Ethnicity As Potent Contributor Of Political Conflicts In Nigeria

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Abstract

LIST OF TABLES

LIST OF FIGURES

ABBREVIATIONS

CHAPTER One INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
1.2. Statement of the Problem
1.3. Research Questions
1.4. Research Hypotheses
1.5. Objectives of the Study
1.6 Significance of the Study
1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study
1.8 Operational Definition of Terms
1.9 Organisation of the Study

CHAPTER Two LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Conceptual Discourse
2.1.1 Ethnicity
2.1.2 Ethnocentrism
2.1.3 Political Conflict
2.2 Theoretical Framework
2.2.1 Psycho – Cultural Conflict Theory
2.3. Ethnic Identity of Ethnic Groups
2.3.1. Igbo- South East
2.3.2 Hausa- North
2.3.3 Yoruba- South West
2.3.4 Ijaw- South South
2.4. Political Culture of ethnic groups
2.4.1. Igbo- South East
2.4.2 Yoruba – South West
2.4.3 Hausa – North
2.4.4 Ijaw-South south
2.5 Political Structure of Ethnic Groups
2.5.1 Igbo- South East
2.5.2 Yoruba- South West
2.5.3 Ijaw- South South
2.5.4 Hausa – North
2.6 Effects of Ethnicity on Society
2.6.1 Prejudice and Stereotype
2.6.2 Discrimination
2.6.3 Ethnic Conflict and Regional Politics
2.7. Impacts of Ethnicity on Political Situation of Nigeria
2.7.1 Ethnic/Tribal based Political Party
2.7.2 Political Instability
2.8. Conflict Resolution, Management and Transformation
2.8.1 Conflict Resolution
2.8.2 Conflict Management
2.8.3 Conflict transformation

CHAPTER Three RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1. Introduction
3.2. Research Design
3.3. Research Population
3.4. Sampling Technique
3.5 Method of Data Collection
3.5.1 Study Instrument (Questionnaire)
3.5.2 Validity and Reliability of Instrument
3.5.3 Administration of Instrument
3.6 Procedure for Data Analysis and Model Specification
3.6.1 Descriptive Analysis of Data
3.6.2 Hypotheses Testing

CHAPTER Four DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS AND RESULTS
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Demographic analysis of Respondents for Ijaw
4.3 Demographic Analysis of Respondents for Yoruba.
4.4 Demographic analysis of Respondents for Hausa
4.5 Demographic profile of Respondents for Igbo
4.6 Hypotheses Test
4.7 Discussion of Findings

CHAPTER Five SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary
5.2 Conclusions
5.3 Recommendations
5.4 Suggestions for Further Study

References

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study would not have been possible without the moral support and intellectual contributions of some individuals. I would like to extend my sincere thanks to all of them. However, I want to give glory to the Almighty Allah for giving me the strength, sound mind and energy from the beginning to the end of this study. I am profoundly indebted to my supervisor Dr. Alphonsus, C. Ihenacho who took his time to read, correct, and provide necessary information regarding the project till its completion. Your constant guidance advice and supervision facilitated the richness of this study. Also I acknowledge the contributions of Dr. Bello Yekeen for creating time to make some vital corrections. His criticism and encouragement infused high level of confidence in me. I also thank and appreciate all lecturers in my department.

My thanks and appreciations go to Fiancée K.F.B. Sabitu, My mother F. Mojisola Adeshina, Sister Aderonke Yetunde Ajani and Adebimpe M. Adeshina, friends, Chukwuemeka G. Ezeugo, Yusuf Ahmed Bida and Abraham Malik. Also to those that in one way or the other contributed to the completion of this study.

