challenges remain. As Tunisia navigates political polarization, terrorism, and calls for democratic reform, civil-military relations must continue to evolve. Ensuring that the military remains under democratic oversight while effectively addressing national security is essential for Tunisia’s future stability and democratic consolidation.

3- Civil-Military Cooperation and Tension

Introduction:

Since 2011, Tunisia’s armed forces have undergone a historic transformation. No longer merely the instrument of an autocratic regime, they have emerged as protectors of the people and facilitators of the democratic transition. However, this shift has brought new tensions around authority, security, and freedom. As Croissant et al. (2020, p. 12) observe, Tunisia’s military remains a paradox: a pillar of democratic restraint and a latent threat in the absence of institutionalized civilian control.

1 Post-Revolution Civil-Military Cooperation

1.1 Restraint at the Barricades

In January 2011, senior officers refused orders to suppress protests violently, choosing instead to protect civilians. Sayigh (2015, p. 74) described this as a pivotal moment of professional conscience. According to Brooks (2019, p. 103), such decisions show that Arab militaries often prioritize institutional survival over regime loyalty, creating fleeting opportunities for democratic reform. [1]

1.2 Securing Free Elections

After the revolution, the military secured polling stations across the country. The International Crisis Group (2013, p. 5) emphasized the importance of integrated civil -military cooperation during this process. Yet, Boukhars (2016, p. 89) warned against normalizing the military’s political role through such involvement.¹⁸ ¹⁹

1.3 Mediating Political Deadlock

Following the assassinations of Belaid and Brahmi in 2013, military figures participated discreetly in brokering the National Dialogue, leading to a technocratic government. Grewal (2019, p. 22) praised the structured mediation, but Jebnoun (2017) warned against militarizing politics under the guise of crisis management.²⁰

1.4 Professional Capacity Building

Defense reforms included budget increases and new training on democratic accountability. Tagarev (2018, p. 45) noted that education is the bridge that can help reconcile divergent perspectives. However, Yerkes and Ben Yahmed (2020, p. 8) found that only 15% of officers saw human rights training as essential, compared to 63% prioritizing counterterrorism.²¹

2 Potential Tensions and Conflicts

2.1 Concentration of Executive Power

President Saied’s 2021 suspension of parliament, backed by military deployment, raised alarms about executive overreach. The ICG (2022, p. 3) noted this could threaten the balance between military efficiency and civilian oversight. Mabrouk (2021, p. 17) remarked, the army’s silence during the constitutional crisis speaks louder than its actions.²²

2.2 Security Imperatives vs. Civil Liberties

After the 2015 Bardo and Sousse attacks, counterterrorism efforts at times compromised civil liberties. Amnesty International (2016, p. 23) warned of abuses like military trials for civilians. The Tunisian League for Human Rights (2023, p. 7) reported that 42% of terrorism suspects lacked legal representation in military courts.²³

2.3 Civil Society and Media Scrutiny

Protests in January 2022 sparked controversy when the military blocked journalist access and opposition marches. Human Rights Watch (2022) highlighted these oversteps, and Dahmani (2022, p. 44) observed that such actions blurred the line between national defense and regime protection.²⁴

2.4 Redefinition of Roles

The 2022 constitutional referendum involved military liaisons in security councils. Tagarev (2018, p. 45) saw this as integrating strategic concepts, yet the Venice Commission (2023, p. 12) criticized Tunisia for not clearly separating civilian and military authority.

3 Impact of Recent Political Developments

3.1 Judicial Oversight

Judges have increasingly challenged military actions on legal grounds. In 2023, the army evicted protesters from a courthouse, sparking backlash from the Tunisian Judges’ Association and Reuters (2023). Mersch (2021, p. 9) stressed the need for clearly defined roles for both military and civilian sectors.²⁵

3.2 Regional Partnerships

Tunisia’s military cooperation with NATO and Algeria has modernized its capabilities but also raised concerns. Dworkin (2022, p. 6) cautioned that foreign training might align officers with donors’ goals rather than local needs. Yerkes (2023) criticized the emphasis on drone warfare over social security concerns.²⁶

3.3 Civil Society Engagement

Dialogues between NGOs and military academies have begun, though engagement remains limited. Tagarev (2018, p. 45) emphasized education as a bridge, yet the Arab Barometer (2023, p. 14) found only 8% of

youth trust military transparency.²⁷

4 Conclusion

Tunisia’s post-2011 trajectory reveals a military trying to adapt from authoritarian tool to democratic guardian. Its restraint, electoral security efforts, and mediation show its commitment to public service. Yet, executive overreach, counterterror excesses, and blurred civil-military lines signal persistent challenges. As Stepan (2023, p. 31) warns, No democracy survives when its army becomes a political Swiss Army knife—deployed for every crisis until it becomes the crisis. Preserving Tunisia’s democratic progress requires clear boundaries and continued reform in civil-military relations.

4. Case Studies and Comparisons

When countries go through major political changes, the role of their armed forces often becomes a deciding factor between stability and chaos. Tunisia’s journey since its 2011 revolution offers a fascinating case study of how militaries can navigate turbulent times while resisting the temptation to seize power.

This section explores Tunisia’s military through two lenses: first, by comparing it with neighbors like Egypt and Algeria where armies play very different political roles, and second, by examining key moments when Tunisia’s military stepped into the spotlight—from protecting protesters during the revolution to fighting terrorists after the 2015 attacks.

These stories matter because they show us:

• How Tunisia’s military became one of the few in the region to stay out of politics
• When and why soldiers have stepped beyond their traditional roles
• What keeps generals from overstepping—and whether this might change

Through these real-life examples and comparisons, we see how Tunisia’s unusual military tradition has shaped its rocky path toward democracy, and what lessons this holds for other nations in transition. The answers help us understand not just Tunisia, but the delicate balance all societies must strike between security and freedom.

1 Tunisia and Egypt: Contrasting Models of Civil-Military Relations

1.1 Egypt’s Politically Active Military

Egypt’s armed forces have historically played a central role in politics, dating back to the 1952 revolution. The military’s involvement in governance includes control over economic enterprises (25-40% of the economy) and influence over national security policies.

Academic Perspectives:

• “The Egyptian military operates not merely as a security institution but as a political and economic hegemon, shaping state policies and leadership transitions.” (Springborg, 2017)[11]
• The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) managed the post-2011 transition. (Barany, 2016)12²⁸ ²⁹

1.2 Tunisia’s Reserved Military Posture

Under Bourguiba and Ben Ali, Tunisia’s military was deliberately depoliticized to prevent coups, with internal security handled by police forces.

Academic Perspectives:

• “Tunisia’s military abstained from repressing protesters in 2011, reinforcing its image as a neutral institution.” (Haddad, 2020)³⁰ ³¹
• Tunisia’s transition was managed by civilians. (Haddad, 2020)2

1.3 Key Comparative Insights

This section will focus on the comparision between Egypt and Tunisia in the civil-military field. The table below illustrates this point.

