A Chanson De Geste championing the deeds of Reynald de Châtillon. Was he a crook or was he true Crusader?
As a Special Project I decided to write a poem about whether Reynald de Châtillon was a crook or a crusader. The genre of poem used is a Chanson De Geste. A Chanson de Geste literally means Song of Deeds. These epic poems were popular in France from the eleventh century and often dealt with the crusades. They are distinctly composed with stanzas of differing lengths. Each line is characterised by ten or twelve syllables. In this case, the poem follows a ten syllable formula. The structure of the poem follows a chronological or episodic narrative.
Ode to Reynald de Chatillon - A Crook or a Crusader
Introduction
As a Special Project I decided to write a poem about whether Reynald de Chatillon was a crook or a crusader. The genre of poem used is a Chanson De Geste. A Chanson de Geste literally means Song of Deeds.[1] These epic poems were popular in France from the eleventh century and often dealt with the crusades. They are distinctly composed with stanzas ofdiffering lengths. Each line is characterised by ten or twelve syllables. In this case, the poem follows a ten syllable formula. The structure of the poem follows a chronological or episodic narrative.[2]
Reynald de Chatillon was a complex man. Still hated by Muslims, Al Qaida addressed a parcel bomb to him in 2010, more than 800 years after his death.[3] Muslim writers have called him, amongst other things, "one of the most devilish and recalcitrant Franks".[4] The main contemporary writer, William ofTyre, was a political opponent of Reynald's and did not paint Reynald in a good light. He described Reynald as "an ordinary knight".[5] William was well known to use silence as a weapon for those of whom he disapproved.[6] Until relatively recently, most scholarship appears to be based on William's writing. Gustave Schlumberger wrote a piece in 1898 supporting Reynald but this has not been referred to here as an English translation could not be obtained.[7]
A large section of Reynald's life has no information still in existence. He was imprisoned around 1161 and released around 1176.[8] Carole Hillenbrand wrote an excellent article, titled 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon' but even she admitted that this work was speculation and that her findings were "probable" rather than based on sound evidence.[9] There is no doubt that his time in captivity did change him but exactly how and in what way is open to conjecture.
Reynald was not the "manic aggressor" as suggested by Terry Jones.[10] If Reynald is considered within the historical context, it is much easier to argue that he was a man of the time. In fact, it could be argued that he was ever loyal. His attack on Cyprus was in retaliation for Emperor Manuel not paying the promised 'honourable recompense' for his 'valiant deed' for defeating Thoros. A case could be made that he committed such an action as he needed the funds to protect Antioch from the threat of Nur al-Din.[11]
Reynald's acts of aggression should also be considered alongside of the actions of others ofthe time. Baldwin III, Nur-al-Din and Saladin all conducted raids both on their own people and those of the enemy.[12] Attacks on people of the same faith were not unusual. Saladin in particular fought rival Muslim factions in his efforts to unite the Islamic world in the Levant. He was fighting the Zengid Muslims when Reynald orchestrated his raid on the Red Sea.[13]
After the death of the Leper King, Reynald persuaded his step-son, Humphrey, to support the claims ofGuy and Sibylla rather than furthering his wife, Isabella's claim to the throne ofJerusalem. By doing so, he averted a near certain civil war in the Levant.[14] He promoted what was good for the Christians overall rather than personal advancement.
Tocall Reynald de Chatillon just a crook or just a crusader does not allow for the nuances of his character to be appreciated. History should also not be seen within the current perspective as to do so is "the subordination ofthe past to the present".[15] He started as a mercenary as this was one of the only options available for younger sons.[16] He was always a ruthless character but he was also a very loyal man who defended his interests to the utmost degree.
A Chanson De Geste - Was Reynald de Chatillon a crusader or a crook?
Of Reynaud de Chatillon's life much was said But has his life been badly recorded?
Was he a crusader or just crooked? Or somewhere in between, somewhat shaded A crusader often denigrated?
A crook whose repute is justly deserved?
Reynald son of knight, French born the younger, Went East to defend Christians, a fighter, Paid by Baldwin, Reynald was a brawler,[17] Yet he enticed Constance, Antioch's flower She married him much to people's horror![18] So many words did Aimery mutter,[19] Against this love union he did posture.[20] Was this bridegroom nothing but a robber?