Abstract

Ethnicity remains an important aspect of Nigeria Policy making process used in analysing political conflict among ethnic groups in the country. However, it has not been properly researched in the field of Conflict and Strategic Studies. Therefore, gaps and insufficient literature prompted this study to examine the ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflicts in Nigeria. The study focuses on four major ethnic groups: Yoruba form the South West, Igbos of the South East, Hausa from the North, while the Ijaw represents the South-South region. The study aims to understand and assess the veracity that ethnic methods of politics on socio-political conflict among the ethnic groups, determines what, how and when political considerations are arrived at in Nigeria. The study adopted quantitative research technique to analyse and capture political conflicts among the ethnic groups. The survey research design was adopted via administration of questionnaire (EPQ) with a population of 600 with a cluster sampling techniques used for the ethnic population. A reliability index of 0.69 was got after using Pearson product moment correlation co-efficient via test re-test statistics. The results revealed that there is a significant relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest ‘P-value for ethnic politics and political unrest is = .038 < α = 0.05, therefore the hypothesis was accepted’. However, there is no significant relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups in Nigeria ‘P Value for struggle for political and economic power is = .607 >α = 0.05, hence the stated hypothesis was rejected’. Thus, the study recommended an all-inclusive implementation of true federalism, meritorious rotation of government key positions, with fair resource allocation among ethnic groups and/or states. Nonetheless, the study concluded that intermarriages would facilitate unity and reduce the level of political conflicts in Nigeria, especially among major political gladiators in the country.

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1 Questionnaire Locale

Table 4.1 Response Rates

Table 4.2: Age Distribution of Respondents

Table 4.3: Gender Distribution

Table 4.4: Marital Status

Table 4.5: Educational Level

Table 4.6: Occupation Distribution

Table 4.7: Ethnic Groups

Table 4.8: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

Table 4.9: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

Table 4.10: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

Table 4.11: Age Distribution

Table 4.12: Gender Distribution

Table 4.13: Marital Status

Table 4.14: Educational Level

Table 4.15: Occupation Distribution

Table 4.16: Ethnic Groups

Table 4.17: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

Table 4.18: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

Table 4.19: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

Table 4.20: Age Distribution

Table 4.21: Gender Distribution

Table 4.22: Marital Status

Table 4.23: Educational Level

Table 4.24: Occupation Distribution

Table 4.25: Ethnic Group

Table 4.26: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

Table 4.27: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

Table 4.28: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

Table 4.29: Age Distribution

Table 4.30: Gender Distribution

Table 4.31: Marital Status

Table 4.32: Educational Level

Table 4.33: Occupation Distribution

Table 4.34: Ethnic Groups

Table 4.35: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

Table 4.36: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

Table 4.37: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

Table 4.38: Descriptives

Table 4.39: ANOVA

Table 4.40: Descriptives Mean

Table 4.41: Mean ANOVA

Table 4.42: Descriptives Observed

Table 4.43: ANOVA Observed

Table 4.44: Post Hoc Tests

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1: Conceptual Framework

Figure 4.1: Age

Figure 4.2: Marital Status

Figure 4.3: Age

Figure 4.4: Marital Status

Figure 4.5: Ethnic Groups

Figure 4.6: Age

Figure 4.7: Gender

Figure 4.8: Occupation

Figure 4.9: Ethnic Groups

Figure 4.10: Age

Figure 4.11: Occupation

Figure 4.12: Ethnic Groups

Figure 4.13: Means Plot

ABBREVIATIONS

illustration not visible in this excerpt

CHAPTER One INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Ethnicity and cultural values have profound influence on humans. They are inclined to identify and associate themselves with ethnicity before nationality. The human society is a collection of economic, social and political activities of individuals. This gives them access to the basic necessities of life. Thus, man by nature is a dependent creature, who depends on his environment and others within it for food, shelter and clothing. Therefore, no group or human community, no matter its level of development, can be an island unto itself (Ayokhai, 2013).

Ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflict is vast and has different dimensions in every society. Especially in most countries in Africa the influence of ethnic base politics has caused various conflicts to the continent. Despite being minimal in level of ethnic politicking practice in Europe, Middle East, Asia and the continent of America, prevalence phenomenon of ethnicity is still in existence. According to Ekanem and Simon (2012) in Nigeria, we cannot really offer explanation for political conflict without considering the import or relevance of ethnicity or class. This simply surmises that ethnicity is a contributory factor in policy making process in Nigeria. While ethnicity denotes a group of people bound by blood ties, and has its etymological roots in the Greek word for ‘nation’-ethnos (Hoffman and Graham, 2009). To Osai (2010), as a social phenomenon, ethnicity has attracted enormous attention in social and political relations in Nigeria with special reference to relationships amongst the numerous disparate ethnic groups that form the agglomeration called Nigeria. It has been pointed out that; - practically every major national issue [in Nigeria] is cast in the mold of ethnicity, and this leads to virulent ethnocentric vituperation being a common feature in every national discourse.