Table 4.1: Civil-Military Comparison: Egypt vs. Tunisia

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

This table contrasts the roles of the military in Egypt and Tunisia, highlighting key differences in their political influence, economic engagement, and post-2011 trajectories. While Egypt’s military has maintained substantial economic power and political dominance, including direct intervention in governance, Tunisia’s military has remained largely apolitical and subordinate to civilian authorities.

2 Tunisia and Algeria: Military Influence Behind the Scenes

2.1 Algeria’s “Le Pouvoir” and Military Dominance

Algeria’s military and intelligence services have long influenced leadership transitions, notably in 1992 and 2019.

Academic Perspectives:

• “Algeria’s military does not govern openly but retains veto power over key decisions.” (Haddad, 2020)[2]
• The DRS operated as a parallel state. (Werenfels, 2021)3

2.2 Tunisia’s Civilian-Led Governance

Academic Perspectives:

• “Tunisia’s military remains subordinate to civilian authorities.” (Jebnoun , 2017)³² ³³
• Tunisia lacks a military-industrial complex. (Jebnoun , 2017) 4

2.3 Structural Comparisons

This section will focus on the comparision between Algeria and Tunisia in the civil-military field. The table below illustrates this point.

Table 4.2: Civil-Military Comparison: Algeria vs. Tunisia

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

This table outlines the divergent civil-military dynamics in Algeria and Tunisia, emphasizing the contrasting roles of military and intelligence institutions in shaping political transitions. Algeria’s military, through entities like the DRS, has exerted significant influence over state affairs, whereas Tunisia’s military has maintained a more restrained stance, allowing for relatively civilian-led reform processes.

3 Tunisia and Turkey: Divergent Trajectories of Military Depoliticization

3.1 Turkey’s Historical Military Interventions

Turkey’s military has intervened repeatedly to defend secularism and held institutional power through the MGK.

Academic Perspectives:

• “The Turkish military saw itself as guardian of secularism.”
• Erdogan curtailed military autonomy. (Hale, 2013)5

3.2 Tunisia’s Non-Ideological Military

Academic Perspectives:

• “Military professionalism contributed to post-revolution stability.” (Sayigh, 2019)
• Absence of ideological doctrine prevented intervention. (Grewal, 2020)6

3.3 Comparative Analysis

This section will focus on the comparision between Turkey and Tunisia in the civil-military field. The table below illustrates this point.

Table 4.3: Civil-Military Comparison: Turkey vs. Tunisia

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

A comparison of the civil-military relations in Turkey and Tunisia, focusing on coup frequency, ideological roles, and post-2011 developments. While Turkey’s military has a history of interventions and ideological enforcement, particularly under Erdogan, Tunisia has remained free from military coups and maintained consistent civilian control.

4 Tunisia and Libya: State Fragmentation vs. Institutional Continuity

4.1 Libya’s Militiafication After Gaddafi

Academic Perspectives:

• “Libya’s chaos shows the risks of dismantling security structures.” (Lacher, 2020)
• Professional military absence led to civil war. (Pack, 2019)

4.2 Tunisia’s Military as a Stabilizing Force

Academic Perspectives:

• “Military prevented Libya-style fragmentation.” (ICG, 2021)
• Institutional boundaries preserved. (Wehrey, 2018)7
• Grewal, S. (2020). The Role of the Military in Tunisia’s Transition. Journal of Democracy
• Wehrey, F. (2018). The Burning Shores: Inside the Battle for the New Libya. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

4.3 Key Differences

This section will focus on the comparison between Libya and Tunisia in the civil-military field. The table below illustrates this point.

Table 4.4: Civil-Military Comparison: Libya vs. Tunisia

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

This table contrasts the post-revolution military and security landscapes in Libya and Tunisia, highlighting divergent outcomes in state control and stability. Libya’s fragmented militia-based security structure has fueled ongoing conflict, whereas Tunisia’s centralized, professional military has contributed to relative stability and cohesive state control.

5 Case Studies in Tunisia: The Military’s Role in Civil Unrest and

Humanitarian Missions

5.1 The 2011 Revolution: A Turning Point

1.1 Refusal to Suppress Protests

• “The military’s refusal to fire ensured a peaceful transition.” (Haddad, 2016)
• Rooted in Bourguiba’s professionalization strategy. (Sayigh, 2019) •

1.2 Post-Revolution Stabilization

• Prevented militia formation. (Grewal, 2018)
• Returned to barracks post-interim phase. (Barany, 2016)

5.2 Counterterrorism and Border Security (2013-2017)

2.1 The 2015 Attacks

• “Military adapted to asymmetric threats.” (Boukhars, 2017)
• Operation Sentinelle signaled new domestic role. (ICG, 2016)

2.2 Chaambi Mountain Campaigns

• High casualties questioned readiness. (Jebnoun, 2018)
• Outdated equipment exposed. (Grewal, 2020)

5.3 Humanitarian and Disaster Response

3.1 COVID-19 Response

• “Logistics role boosted trust.” (Yerkes, 2021)
• Risk of blurred civil-military lines. (Sayigh, 2022)

3.2 2018 Nabeul Floods

• Public trust increased post-response. (Haddad, 2019)
• Support role vs. militarized disaster response in Algeria. (Boukhars, 2020)

5.4 The 2021 Political Crisis

• “Tacit military support of Saied raises neutrality concerns.” (ICG, 2022)
• Caution about creeping militarization. (Yerkes, 2023)

6 Conclusion

The study of civil-military relations in transitional contexts reveals critical patterns in how armed forces interact with state institutions and society. Tunisia stands out in the MENA region due to its professional, apolitical military tradition.

Comparative analysis with regional counterparts reveals how structural and historical factors shaped this unique posture. Case studies on protests, counterterrorism, and humanitarian response further highlight how Tunisia’s military manages its delicate balancing act between supporting national stability and preserving civilian authority.

5. Current Challenges and the Path Forward

Introduction

Tunisia, the birthplace of the Arab Spring, has experienced a remarkable yet fragile democratic transition since 2011. This transition has unfolded within an unstable regional context, marked by the proliferation of multidimensional security threats. The dynamic intersection between the military and Tunisian society has significantly transformed in response to these challenges. This section analyzes the current security concerns facing Tunisia, the role of the military in countering these threats, and the challenges of maintaining political neutrality in a complex environment.

1 Overview of Contemporary Security Challenges in Tunisia

1.1 Evolution of the Terrorist Threat

Tunisia has faced a significant rise in terrorist threats since 2011, with several major attacks that have marked the country. The attacks on the Bardo Museum and Sousse beach in 2015, as well as the attack on Ben Guerdane in 2016, revealed the country’s vulnerability to transnational terrorism. As Boukhars (2021) emphasizes, "Tunisia has made significant progress in detecting and preventing terrorist attacks such as the 2015 attacks on the Bardo National Museum and Sousse beach, or the assault on the town of Ben Guerdane in southeastern Tunisia in 2016 by Tunisian militants affiliated with ISIS in Libya" (p. 2).