Prince Reynald became the town's defender. Against Nur al-Din, a constant bother.[21] Reynald asked Aimery to play banker, He refused thus gaining Reynald's anger.[22] From regal prince to a ruthless flogger, Head honey-swathed, oh what cruel torture,[23] He and Patriarch began a new era, Reynald in charge, Aimery was lesser. Reynald's name was made as a defender.
Even King Baldwin Reynald attacked, Admonished him for being so wicked,[24] But Reynald wanted the town protected from an attack that was soon expected.[25] Around the same time, a letter was penned. To Louis whose land where he was borned, He wrote that he was awfully worried To its safety he needed to attend,[26] His step-daughters needed to be wedded, He sought husbands to be recommended.[27] Calling France, the king's lands he discounted, East was his home where he now resided.[28] These are not the actions of the crooked, But new concerns he was now committed.
Reynald was infamous all could agree, He was called the most hated enemy,[29] Muslims thoughts on him appropriately, He's an oppressor acting terribly,[30] Even William ofTyre said with much glee He wasjust a knight, a mercenary,[31] Were they right? Were they speaking truthfully? A crusader or acting crookedly?
Manuel the first, Byzantine Emperor, Asked Reynald to grant him a great favour, The Empire's lands attacked by a soldier,[32] Named Thoros who was a loathsome creature. To defeat him Reynald, soldier for hire.[33] A fine reward was sworn to the crusher. This Reynald did well, he was no failure.
The Templars the strongholds he did honour,[34] Returned to them, not to the Emperor. Reynald gave backtheir armoured structures, To the original Templar owners.
Was this the act of an corrupt grifter?
Manuel took this action as a great slight.[35] Refusal to pay Reynald was his spite.
Reynald many a cost did he invite,[36]
Thus angered, Reynald chose to show his might.[37] Now allied with Thoros they chose to fight The Christian isle Cyprus faced a great plight. A wealthy isle, but defences were slight,[38] Desiring loot was the pair's appetite.[39] Extreme violence did the men incite.[40]
They raped and pillaged; they were not contrite.[41] Fields were wrecked, the herds they did extradite To waiting ships, animals did alight.
They killed the poor; this was no oversight. but for the rich a ransom did they write.[42] Monks were defaced, causing such an affright.[43] Christian against Christian was such great blight.
The piratical voyage was finished,[44] The mercenaries were thus rewarded.
And Reynald's need for vengeance was fulfilled.[45] Cyprus destroyed and their spirit was killed.[46] These were not the deeds of someone allied. Instead actions of one much corrupted.
The Emperor could not stand idly by, This evil he needed to mollify.[47] Two years later, his army said goodbye They headed east for vengeance to apply.[48] Reynald heard, his terror he couldn't deny.[49] The crook, his soul he wished to purify.
Jerusalem's Baldwin was ecstatic.
Reynald's hold on his lands was very slick. Baldwin could gain these lands if he were quick.[50] What fitting punishment, what a grand trick! The end of Reynald who wasn't chivalric. Reynald the crook was hardly heroic.
Knowing the royal army was coming Reynald knew he must do some repenting.
At least as intense here as his sinning.[51] Failure in this desperate grovelling Meant his kingdom was there for the taking. A penance he did, with pride forsaking,[52] Ofthe Emperor, he asked his blessing.
Was Reynald just acting and deceiving? He knew such acts were humiliating, But Manuel couldn't do any refusing. If he did Manuel would be seen lacking.[53] Manuel wanted his name and his standing.[54] The repentance Manuel found so moving.[55] His loyalty Reynald was now boasting, Reynald, by such a repentance showing, Kept his lands intact, and himself thriving.[56]
While Reynald had publicly repented, They united to see Reynald atoned, Manuel and Nur-al-Din a pact was forged.[57] The Sultan's attention was distracted,[58] He left these lands, and Arabs he attacked. And whilst Nur-al-Din was so absented King Baldwin struck. He ravaged and plundered.
Much gold was extorted and knights released. If Baldwin could cause a land to be sacked.