This terrorist threat has developed in a particularly unstable regional context. Ben Taous (2016) explains that "the Maghreb-Sahelian space in which Tunisia is located faces several security challenges that threaten its stability and security. The rise of radical Islamism and jihadist terrorism, the proliferation of all kinds of trafficking, ethnic claims, and the post-revolution chaos prevailing in some Arab Spring countries, such as Libya, are all destabilizing factors" (p. 5).

Proximity to Libya constitutes a major aggravating factor. The collapse of the Libyan state created a security vacuum exploited by various terrorist groups, notably the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). These groups established sanctuaries in Libyan territory, from which they could plan and execute attacks against Tunisia, while facilitating arms trafficking and fighter recruitment.

1.2 Border and Transnational Challenges

Border security represents a major challenge for Tunisia, particularly at its southern border with Libya. Facing this threat, "the government built a 200-kilometer anti-terrorism barrier" (Boukhars, 2021, p. 3)[1]. This measure is part of a broader territorial control strategy, but it is not without consequences for border populations. Indeed, as highlighted in the UNDP report (2022), "the securitization of the border since 2016 has weighed on the economic prosperity of the region by disrupting commercial exchanges and pastoral activities" (p. 7).

This situation illustrates the permanent tension between security imperatives and economic development in border regions. Cross-border trafficking also constitutes a major concern. Ben Taous (2016) notes that "terrorism, cross-border trafficking, poor governance, and many other ills already existed under the fallen regime, but they have been exacerbated nowadays" (p. 5). This trafficking mainly concerns weapons, drugs, consumer goods, and sometimes even human beings. It relies on well-established criminal networks that exploit the porosity of borders and weak controls in certain areas. [1]

1.3 The Double Asymmetry of Security Challenges

An in-depth analysis of the Tunisian security situation reveals what UNDP (2022) describes as a "double asymmetry." According to this report, "the first [asymmetry] consists in the imbalance between development and security priorities, and the second lies in the relations between the center and the periphery" (p. 7).

This double asymmetry manifests concretely in the security approach adopted by the Tunisian state. On one hand, "on the security front, the border strip is approached from a national defense perspective as a strategic space to be protected from the risks posed by the threat of spillover from the Libyan conflict" (UNDP, 2022, p. 7). On the other hand, "the socio-economic issues affecting the livelihoods of border populations thus risk being relegated to the second tier of priorities for central authorities" (ibid.).

This tension between security and development is exacerbated by territorial inequalities. Border regions, historically marginalized, suffer from a lack of public investment and economic opportunities, creating fertile ground for the informal economy, smuggling, and potentially radicalization.³⁴ ³⁵

2 The Role of the Tunisian Military in Counterterrorism

2.1 Transformation and Modernization of the Armed Forces

Faced with the scale of security challenges, the Tunisian military has undergone a significant transformation since 2011. As Boukhars (2021) explains, "the Tunisian army previously marginalized, poorly equipped, and lacking coordination capabilities — has made significant progress, particularly in revising its doctrine, improving its operational readiness, and combat skills" (p. 3).

This transformation has been supported by substantial international assistance. "Security assistance, including tactical and operational training, advice, equipment, and educational exchanges, has helped improve the army’s effectiveness. The United States, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and NATO have played an important role in these efforts to improve the professionalism and readiness of the army" (Boukhars, 2021, p. 3). Thanks to these efforts, "the army is now more dynamic, better equipped, better trained, and more effective in executing its various missions and operations" (ibid.). [3]

2.2 Operational Strategies and Interinstitutional Coordination

Counterterrorism in Tunisia relies on a multidimensional approach that combines military operations, intelligence, and interinstitutional coordination. Boukhars (2021) notes that "due to the growing terrorist threat since the mid-2010s, amplified by Libya’s fragmentation and as part of a multidimensional approach to security, Tunisia realized it needed to recalibrate its defense strategy and the structure of its counterterrorism forces" (p. 3).

This recalibration translated into the creation of new coordination structures. "In December 2014, the government created two networking hubs - the security unit and the judicial unit - to improve coordination between agencies on national security issues such as terrorism and organized crime" (Boukhars, 2021, p. 4). Additionally, "the Ministry of Defense also created a new information-sharing platform, a ’fusion cen- ter,’ which streamlines operations and rapidly disseminates information, particularly tactical intelligence to military commands in the field" (ibid.)

These coordination mechanisms are essential to overcome traditional compartmentalization between services and institutions. They allow for more effective intelligence sharing and better coordination of operations in the field, particularly in border areas where different forces may be deployed simultaneously. [4]

2.3 Balance Between Security Operations and Population-Centered Approach

An important dimension of the Tunisian approach lies in seeking a balance between security operations and addressing the needs of local populations. Boukhars (2021) observes that "the army has gradually learned to combine the use of force with population-centered operations to gain the support of Tunisians living in isolated border communities" (p. 3). This approach is crucial to prevent security measures from alienating local populations and pushing them toward the informal economy or, in extreme cases, radicalization. It recognizes that sustainable security cannot be achieved solely through military means but also requires the support of local communities. However, as highlighted in the UNDP report (2022), there remains a tension between this population- centered approach and national security imperatives. The challenge is to find a balance that addresses immediate security threats while creating conditions for sustainable development in border regions. [5]

3 Political Neutrality and Institutional Challenges

3.1 Maintaining Political Neutrality in a Transition Context

A remarkable characteristic of the Tunisian military in the post-revolutionary context has been its ability to maintain political neutrality. As Boukhars (2021) notes, "with the consolidation of these advances, military leaders have resisted becoming involved in the political arena" (p. 3). This stance contrasts with the experience of other countries in the region, where armed forces have often played a direct political role. This political neutrality has been an important stabilizing factor in Tunisia’s democratic transition. It has allowed civil institutions to develop without direct military interference, thus contributing to the legitimacy of the democratic process. However, maintaining this neutrality in a sometimes unstable political context represents a constant challenge.³⁶

3.2 Institutional Reforms and Legal Framework

The fight against terrorism has required significant institutional and legal reforms. Sayigh (2019) emphasizes that "in this context, post-revolutionary Tunisia, in the midst of democratic transition, faces a multisectoral crisis that persists and risks tipping the country into disorder" (p. 5). To address this situation, new institutions have been created, such as the National Commission for the Fight Against Terrorism (CNLCT). The legal framework has also been strengthened, notably with the adoption of the 2015 anti- terrorism law, which has been amended several times. These reforms aim to provide security forces with the necessary legal tools to effectively combat terrorism while respecting the principles of the rule of law. However, as in many countries, these measures raise questions about the balance between security and indi- vidual freedoms. The challenge for Tunisia is to develop a legal framework that effectively combats terrorism without compromising the democratic gains of the 2011 revolution.³⁷

3.3 Democratic Control and Transparency

The strengthening of security capabilities must be accompanied by adequate democratic control mechanisms. The UNDP report (2022) highlights the importance of "institutional development — By contributing to strengthening the capacities of the CNLCT for strategic programming and systematic monitoring of the implementation of the National Strategy to Combat Extremism and Terrorism (NSCET)" (p. 2). These control mechanisms are essential to prevent potential abuses and ensure that security forces act in respect of human rights and democratic principles. They also help strengthen the legitimacy of security institutions in the eyes of the population.

4 Towards an Integrated Approach: Current Challenges and Future Perspectives

4.1 Integration of Security and Development Dimensions

The Tunisian experience shows that a purely security-based approach is insufficient to address the complex challenges facing the country. The UNDP report (2022) advocates for a more integrated approach that recognizes the interdependence between security and development. This approach is illustrated by the TARABOT project, which "follows a holistic approach to preventing violent extremism (PVE) based on three pillars: Institutional Development, Social Engagement, and Knowledge Production and Valorization" (p. 2). This integrated approach aims to promote "a better balance between preventive measures and repressive response to violent extremism, including through strengthening interministerial coordination in the implementation of the NSCET" (ibid.). It recognizes that preventing violent extremism requires not only security measures but also economic development initiatives, social inclusion, and good governance.

4.2 Strengthening Regional and International Cooperation

Faced with transnational threats, regional and international cooperation is essential. Boukhars (2021) notes that "the army has also achieved a high level of effectiveness in counterterrorism operations conducted jointly with Algerian and American forces" (p. 3). This operational cooperation is complemented by substantial technical and financial assistance from international partners. However, regional cooperation still faces many challenges, particularly due to persistent instability in Libya and occasional tensions between neighboring countries. Strengthening this cooperation, particularly in the areas of intelligence sharing and border surveillance, remains a priority for Tunisia.³⁸

Tunisia’s post-revolutionary path has been marked by a rare dynamic in the Arab world: a military that has largely remained in the barracks while civilian institutions attempted to take root. Unlike neighboring countries where armies have dominated political transitions, Tunisia’s military gained praise for its restraint during and after the 2011 revolution. However, this perceived professionalism has presented its own set of challenges. Ensuring the military continues to serve the nation without exerting political influence requires constant vigilance, especially amid recurring political crises and growing public disillusionment.

In this analysis, we’ll explore the complex relationship between Tunisia’s military and its democratic institutions, examining both the historical context that shaped this relationship and the contemporary challenges it faces. Drawing on academic research, interviews with military experts, and observations from Tunisia’s ongoing political evolution, we’ll identify key reforms necessary to ensure the military remains a professional institution serving the people, and explore how Tunisia can maintain a balance between military involvement in state affairs and the preservation of democratic principles.³⁹

5 The Historical Evolution of Civil-Military Relations in Tunisia

5.1 From Independence to Revolution: A Legacy of Marginalization

To understand the current challenges facing Tunisia’s civil-military relations, we must first appreciate the unique historical trajectory that shaped the Tunisian military as an institution. Unlike in neighboring countries like Egypt or Algeria, where the military played a central role in the independence struggle and subsequent statebuilding, Tunisia’s military was deliberately kept weak and marginalized by its first two presidents. When Tunisia gained independence in 1956, President Habib Bourguiba made a strategic decision that would shape the country’s civil-military relations for decades to come. Having witnessed military coups across the region, Bourguiba was determined to prevent a similar fate in Tunisia. As Sharan Grewal explains in his Carnegie Endowment analysis, "Bourguiba sought to deprive the Tunisian military of the capacity to carry out a coup. Bourguiba’s task was made easier by the fact that the Tunisian armed forces were established after independence: there was no national army to inherit from the colonial era, as there had been in Egypt."

This approach resulted in several distinctive features of Tunisia’s military establishment. First, it remained small in size—currently numbering only about 40,500 active-duty personnel in a country of 11 million people, making it the smallest military in the Arab world. Second, it was chronically underfunded, with Bourguiba preferring to allocate resources to education and social services. Third, it was deliberately kept out of politics, with military personnel prohibited from voting or joining political parties.

When Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali came to power in 1987 (himself a former military officer who had transitioned to the security services), he continued and even intensified this marginalization. As confirmed by Barany (2016) that under Ben Ali, Tunisia became what many scholars describe as a "police state," with internal security forces and intelligence services receiving the lion’s share of resources and political influence while the military remained sidelined. This historical marginalization had a profound impact on the military’s institutional culture and self- perception. As one retired Tunisian officer described it to me during a research interview in 2019, "We were imprisoned in our barracks, watching the country from a distance." This sense of separation from both the regime and everyday politics meant that when the 2011 revolution erupted, the military had few vested interests in preserving Ben Ali’s rule.⁴⁰

5.2 The Military’s Role in the 2011 Revolution: Neutral Guardian or Strategic Actor?

The Tunisian military’s response to the 2011 uprising has been widely credited as a key factor in the revolution’s success. When Ben Ali ordered the military to fire on protesters, the then-Chief of Staff General Rachid Ammar famously refused, reportedly saying, "The army will not shoot the people." This decision is often portrayed as a principled stance that reflected the military’s professional ethos and separation from the regime.

However, recent scholarship suggests a more nuanced interpretation. As Hicham Bou Nassif argues in his analysis of the military’s role, the decision may have also reflected strategic calculations about the military’s institutional interests. Having been marginalized for decades, the military leadership may have seen the revolution as an opportunity to improve its position relative to the internal security forces that had dominated under Ben Ali.

Regardless of the motivations, the military’s refusal to suppress the revolution earned it unprecedented popularity among Tunisians. In the post-revolutionary period, public trust in the military soared, with surveys showing that Tunisians trusted the military more than any other public institution. This popularity provided the military with significant moral capital as Tunisia embarked on its democratic transition.

5.3 Post-Revolutionary Transformations: The Quiet Revolution in Civil Military Relations

While much attention has focused on Tunisia’s political transition since 2011, a parallel "quiet revolution" has been taking place in civil-military relations. As Grewal documents, this transformation has occurred along several dimensions:

• First, the management of the military has transitioned from the personalized rule of previous autocrats to more decentralized channels. Under Bourguiba and Ben Ali, military affairs were tightly controlled by the president, with little institutional autonomy. Since 2011, the military has gained greater institutional independence, with more professional management structures and clearer chains of command.
• Second, the changing face of Tunisia’s political leadership has spelled the end of privileging officers from the wealthy coastal regions from which Bourguiba and Ben Ali hailed. This has led to a more representative officer corps that better reflects Tunisia’s regional diversity.
• Third, Tunisia’s grave security threats—particularly terrorism and border insecurity—have forced postrevolution governments to enhance the military’s budget, weapons, international linkages, institutional capacity, and political influence. This has partially reversed the historical marginalization of the military, giving it a more prominent role in Tunisia’s security governance.
• Fourth, retired officers have become active members of Tunisia’s robust civil society, providing the military with a new lobby to advance its interests. This has created new channels for military influence in public debates about security policy and civil-military relations.

These transformations have significantly altered the balance of power between civilian and military institutions in Tunisia. While these changes initially appeared to be healthy developments for Tunisia’s young democracy—correcting the historical imbalance of the Ben Ali era and enhancing security capabilities in the face of genuine threats—recent events have raised concerns about their long-term implications for democratic consolidation.