Then these actions Reynald boldly copied.[59] He heard of some herds, not well protected. A large force he at once quickly mustered.[60] Who owned the herds? Reynald was not worried. These herds of animals were Christian owned![61] Enthusiasticallythe raids were launched,[62] But in the end Reynald had sadly failed. Nur-al-Din's lieutenant saw him captured.[63] A just result for a man so crooked?
Others were held at the Arabs' behest,[64] But Reynald's imprisonment was longest.[65] Nought was written of his time as a guest, There are no sources so his time at best,[66] In captivity can only be guessed.
Exalted captives weren't blessed, Equal treatment was what Muslims stressed.[67] The Emperor paid the ransom when pressed.[68] Yet on release he was a man possessed.
Ready to fight, ready for the contest.[69] Time spent imprisoned spawned a great detest, Ofall Muslims, Reynald was now obsessed.[70] Being the best crusader was his quest.
Now free Reynald found himselfwith no land,[71] His wife, Constance's death, he had to withstand. Another rich widow gave him her hand, Stephanie gave Transjordan as his land.[72]
Reynald's social standing was very grand.[73] As a great crusader he could expand, With so much power and wealth Reynald planned, To interrupt Saladin's grand plans and,[74] Becoming his chief threat was Reynald's stand.[75] The Leper King would give Reynald command,[76] At Montgisard the Christians took a stand, Reynald now a crusader proud and grand.
The Leper King as he was fragile,[77]
Needed a general, someone with guile,[78] Peace, then war, the times were volatile,[79] William doesn't state Reynald's role, which isvile.[80] Silence as a weapon is William's style.[81] Reynald's name William wants to defile.[82] Reynald the crook, not someone worthwhile.
Writers of the time wrote the Leper King Victory at the battle he would bring, The brave King was seriously ailing.[83] The Leper King gave Reynald his backing.[84] A role that for Reynald was most fitting.[85] Saladin's massive army was proving,[86] Christian victory would be challenging.
With Reynald's expert guiding and leading, The defeat of the Muslims was crushing. Crusaders, under Reynald, were thriving. Reynald's next move was one of such boldness. Ships built in sections, moved to gain access.[87] Reynald's instructions were far from cautious. His attack on the Red Sea was fearless.[88]
The one Christian writer said this business
Was a quest to explore with little fuss.[89]
Arab writers saw a different bias,[90]
To steal the Prophet's bones, crime most heinous,[91] To profit from them, a use most grievous.[92] If this was his aim then he was callous, A crook with a comprehensive brashness. This crime Reynald was probably guiltless, His men had not horses robbed or purchased.[93] They couldn't go far, to achieve their purpose.
What did he want if not to be vicious?
Reynald was showing abundant shrewdness, Disrupting the haj, he was so zealous!
A crusader of the greatest staunchness!
Saladin was fully humiliated, He couldn't say that Islam was defended.[94] Just a pirate Reynald should not be called, But leader of navies should be stated.
Reynald wanted Saladin defeated.[95] A crusader he was but not crooked.
Saladin's shame was not yet at its height, A truce did Reynald break, starting a fight.[96] This accursed Brins Arnat gave much slight,[97] Sought to take Medina Arabs did write,[98] This is suspect, the aim more likely trite.
Saladin's plans Reynald wanted to smite.[99] Took caravan members, this errant knight.[100] Ofthe truce they did prompt but he in spite Told them that if their God had so much might That He should release them and spare their plight.[101] Enraged by these actions Sultan did write
King Baldwin to control his wayward knight.[102] Reynald refused saying he had the right, A lord could do what he pleased; he did cite.[103] Was it now inevitable this fight?[104] The light of a crooked Reynald shone bright.
The Christian states were in civil uproar. Raymond of Tripoli had points to score, He opposed Guy, the truce he foreswore, With the great Saladin and what is more, All Christian interests he did ignore.[105] When Saladin's son came to Raymond's door For leave to go home for vengeance sore,[106] Against this Reynald he did so abhor.