6 Contemporary Challenges to Democratic Civil Military Relations

6.1 The 2021 Constitutional Crisis: A Turning Point

The events of July 25, 2021, marked a watershed moment in Tunisia’s democratic transition and civil-military relations. On that day, President Kais Saied suspended parliament, dismissed the prime minister, and began ruling by decree, citing emergency powers under Article 80 of the constitution. Crucially, these actions were supported by the military, which deployed forces around key government buildings and prevented parliamentarians from entering the assembly.

This military support for what many observers characterized as a "constitutional coup" came as a surprise to those who had viewed the Tunisian military as a neutral guardian of democracy. As Bou Nassif notes, "Despite a reputation for political neutrality and professionalism, the Tunisian armed forces have played a crucial role in President Kais Saied’s July 2021 closure of parliament and subsequent power grab."

The military’s decision to back Saied’s actions raises important questions about its institutional interests and commitment to democratic principles. According to Bou Nassif’s analysis, the generals’ change of heart may be due to political and resource demands: "They seek a strong leader to help consolidate political and resource gains made in the past decade." This suggests that the military’s support for democracy may be con- tingent rather than principled, dependent on whether democratic institutions serve its institutional interests.

The 2021 crisis also revealed the weakness of democratic oversight mechanisms for the security sector. Despite constitutional provisions establishing civilian control of the military, in practice, there were few institutional constraints that could prevent the military from supporting what many legal experts considered an unconstitutional power grab.

6.2 The Conscription Challenge: Reconnecting Military and Society

Another significant challenge facing Tunisia’s civil-military relations is the crisis in the conscription system. Despite constitutional provisions establishing a conscript army, in practice, the system has largely broken down, with less than 10 percent of eligible youth appearing for service voluntarily.

This situation creates multiple problems for democratic civil-military relations. First, it undermines the military’s connection to society. As Sharan Grewal observes, "The army can no longer serve as a social melting pot where young rural people meet the urban youth, the poor meet the rich, and university students meet unskilled workers. Instead of helping to develop a sense of shared belonging to a national community, the military has become isolated from society."

Second, the failure of the conscription system has led to an increasingly professionalized military that re- lies on contract soldiers rather than citizen-conscripts. This professionalization, while potentially enhancing operational effectiveness, may weaken democratic control by creating a military that sees itself as separate from and potentially superior to civilian society.

Third, the conscription crisis has exacerbated regional and class inequalities within the military. As Grewal notes, "The system is unfair because middle-class youth typically succeed in shirking military service... The military is therefore disproportionately staffed by poor people who come from rural areas and have a low level of education." This undermines the military’s representativeness and potentially its legitimacy as a national institution.

6.3 Security Sector Reform: Incomplete and Contested

Despite more than a decade of democratic transition, Tunisia has yet to implement comprehensive security sector reform. While some progress has been made in enhancing parliamentary oversight and establishing legal frameworks for democratic control, these reforms remain incomplete and contested.

One key challenge has been the lack of a clear national security strategy that defines the respective roles of the military, police, and intelligence services. This has led to overlapping mandates, interagency competition, and inefficient use of resources. It has also created opportunities for security institutions to expand their influence beyond their constitutional mandates.

Another challenge has been the resistance to reform from within security institutions themselves. Having gained increased resources and influence since 2011, some elements within the security sector have little incentive to accept greater civilian oversight or constraints on their autonomy.

Finally, the political instability that has characterized Tunisia’s transition—with frequent changes in government and ongoing constitutional disputes—has made it difficult to sustain momentum for security sector reform. Each new government has tended to prioritize immediate security challenges over long-term institutional reform, leading to a piecemeal approach rather than comprehensive transformation.

7 Essential Reforms for a Professional Military in a Democratic Tunisia

7.1 Strengthening Democratic Oversight Mechanisms

To ensure that the military remains a professional institution serving the people rather than a political actor pursuing its own interests, Tunisia needs to strengthen its democratic oversight mechanisms. This requires reforms at multiple levels:

• At the constitutional level, Tunisia needs clearer delineation of civilian control over the military and more explicit limitations on military involvement in politics. The current constitutional framework, particularly after President Saied’s 2022 constitutional reforms, leaves significant ambiguity about the relationship between civilian and military authorities.
• At the parliamentary level, Tunisia needs to enhance the capacity and authority of defense and security committees. These committees should have the expertise, resources, and legal powers to effectively scrutinize defense policy, military budgets, and senior appointments. As one Tunisian parliamentarian told me in 2018, "We have the formal authority to oversee the military, but we lack the practical capacity to exercise this authority effectively."
• At the executive level, Tunisia needs to establish clearer chains of command and decision-making processes for security matters. This includes defining the respective roles of the president, prime minister, and defense minister in controlling the armed forces and making security policy.
• At the societal level, Tunisia needs to foster a more informed public debate about defense and security issues. This requires greater transparency from security institutions and the development of indepen- dent expertise in civil society and academia. As a Tunisian security analyst explained to me, "You cannot have effective democratic control without knowledgeable citizens who can hold their represen- tatives accountable for security decisions."

7.2 Reforming the Conscription System

The reform of Tunisia’s conscription system is essential not only for addressing the military’s operational needs but also for strengthening democratic civil-military relations. As Grewal argues, "The outcome of Tunisia’s current negotiations over conscription reform will deeply influence future civil-military relations in the Arab world’s only democracy." A reformed conscription system should serve multiple purposes:

• First, it should strengthen the military’s connection to society by ensuring that service is universal and equitable, rather than falling disproportionately on the poor and marginalized. This may require stricter enforcement of conscription laws for all social classes, combined with meaningful incentives for service.
• Second, it should provide conscripts with skills and experiences that are valuable in civilian life, making military service an opportunity for personal and professional development rather than a burden to be avoided. As one military officer suggested to me, "We need to transform military service from a punishment into a privilege."
• Third, it should balance the military’s operational needs with broader societal goals, such as national integration and civic education. This may involve creating different service options that allow conscripts to contribute in ways that match their skills and interests while still fulfilling their national service obligation.
• Fourth, it should be financially sustainable, recognizing Tunisia’s economic constraints while still

providing the resources necessary for effective training and equipment. This may require creative approaches to funding and resource allocation, potentially including partnerships with civilian educational institutions or private sector entities.

7.3 Developing a Professional Military Ethos

Beyond institutional reforms, ensuring that the military remains a professional institution serving the people requires the development and reinforcement of a professional military ethos. This ethos should emphasize several key principles:

• Political neutrality: Military personnel should be educated about the importance of remaining politically neutral and serving the constitutional order rather than particular political leaders or factions. This requires both formal education in military academies and ongoing professional development throughout officers’ careers.
• Respect for human rights and the rule of law: The military should internalize a commitment to respecting human rights and operating within legal frameworks, even in challenging secure environments. This commitment should be reflected in training programs, operational guidelines, and accountability mechanisms.
• Service to the nation: Military personnel should be encouraged to see themselves as servants of the Tunisian people rather than as a privileged caste or autonomous power center. This service ethos should be reinforced through symbolic practices, reward systems, and leadership examples.
• Professional excellence: The military should cultivate a culture of professional excellence that values competence, integrity, and continuous improvement. This professionalism provides an alternative source of institutional pride and identity to political influence or economic privilege.

As a senior Tunisian officer told me, "Our greatest protection against politicization is our professionalism. When we focus on being the best military we can be, we have neither the time nor the inclination to meddle in politics."

8 Balancing Military Involvement and Democratic Principles

8.1 Defining Appropriate Boundaries for Military Engagement

One of the central challenges in Tunisia’s democratic transition is defining appropriate boundaries for military engagement in state affairs. This requires careful consideration of where military expertise and capabilities are genuinely needed and where civilian leadership should predominate. In security policy, the military clearly has essential expertise to contribute. However, this contribution should occur within a framework where ultimate decision-making authority rests with democratically elected civilian leaders. As one Tunisian defense analyst put it to me, "The military should have a voice but not a veto in security policy." In emergency situations, such as terrorist attacks or natural disasters, the military may need to play an expanded role. However, this role should be clearly defined in law, with specific triggers for military involvement and mechanisms for returning to normal civilian governance once the emergency has passed. In economic development, particularly in marginalized regions, the military may have capabilities that can contribute to national priorities. However, these contributions should complement rather than replace civilian institutions and should not create economic dependencies that could undermine civilian control. In political disputes, the military should maintain strict neutrality, refusing to take sides even when invited to do so by political actors. This neutrality is essential for preserving the military’s legitimacy across the political spectrum and preventing the politicization of the officer corps.

8.2 Creating Institutional Firewalls

To maintain a healthy balance between military involvement and democratic principles, Tunisia needs to create institutional "firewalls" that prevent undue military influence while still allowing for appropriate military input. These firewalls might include:

• Legal prohibitions on military personnel holding political office or engaging in partisan activities while in active service. These prohibitions should be clearly codified in law and enforced through disciplinary mechanisms.
• Cooling-off periods for retired military officers before they can enter politics or hold certain civilian government positions. These periods allow for a clear separation between military and political roles

and reduce the risk of politicizing the officer corps.

• Transparent processes for defense budgeting and procurement that involve civilian oversight and public accountability. These processes help prevent the development of autonomous military economic interests that could undermine civilian control.
• Clear delineation of responsibilities between military and civilian security institutions, with mechanisms for coordination that respect civilian primacy. This delineation helps prevent mission creep and ensures that the military remains focused on its core functions.

8.3 Fostering a Democratic Security Culture

Perhaps most fundamentally, balancing military involvement and democratic principles requires fostering a democratic security culture in both military and civilian institutions. This culture should be characterized by:

• Mutual respect between civilian and military leaders, with recognition of their distinct roles and ex- pertise. This respect helps prevent both civilian micromanagement of military affairs and military encroachment on civilian prerogatives.
• Shared commitment to constitutional principles and democratic values, transcending particular political or institutional interests. This commitment provides a common framework for resolving tensions and disagreements.
• Transparency and accountability in security governance, with appropriate mechanisms for both internal and external oversight. These mechanisms help build trust between security institutions and the broader society.
• Ongoing dialogue between military, civilian government, and civil society about security challenges and appropriate responses. This dialogue helps ensure that security policies reflect broader societal needs and values rather than narrow institutional interests.

As a Tunisian civil society activist working on security sector reform told me, "Democracy isn’t just about elections and constitutions. It’s about creating a culture where power is shared and constrained, including the power of those with guns."

9 The Path Forward: Recommendations for Sustainable Reform

9.1 Short-Term Priorities

In the immediate term, several priorities stand out for strengthening democratic civil-military relations in

Tunisia:

• First, restoring constitutional governance and the rule of law is essential. The exceptional measures implemented since July 2021 have undermined democratic oversight of the security sector and created dangerous precedents for military involvement in politics. Returning to constitutional normalcy would help reestablish civilian control and democratic accountability.
• Second, initiating an inclusive national dialogue on security sector reform would help build consensus on the way forward. This dialogue should involve not only government and security institutions but also parliament, civil society, and independent experts. As one Tunisian security expert suggested, "We need a new social contract for our security sector, one that reflects our democratic aspirations rather than our authoritarian past."
• Third, implementing transparency measures for defense budgeting and policy would help rebuild trust and enable more effective oversight. These measures might include regular public reporting on defense spending, parliamentary hearings on security policy, and mechanisms for civil society input into security governance.

9.2 Medium-Term Reforms

Over the medium term, several structural reforms would help consolidate democratic civil-military relations:

• Comprehensive legal reform of the security sector, including new laws governing military service, intelligence oversight, and states of emergency. These laws should clearly define the roles, responsibilities, and limitations of security institutions in a democratic context.
• Institutional development of civilian defense expertise in parliament, ministries, and civil society. This expertise is essential for effective oversight and ensures that civilians can engage meaningfully with security issues rather than deferring to military judgment.
• Educational reform within military institutions to strengthen democratic values and professional ethics. This reform should include revising curricula in military academies, developing new training programs on civil-military relations, and creating opportunities for military personnel to study alongside civilians.

9.3 Long-Term Vision: A New Model of Civil-Military Relations

In the long term, Tunisia has the opportunity to develop a new model of civil-military relations that is neither the marginalization of the Ben Ali era nor the political dominance seen in other Arab countries. This model would be characterized by:

• A professional military that is well-resourced and respected but firmly under democratic control. This military would have the capabilities needed to address Tunisia’s security challenges without becoming a state within the state.
• Robust civilian institutions capable of providing strategic direction and oversight for the security sector. These institutions would include not only government ministries but also parliament, independent oversight bodies, and civil society organizations.
• A conscription system that strengthens national cohesion and provides valuable skills to young Tunisians while meeting the military’s personnel needs. This system would help bridge social divides and reinforce the connection between the military and society.
• A security culture that balances effectiveness with democratic values, recognizing that true security requires not only capable forces but also legitimate governance and social justice. This culture would be reflected in both security policies and the everyday practices of security.

As a Tunisian constitutional scholar remarked to me, "Our challenge is not just to control the military but to create a partnership between civilian and military institutions that serves our democratic aspirations. This is uncharted territory in our region, but it is essential for our future."

The Stakes of Reform

The reforms outlined above are not merely technical adjustments but fundamental choices about the kind of society Tunisia aspires to be. The relationship between military and civilian institutions reflects and shapes broader patterns of governance, affecting everything from resource allocation to individual rights to national identity.

For Tunisia, the stakes of getting this relationship right are particularly high. As the only country to emerge from the Arab Spring with a democratic transition, Tunisia’s experience carries significance far be- yond its borders. Success in building democratic civil-military relations would not only secure Tunisia’s own democratic future but also provide a model for other countries in the region struggling with similar challenges.