Raymond allowed the Muslims to travel Through his lands and from him no hassle. He also told Christians to be heedful Ofthe band, a meeting could be fatal.[107] But the two forces met in fierce battle, All but three Christians killed, outcome dismal. Reynald's raid blamed for starting this evil.[108]
King Guy now faced a difficult problem, Face Saladin or strengthen his towns some? Reynald and Gerard were asked for wisdom,[109] Count Raymond also pondered the problem.[110] Reynald and Gerard spoke, their thoughts welcome They wanted to act, leading to bedlam Raymond advised caution, he was so glum
He'd rather lose his town than the kingdom.[111] The pair spoke again, warned about treason.[112] As Guy always believed the last item,[113] And not just some advice that was random. He followed the road to act for this problem.
Of the battle of the Horns of Hattin, The details of this day here will not glean. Whether a crook or not cannot be seen From the elements ofthe battle scene. Suffice it to say that Reynald had been A thorn in Saladin's for years, we mean.[114]
Christians lost; Raymond even absconded.[115] He led the charge, the Muslim mass parted.[116] Christians surrounded by smoke most acrid.[117] Up the hill the poor Christians retreated, Worse was still to come, the True Cross was captured![118] The capture ofGuy, with Reynald, followed,[119] They were quickly entirely defeated.
Guy from Saladin a drink was handed He drank deeply 'til his thirst was slated The good cup to Reynald he then handed, By this action Saladin was angered.[120] Giving the drink safe conduct was granted,[121] For his sins Reynald was much berated,[122] And offered the chance to be converted
But his true faith was what he then expressed,[123] Forthis refusal, he was beheaded.[124] Saladin made sure that Guy realised, That a prince didn't see another prince killed.[125]
Peter of Blois said Reynald was martyred.[126] He wrote that elephants were fiercely roused To join battle by the sight of blood spilled Just as Christian knights are rightly provoked To fight when God's son's passion is recalled. Reynald, God's Elephant was impassioned To do all he could to see Muslims crushed.
So what of the man? Crook or crusader? Some say that he had the biggest stature And that his bad acts cannot be starker. He was a man with a dark character, But to truly judge him, look much closer. Look at the contemporary fighter, Thus capturing a further nuanced picture. Of Reynald de Chatillon the warrior.
Remember that most of this history Comes from one Christian writer, who was key To how he is remembered abjectly.
William ofTyre to put it so bluntly Wasn't the best critic, he wrote too harshly.
He was a political opponent[127] And Reynald he did intensely resent. Arab writers a fair view they couldn't vent,[128] So most pieces written contain content That a balanced view is therefore forwent. More data is needed to supplement, A crook or crusader - to what extent?
Reynald's reputation was based on deeds,
Others also did terrible misdeeds, They were all trying to provide their needs. But to not consider these would mislead.
Patriarch Aimeryvengeance he wanted, Wrote to Manuel, these letters repeated, He offered to see his great foe betrayed.[129] This was hardly the work of one ordained. Baldwin saw a nomadic tribe attacked, Bedouins believed safe were massacred.[130] Baldwin also guilty when he plundered, During truce, Nur al-Din was preoccupied.[131] This raid Reynald infamously copied, Which led to him being long imprisoned.
Raymond sent pirates and men so vicious,[132] To strike imperial lands, with no fuss, On fellow Christians he was just heedless, A crime like Reynald's, should be called grievous, As Reynald's scandalous raid on Cyprus, But William did not write or thus discuss.
Great Saladin had also deeply sinned.
More than a thousand pilgrims meanly killed,[133] Even though a current truce had been breached. Saladin also pillaged and plundered,[134] Kerak was besieged, he burned and destroyed. Due to the siege, Reynald's plan was thwarted,[135] Franks were trapped and his land undefended. People of his faith Saladin attacked.[136] And Islam's rule of mercy wasn't followed, When he murdered men who had surrendered.[137]
Reynald was loathed for many a reason, It wasn't just a difference in doctrine. The Sultan shamed on many occasion. The Red Sea Raid had been wholly brazen, His name as defender would be broken, Champion of Islam would be undone.[138] Still worse he was at war with a faction Of Muslims, he wished to teach a lesson.[139] So it wasn't just Reynald who was wanton. Reynald, Saladin scruples they had none.
And Montgisard saw a Christian success, But Saladin was in ample distress, The Sultan nearly didn't survive, no less.[140] The fortress of Kerak was a great address,[141] To Muslim lands which Reynald could access, He could halt the Sultan's letters progress, Communication he could repress.
Reynald the Crusader was a success.
The Chanson de geste of maligned Reynald His story now has been lavishly told. Reynald's story takes more to be unrolled Than just William's ofTyre narrative told. Reynald the crook or a flawed man so bold? His ambitions were wholly uncontrolled, A loyal man and faith he did uphold, A thorn in Saladin's side it was told.[142]
Saladin's ambitions Reynald he squashed.
The Sultan to unite was what he craved.
In times when the Christian realm were unsettled.[143]
Reynald as a crusader succeeded,
Although his methods appeared unabashed, But Reynald's interests were defended A complex man, who was clearly nuanced. A crook and crusader, both but shaded.
Notes
[1] Marianne Ailes, and Jade Bailey, 'Chanson de Geste', in The Encyclopedia ofMedieval Literature in Britain. R. Rouse, S. Echard, H. Fulton, G. Rector and J.A. F ay (eds.), 2017, p.1.
[2] Marianne Ailes, and Jade Bailey, 'Chanson de Geste', in The Encyclopedia ofMedieval Literature in Britain. R. Rouse, S. Echard, H. Fulton, G. Rector and J.A. F ay (eds.), 2017, p.1.
[3] Ron Grossman, and Christi Parsons, 'Bomb Plot Becomes Historic Jigsaw Puzzle', Chicago Tribune, 4th November2010, https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-2010-11-04-ct-met-package-bombs- 20101104-story.html, para2.
[4] Ibn al-Athir, and D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athirfor the Crusading Periodfrom Al-Kamil Fi'l- Ta'rikh. Part2, Years 541-589/1146-1193 Part 2, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010, p.276.
[5] William ofTyre, A Historyof Deeds Done Beyondthe Sea, 2 vols, EmilyAtwater Babcock andA.C. Krey (trans.), NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1943, p.224.
[6] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs: Baldwin IV and the Crusader Kingdom ofJerusalem, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, p.7.
[7] Gustave Schlumberger, Renaud de Chatillon, Prince d'Antioche, Seigneur de la terre d'outreJourdain. Paris, 1898.
[8] Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin or Al-Nawadir al-Sultaniyya Wa'l-Mahasin al-Yusufiyya, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2001, p.54.
[9] Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', in Texts, Documents, and Artefacts: IslamicStudies in Honour of D.S. Richards, Robinson, C.F, and Chase F Robinson (eds.), Vol. 45, Leiden, BRILL, 2003, p.80.
[10] Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', p.79.
[11] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.254.
[12] For example Baldwin attacked the Bedouins in the forest of Banyas even though they had permission to be there in Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', in The Crusader States, London: Yale University Press, 2012, p.209.
[13] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.181.
[14] Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ', p.106.
[15] Christopher Dawson, The Making of Europe: an Introduction to the History ofEuropean Unity, London: Sheed & Ward, 1932, p.16 in James M. Powell, 'Rereading the Crusades: An Introduction', The International History Review, Vol 17, no. 4, 1995, p.664-665.
[16] D. Newbold, 'The Crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', p.216.
[17] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.218.
[18] William ofTyre described Reynald as 'an ordinary knight' in William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done BeyondtheSea, p.224.
[19] Aimery was the Patriarch of Antioch.
[20] Andrew Jotischky, 'Politics and War in the Crusader States, 1118-1187', in Crusading and the Crusader States, London: Taylor & Francis Group, 2004, pp.91-92; Amin Maalouf, and J. Rothschild, Crusades ThroughArab Eyes, London: Saqi, 2012, p.156.
[21] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.208.
[22] Thomas Asbridge, TheCrusades: TheAuthoritativeHistory ofthe War for the Holy Lands, NewYork: Harper Collins, 2010, p.304.
[23] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.235; Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ: Reynald ofChatillon', Studies in Church History, Vol 15, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, p.98
[24] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.235.
[25] Nur al-din had been putting pressure on Antioch in Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.208.
[26] Reynald wrote to Louis in 1156 or 1157 in Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.209.
[27] Malcolm Barber, and Keith Bate, Letters from the East: Crusaders, Pilgrims and Settlers in the 12th- 13th Centuries, London: Taylor & Francis Group, 2010, pp.49-50.
[28] Malcolm Barber, and Keith Bate, Lettersfrom the East, pp.49-50.