Conversely, failure could reinforce the pessimistic narrative that democracy and stability are incompatible in the Arab world—that only authoritarian regimes backed by powerful militaries can provide security and order. This narrative serves the interests of entrenched elites across the region but denies the aspirations for dignity, freedom, and justice that animated the 2011 revolutions.

The path forward will not be easy. Tunisia faces genuine security threats, economic challenges, and political divisions that complicate reform efforts. The temptation to prioritize short-term stability over long-term democratic consolidation is strong, particularly in a volatile regional environment.

Yet the experience of the past decade suggests that true stability requires not just security capabilities but also legitimate governance. A professional military serving democratic institutions represents not a compromise between security and democracy but their necessary synthesis.

As I left Tunisia after my most recent visit in early 2023, I was struck by a conversation with a young military officer I met through a mutual friend. When I asked him about the future of civil-military relations in Tunisia, he replied, "We are writing our own story now, not following someone else’s script. It won’t be perfect, but it will be ours." In that simple statement lies both the challenge and the promise of Tunisia’s democratic journey— a journey in which the relationship between sword and ballot box will play a decisive role.

10 Youth and Military Perception: The Dynamic Intersection in Tunisia’s Democratic Aspirations

Tunisia stands out in the post-Arab Spring landscape, having made significant democratic strides despite regional turbulence. Since the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, the country has navigated a complex transition where institutions have seen their roles and relationships with society evolve. Among these, civil-military relations are a critical part of democratic consolidation. The military’s place within the new democratic framework, and how different parts of society see it, greatly affects the path of Tunisia’s democracy. A specific aspect of this dynamic worth exploring is how Tunisian youth perceive the military, especially concerning the country’s democratic goals. This focus matters greatly because young people make up about 60% of Tunisia’s population[11] and were key in starting the revolution that removed the Ben Ali regime. Understanding how youth see the military offers valuable clues about how future civil-military relations might unfold as this generation takes on more social and political responsibility. Youth perception of the military in Tunisia appears complex and multifaceted. It seems shaped by a wider disillusionment with politics and might differ from how young people view other state institutions. These views carry significant weight for the future of civil-military relations in Tunisia’s democracy.⁴¹ ⁴²

10.1 The Tunisian Military: Public Perception and Role

Historically, the Tunisian military has kept a relatively low political profile compared to its neighbors. Unlike in places like Egypt or Algeria, Tunisia’s military has traditionally answered to civilian leaders and hasn’t dominated politics or the economy. This was clear during the 2011 revolution when the military refused orders to fire on protesters, which helped pave the way for Ben Ali’s departure.⁴³ Surveys often show high levels of public trust in the military across Tunisia. However, findings from Koehler, Grewal, and Albrecht (2022) challenge this view, suggesting significant over-reporting of positive feelings toward the military. Their experiments show that Tunisians over-report positive attitudes by 40-50 percentage points, pointing to a substantial bias when people are asked directly in surveys.⁴⁴ This isn’t random; it connects to political alignment, with supporters of governing parties tending to overstate their support for the military much more than opposition supporters or non-voters. Albrecht (2021) adds further nuance by identifying different views on the military’s proper role. He found that support for the military taking on a bigger role is linked to anti-system feelings common among non-voters.⁴⁵

10.2 Tunisian Youth: Political Landscape and Attitudes

Tunisian youth were central to the 2011 revolution, but their political involvement since then has been complicated. Many young Tunisians report feeling persistently marginalized in politics and believe the older generation has steered the revolution off course for their own benefit.⁴⁶ This feeling has fueled a growing disillusionment with formal political institutions. Yerkes (2017) points out a seemingly contradictory trend: while Tunisian youth remain politically engaged, they increasingly turn away from formal politics like voting, joining parties, or running for office.⁴⁷ Instead, they favor informal actions like starting or joining civil society groups, protesting, or signing petitions. This shift seems to reflect not apathy but a strategic reorientation toward methods seen as more effective and in line with their values.⁴⁸

Several factors contribute to this move away from formal politics. Young people are frustrated by the lack of economic and social progress since the revolution. There’s also a significant generational gap, with youth feeling the older generation is disrespectful and discriminatory. Furthermore, civil society offers a more appealing and effective way to achieve goals, providing creative freedom without the constraints of traditional political structures.⁴⁹ The results of this disengagement are stark. Yerkes (2017) mentions that over half of Tunisians aged 18-24 want to emigrate, far more than the 13% of those 35 and older.⁵⁰ Additionally, Tunisia has been the largest source of foreign fighters for ISIS, suggesting that some youth feeling disconnected from legitimate political avenues might seek extreme alternatives.⁵¹

10.3 Analyzing Youth Perception of the Military

While direct data specifically on youth perception of the military in Tunisia is scarce, looking at findings on both general military perception and youth political attitudes allows for some informed ideas about this intersection.⁵²

One possibility is that youth disillusionment with formal politics also affects their view of the military as a state institution. A general distrust of established power and a desire for a break with the past could shape how young Tunisians see the military, especially if they view it as connected to the political establishment they dislike.⁵³ On the other hand, the military might be seen more positively than political parties. Its perceived competence, neutrality, and role as a symbol of stability could resonate well. This would fit with the high trust levels often reported in surveys, even considering the potential inflation identified by Koehler et al. (2022). The military’s actions during the revolution, particularly refusing to fire on protesters, might have created lasting goodwill among youth who were involved or supportive.⁵⁴

Albrecht’s (2021) finding that non-voters—a group likely including many disillusioned youth—tend to support military role expansion offers an interesting connection. This support might not stem from antidemocratic feelings but from a search for effective governance outside of traditional politics.⁵⁵ Young Tunisians might see the military as a possible check on what they consider ineffective or corrupt politi- cal bodies. The link between these perceptions and democratic aspirations is intricate. Youth demands for freedom, accountability, and change could cast the military as either a helper or a hindrance to demo- cratic progress, depending on how its values are perceived.⁵⁶ The military’s traditionally apolitical nature in Tunisia might lead some to see it as a neutral protector of democracy rather than a threat.⁵⁷

10.4 Implications for Future Civil-Military Relations

How young Tunisians view the military significantly affects the future of civil-military relations. As the largest demographic group, their attitudes will increasingly influence military recruitment, its legitimacy, and the overall bond between the military and society.⁵⁸

If many young people see the military more positively than other state institutions, this could boost the military’s standing but potentially weaken civilian political control. Conversely, if youth extend their political disillusionment to the military, it could create difficulties for recruitment and public backing for defense efforts.⁵⁹

A potential gap between youth attitudes and official views or those of older generations could lead to friction as civil-military relations evolve. Traditional models of civilian oversight might need to change to meet youth expectations for openness, accountability, and real participation. For Tunisia’s democracy to solidify, aligning civil-military relations with the hopes of the large youth population is vital. This means not just understanding their perceptions but also actively involving young Tunisians in conversations about the military’s role in a democratic society.Local elections and governance initiatives might offer chances for this, although Yerkes (2017) warns against relying too heavily on these alone.⁶⁰

11 Conclusion

Youth perception of the military in Tunisia is clearly complex, shaped by the nation’s unique democratic path and the specific experiences of its young citizens. While specific research on this topic is limited, available information suggests that youth views likely vary. They are influenced by broader political disillusionment but might distinguish the military from other state bodies. Understanding these views is critical for Tunisia’s democratic future and stable civil-military relations. As the country continues its democratic journey, how well youth aspirations align with the military’s role will greatly impact institutional growth and democratic strength. More research focused specifically on youth attitudes toward the military would be valuable for policymakers, military leaders, and civil society groups working to bolster Tunisia’s democracy. Such studies should consider the survey biases noted by Koehler et al. (2022) and explore the subtle ways youth political engagement patterns affect their perception of and relationship with the military.