[29] Ibn al-Athir, Arab Historians ofthe Crusades, E.J. Costello and F. Gabrieli (trans.) Berkeley, University ofCalifornia, 1969, in S.J. Allen, and Emilie Amt, The Crusades A Reader, Second Edition, Toronto: University ofToronto Press Higher Education, 2000, p.166.
[30] Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, p.37; Ibn al-Athir, and D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athir, p.316.
[31] When referring to the marriage between Constance and Reynald in 1153 in William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.224; p.218.
[32] Thoros was an Armenian who was raiding Manuel's lands in Andrew Buck, 'Between Byzantium and Jerusalem?' The Principality of Antioch, Renaud of Chatillon, and the Penance of Mamistra in 1158, Mediterranean Historical Review, Vol 30, no. 2, 2015, p.108-9.
[33] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.254.
[34] Andrew Buck, 'Between Byzantium and Jerusalem? p.108-109.
[35] Andrew Buck, 'Between Byzantium and Jerusalem?', p.108-9.
[36] Philip D. Handyside, 'Differing Views of Renaud de Chatillon: William ofTyre and L'Estoire d'Eracles' ', in Deeds Done Beyond the Sea: Essays in William of Tyre, Cyprus and the Military Orders Presented to Peter Edbury, Susan B. Edgington and Helen J. Nicholson (eds.), Farnham, Taylor and Francis Group, 2014, p.49.
[37] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.209.
[38] Steven Runciman, A History ofthe Crusades Volume II: The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East 1100-1187, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952, p.283.
[39] William said that Reynald was motivated by greed and avarice in William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.253.
[40] Peter W, Law and History in the Latin East, Abingdon, Ashgate Publishing, 2014, p.II 53.
[41] Philip D. Handyside argues that the men committed the atrocities rather than Reynald in Philip D. Handyside, 'Differing Views of Renaud de Chatillon', p.51.
[42] Amin Maalouf, and J. Rothschild, Crusades Through Arab Eyes, p.157.
[43] Steven Runciman, A History ofthe Crusades, p.284.
[44] D. Newbold, 'The Crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', Sudan Notes and Records, Vol 26, no. 2, 1945, p.217.
[45] D. Newbold, 'The Crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', p.217.
[46] Steven Runciman argued that Cyprus never recovered in Steven Runciman, A History ofthe Crusades, p.284.
[47] Amin Maalouf, and J. Rothschild, Crusades Through Arab Eyes, p.157.
[48] Martin Konecny, 'The Road to Myriokephalon: The Policy ofthe Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos in Asia Minor (1143-76)', Archiv orientalni, Vol 80, no. 3, 2012, p.378.
[49] Steven Runciman, A History ofthe Crusades, p.286.
[50] John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comenus, Brand, C.M. (trans.), New York: Columbia Press, 1976, p.140.
[51] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.277.
[52] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.276.
[53] Andrew Buck, 'Between Byzantium and Jerusalem?', p.111.
[54] Steven Runciman, The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East 1100-1187, p.286.
[55] John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comenus, p.139.
[56] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.213.
[57] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.214.
[58] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.214.
[59] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.214.
[60] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.283.
[61] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.284.
[62] Reynald seemed to have raid Christian targets as much as Arab target in D. Newbold, 'The Crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', p.217.
[63] William ofTyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, p.284; Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.214; Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ', p.98.
[64] Raymond ofTripoli had been held for nine years by the Arabs in Thomas Asbridge, The Crusades', p.302.
[65] Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', p.83.
[66] Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', p.83.
[67] High class captives were not guaranteed better conditions in captivity in Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', p.90.
[68] After 16 or 17 years of captivity Manuel paid 120,000 dinars for the ransom. He probably felt some pressure to pay this as he was married to Reynald's stepdaughter in Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King, p.112.
[69] Upon Reynald's release in 1176 he was physically able to fight thus attesting to his great strength and resilience in Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', p.90.
[70] Carole Hillenbrand, 'The Imprisonment of Reynald of Chatillon', p.97.
[71] Malcolm Barber, 'The Disintegration ofthe CrusaderStates', p.268; Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ', p.99.
[72] Thomas Asbridge, TheCrusades, p.304.
[73] King Baldwin had also granted Reynald the Lordship of Hebron. He was the fourth richest vassal in the kingdom in Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.117.
[74] J. Prawer, Crusader Institutions, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980 in William Facey, 'Crusaders in the Red Sea: Renaud de Chatillon's Raids of ad 1182-1183', BAR International Series, Vol 1395, 2005, p.3
[75] Bernard Hamilton argued that Reynald wanted to put pressure in Saladin and his allies in Bernard Hamilton, TheLeper King, p.181-184.
[76] Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, p.54.
[77] Baldwin developed leprosy in childhood in William ofTyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest of Jerusalem, p.25; William Welsh, 'A Day ofTerrible Slaughter', p.29.
[78] D. Newbold, 'The Crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', p.218.
[79] Malcom Barber, 'The Battle of Hattin and its Consequences', p.290.
[80] Peter Edbury, and Johnathan Phillips (eds.) The Experiencing of Crusading: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p.100.
[81] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs, p.7.
[82] Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad mentioned Reynald being the leader of the Christian forces in Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, p.54; Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs, p.7.
[83] Andrew Jotischky, 'Politics and War in the Crusader States', p.98.
[84] Reynald was appointed procurator ofthe kingdom and the army in Malcolm Barber, 'The Disintegration ofthe CrusaderStates', p.271.
[85] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.136.
[86] Thomas Asbridge, The Crusades, p.307.
[87] Gary La Viere Leiser, 'The Crusader Raid in the Red Sea in 578/1182-83', Journal ofthe American Research Center in Egypt, Vol 14, 1977, p.94.
[88] Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ', p.103; Alex Mallett, 'ATrip down the Red Sea with Reynald of Chatillon', Journal ofthe RoyalAsiaticSociety, Vol 18, no. 2, 2008, p.151.
[89] William Facey, 'Crusaders in the Red Sea', p.8.
[90] Ibn Jubayr, The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, Roland Broadhurst (trans.), London: Goodword, 1952, p.52.
[91] Marcus Milwright, 'Reynauld of Chatillon and the Red Sea Expedition of 1182-1183', in Noble Ideals and Bloody Realities: Warfare in the Middle Ages, Christie, Niall, and Maya Yazigi. (eds.), Vol. 37. Boston, BRILL, 2006, p.235.
[92] Marcus Milwright, 'Reynauld of Chatillon and the Red Sea Expedition of 1182-1183', p.236.
[93] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.182; Alex Mallett, 'ATrip down the Red Sea with Reynald ofChatillon', pp.146-7.
[94] Christopher Tyerman, God's War: A New History ofthe Crusades. London: Penguin Books, 2006, p.362; Marcus Milwright, 'Reynauld of Chatillon and the Red Sea Expedition of 1182-1183', p.239.
[95] Alex Mallett, 'A Trip down the Red Sea with Reynald of Chatillon', p.142.
[96] Beha al-Din, The Life ofSaladin by Beha al Din, C.W. Wilson and C.R. Conder (trans.), London: Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, 1897, pp.20-24, 38-45 in Allen, S.J., and Emilie Amt, The Crusades A Reader, Second Edition, Toronto: University ofToronto Press Higher Education, 2000, p.149.
[97] Reynald was called Brins Arnat by the Muslims in Amin Maalouf, and J. Rothschild, Crusades Through Arab Eyes, p.156.
[98] Ibn al-Athir, and D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athir, p.276.
[99] Alex Mallett, 'A Trip down the Red Sea with Reynald of Chatillon', p.145.
[100] The Arabs were outraged by the attack on the caravan in Carole Hillenbrand, 'How the Muslims Saw the Franks: Ethnic and Religious Stereotypes', p.293.
[101] Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin , p.37.
[102] D. Newbold, 'The Crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', p.219.
[103] William of Tyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem, p.29.
[104] AndrewJotischky, 'Politicsand War in theCrusaderStates', p.101; Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, p.351.
[105] Raymond made a truce with Saladin in William ofTyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest of Jerusalem, p.27.
[106] William ofTyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem, p.31.
[107] William ofTyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem, p.31.
[108] William ofTyre blamed Reynald for the beginning ofthe loss ofthe Kingdom in William ofTyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem, p.33.
[109] Malcom Barber, 'The Battle of Hattin and its Consequences', p.300.