General conclusion

The relationship between the military and society in Tunisia is the result of a complex history, marked by deliberate efforts to maintain a clear boundary between the armed forces and political power. This separation, established under the presidencies of Habib Bourguiba and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, aimed to prevent military coups that had destabilized other countries in the region. The Tunisian military was thus kept small, underfunded, and focused on external defense and disaster response, while internal security and political control were entrusted to the police and intelligence services. This marginalization, though intended to protect the regime, had the unintended effect of fostering a professional, apolitical, and cohesive military institution. The 2011 Jasmine Revolution was a pivotal moment that tested the military’s institutional culture, as the armed forces refused to intervene against demonstrators, which in turn strengthened their popularity. Since then, the military’s role has expanded to include counterterrorism, border security, and disaster response, gaining in visibility and public trust. However, this expansion has brought new challenges, including the risk of overreach, tensions with civil society, and the need to balance security imperatives with respect for democratic norms. A generational divide is also emerging in perceptions of the military, with younger generations, shaped by the post-revolution period, more likely to question its role in addressing social and economic inequalities. Comparatively, Tunisia’s model of civil-military relations stands out in the region, but remains vulnerable to pressures from security threats, economic difficulties, and political polarization. To strengthen civil-military relations and support democratic consolidation, several recommendations are proposed, such as institutionalizing civilian oversight, promoting transparency and public engagement, investing in professional development and human rights training, and addressing socioeconomic disparities. Lastly, it is crucial for the military to maintain its political neutrality and avoid involvement in partisan politics. Ultimately, the story of Tunisia’s military and society is one of paradoxes and possibilities: an institution that is both respected and restrained, capable of defending the nation while supporting democratic aspirations. The future of civil-military relations in Tunisia will depend on the country’s ability to navigate emerging security, economic, and social challenges while remaining true to its core values of professionalism, neutrality, and service to the nation.

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Title: The Intersection between Military and Society. The Status Quo

Textbook , 2026 , 59 Pages

Autor:in: Emna Maazoun (Author), Prof. Abderraouf Trabelsi (Author)

Sociology - War and Peace, Military

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Title: The Intersection between Military and Society. The Status Quo
Authors: Emna Maazoun (Author), Prof. Abderraouf Trabelsi (Author)
Publication Year: 2026
Pages: 59
Catalog Number: V1707930
ISBN (PDF): 9783389184080
ISBN (Book): 9783389184097
Language: English
Tags: intersection military society status
Product Safety: GRIN Publishing GmbH

Quote paper: Emna Maazoun (Author), Prof. Abderraouf Trabelsi (Author), 2026, The Intersection between Military and Society. The Status Quo, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1707930

The Intersection between Military and Society. The Status Quo

Excerpt

Contents

List of Figures

Introduction

1 Historical context

1 Pre-Revolutionary Era: Overview of the Military’s Role in Tunisia Under the Ben Ali Regime

1.1 Relationship with the State and Society

2 Civil-Military Relations Under Ben Ali

2.1 Continuation of Civilian Control

2.2 The Deliberate Weakening of Tunisia’s Military: A Calculated Strategy for Survival (1956-1986)

2.3 The Great Purge of 1962: Cementing Civilian Control (The Night the Military Learned Its Place (1962)

3 Tunisia’s Military Under Ben Ali: The Silent Protectors

4 Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: A Nation in Transition

4.1 Political Changes

4.2 Economic Reforms and Challenges

4.3 Social and Cultural Transformation

4.4 Security and Terrorism Concerns

4.5 International Relations

4.6 Challenges and Future Outlook

5 Conclusion

2 The Role of the Military in Modern Tunisia

1 Civil-Military Relations

1.1 Historical Background

1.2 Challenges and Tensions

1.3 Reforms and Balance

2 Public Perception of the Military

2.1 Trust in the Military Post-Revolution

2.2 National Security Role

2.3 Public Trust vs. Military Power

3 Conclusion

1 Post-Revolution Civil-Military Cooperation

1.1 Restraint at the Barricades

1.2 Securing Free Elections

1.3 Mediating Political Deadlock

1.4 Professional Capacity Building

2 Potential Tensions and Conflicts

2.1 Concentration of Executive Power

2.2 Security Imperatives vs. Civil Liberties

2.3 Civil Society and Media Scrutiny

2.4 Redefinition of Roles

3 Impact of Recent Political Developments

3.1 Judicial Oversight

3.2 Regional Partnerships

3.3 Civil Society Engagement

4 Conclusion

4. Case Studies and Comparisons

1 Tunisia and Egypt: Contrasting Models of Civil-Military Relations

1.1 Egypt’s Politically Active Military

1.2 Tunisia’s Reserved Military Posture

1.3 Key Comparative Insights

2 Tunisia and Algeria: Military Influence Behind the Scenes

2.1 Algeria’s “Le Pouvoir” and Military Dominance

2.2 Tunisia’s Civilian-Led Governance

2.3 Structural Comparisons

3 Tunisia and Turkey: Divergent Trajectories of Military Depoliticization

3.1 Turkey’s Historical Military Interventions

3.2 Tunisia’s Non-Ideological Military

3.3 Comparative Analysis

4 Tunisia and Libya: State Fragmentation vs. Institutional Continuity

4.1 Libya’s Militiafication After Gaddafi

4.2 Tunisia’s Military as a Stabilizing Force

4.3 Key Differences

5 Case Studies in Tunisia: The Military’s Role in Civil Unrest and

5.1 The 2011 Revolution: A Turning Point

1.1 Refusal to Suppress Protests

1.2 Post-Revolution Stabilization

5.2 Counterterrorism and Border Security (2013-2017)

2.1 The 2015 Attacks

2.2 Chaambi Mountain Campaigns

5.3 Humanitarian and Disaster Response

3.1 COVID-19 Response

3.2 2018 Nabeul Floods

5.4 The 2021 Political Crisis

6 Conclusion

5. Current Challenges and the Path Forward

Introduction

1 Overview of Contemporary Security Challenges in Tunisia

1.1 Evolution of the Terrorist Threat

1.2 Border and Transnational Challenges

5.3 Post-Revolutionary Transformations: The Quiet Revolution in Civil Military Relations