[110] Gerard of Ridefort was the Master ofthe Templars in Jonathan Phillips, 'Final Preparations: The Sieges of Kerak and Mosul', in The Life and Legend ofthe Sultan Saladin. London: Yale University Press, 2019, p.170.
[111] Steven Runciman, A History ofthe Crusades, p.372.
[112] William ofTyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem, p.37.
[113] Steven Runciman, A History ofthe Crusades, p.371.
[114] Gary La Viere Leiser, 'The Crusader Raid in the Red Sea in 578/1182-83', p.95.
[115] The Arab writer had the view that Raymond saw that defeat was imminent and therefore chose to save himself in Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, p.74.
[116] As they were in the land governed by Raymond, he had the right to lead the first charge in William of Tyre The Old French Continuation, in Peter W. Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem, p.46.
[117] Ibn al-Athir, and D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athir, p.323.
[118] ProfessorG.A. Loud, 'The Chronicle of Otto ofStBlasien, p.174.
[119] Ibn al-Athir, Arab Historians ofthe Crusades, p.166.
[120] Beha al-Din, The Life ofSaladin by Beha al Din, p.149.
[121] Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, p.75.
[122] Thomas Asbridge, TheCrusades, p.351.
[123] ProfessorG.A. Loud, 'The Chronicle of Otto ofStBlasien, p.175.
[124] Oliver J. Thatcher, and Edgar Holes McNeal, 'From the Chronicles ofOtto ofSt. Blasien', in A Source Bookfor Mediaeval History: Selected Documents Illustrating The History ofEurope in the Middle Age. NewYork: Scribner's, 1905, p.530.
[125] Ibn Shaddad, Baha' al-Din Yusuf ibn Rafi', and D. S. Richards, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, p.75.
[126] Peter of Blois, Passio Reginaldis Principis Antiocheni, PL 207, 1854, col 974 in Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ', p.108.
[127] Philip D. Handyside, 'Differing Views of Renaud de Chatillon', p.44.
[128] Bernard Hamilton, 'The Elephant of Christ', p.97.
[129] John Kinnamos, The Deeds of John and Manuel Comenus, p.139
[130] Baldwin III attacked the Bedouins even though they had permission to be in the forest of Banyas in 1157 in Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.209.
[131] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.214.
[132] Malcolm Barber, 'The Frankish Imprint', p.215.
[133] 1676 shipwrecked pilgrims were killed on Saladin's orders in 1182 even though a truce was in place in Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.172.
[134] Ibn al-Athir, and D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athir, p.319.
[135] Reynald had planned to prevent the Egyptian army joining Saladin's forces in Ibn al-Athir, and D. S. Richards, The Chronicle of Ibn Al-Athir, p.318.
[136] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.181; Carole Hillenbrand, 'Jihad in the Period from the Death ofNur al-Din until the fall ofAcre 1174-1291', p.174.
[137] Reynald's sailors who had taken part in the Red Sea raid had surrendered and under Islamic law they should have then been set free in M.C. Lyons and D.E.P. Jackson, Saladin. The Politics of Holy War, Cambridge, 1982, p.187 in Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs, p.184.
[138] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', pp.184-185.
[139] Saladin was absent and fighting fellow Muslims when the Red Sea occurred in Thomas Asbridge, The Crusades, p.325.
[140] Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs', p.135.
[141] Kerak was between Egypt and Damascus, a vital line of communication for Saladin in Jonathan Phillips, 'Final Preparations: The Sieges of Kerak and Mosul', in The Life and Legend of the Sultan Saladin, London: Yale University Press, 2019, p.158.
[142] Gary La Viere Leiser, 'The Crusader Raid in the Red Sea in 578/1182-83', p.95.
[143] Malcom Barber, 'The Battle of Hattin and its Consequences', p.290.
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comments " ^ery 9°°^ ar,d sensible introduction that creates context and balance; both are essential in understanding and writing history. This is a good and innovative project. Excellent and wide-ranging bibliography and accompanying notes. The Chanson you have created is constructed upon good research and critical thinking, reflecting evidence of diligence, attention to detail, appropriate research, collection of data and information that led to the production of this interesting and insightful Chanson de Geste about Reynaid de Chatillon. Good job!
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