In some countries such as (United States) tends to characterise additional identities among people as ethnic distinctions rather than seeing them as different in nationality. Thus, native Americans, Hispanics, Jews, and other Americans of European, African, or Asian origin are referred to as ethnic groups, not “nations” whatever their differences , they still identify themselves as Americans (Viotti and Kauppi,1997). In this usage, ethnic group retains a separate identity within the larger, more ethnically diverse nation. Members of ethnic groups may speak the same language, share cultural values, or even have physical similarities; however, all of these groups still maintain an over- arching or common national identity. Viotti and Kauppi (1997) believes that the boundaries of states in much of Africa, Asia, and Latin America were determined by divisions agreed upon by the former colonial or imperial powers for reasons often having very little to do with national, tribal, ethnic, or other local identities. This was particularly true in Africa, especially in Nigeria where boundaries of its British colony include three separate tribal groups (Ibo, Yoruba, and Hausa- Fulani). According to Azeez (2008), the emergence and entrenchment of ethnicity in the country’s politics has its manifestation within the various democratic experiments. The feeling of belonging and rejection became the basis for distinguishing individuals within the polity as evidenced in the behavior of political elite with lack of cohesiveness and threat to the unity of the country, suspense and conflict, ethnic consciousness increased in scope while inter-ethnic tension continued to manifest in Nigeria. Therefore, ethnic consciousness became entrenched as a particular Nigerian ideology in the political process till date (Cited in Sunday, 2014).

Political conflict is an endemic feature of most of the world’s political systems. This is particularly true of the developing countries, including Nigeria, where political conflict, crises and even violence, became essential characteristics of the political process especially after independence (Anifowose, 2011). Political conflict could be distinguished differently thus: for instance elite conflict, tribal conflict or ethnic conflict which the source often is “Politics” communal conflict, electoral violence, protest, etc.

To Oyeshile (2013) there is no phenomenon worrisome in Nigeria today as political conflict. The dimension it has taken has led to paralysis in all aspects of our daily living some sort of an unending nightmare and leaving us with a weltanschauung that one could describe in honorific term as suicidal. Although many reasons have been adduced and are being adduced for this negative state of political conflict in Nigeria and many African countries. Just like Oyeshile, the former president of federal republic of Nigeria Goodluck Ebele Jonathan during 52nd Independence Anniversary lecture cited in The nation newspaper say’s political conflict is Nigeria’s greatest challenge. To defend his statement the president made reference to the January 2012 ‘occupy Nigeria fuel subsidy protest, saying it was manipulated by a particular class of Nigerians (Ehikioye and Yahaya, 2012). Thus meaning political conflict is a major challenge that needs urgent attention and a lasting solution.

According to Adedeji (1999), between the decades of the 1960s Sub-Sahara Africa’s decade of independence and of the 1990s when the whole continent eventually achieved independence and freedom from institutionalised and legalised colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid, there have been as many as 80 violent changes in internal strife, conflict and war. He went further concurring to the notion that in the Horn of Africa, while ethnic factor cannot be ignored entirely, it is more often than not exploited and manipulated by those who are bent on promoting conflicts. As Hizkias Assefa cited in Adedeji (1999) has so correctly put it, ‘a conflict started by the elites ends up becoming a self- fulfilling prophecy engulfing the entire ethnic group. This simply indicates that based on their own personal interest the elite adopted a way of manipulating the poor in order to achieve personal interest. In the end it will not only lead to prejudice and stereotyping but will vividly cause political and ethnic conflict.

In Nigeria, it is this ethnicity that is being exploited by ethnic chauvinists when politics is involved. It is however sad that owing to the fact that democracy has not been deepened, development is a mirage. The wide theoretical analysis of ethnicity clearly shows that it is not a new phenomenon. It has developed from traditional societies to modern societies through various processes. It is a composite of symbolic cultural markers used for organization of ethnic group and rationalization of its identity. In modern states, ethnicity becomes the basis for the power contests between the ethnic groups. The power contests between dominant and subordinate groups create conflict between them. The last decade of twentieth century manifests the conscience-shattering ethnic violence in many states, just as millions of people died and became refugees as a result of this violence (Singh, 2008). In our contemporary society, ethnicity is the cause of various conflicts, such as political violence, instability, unrest and identity based politics. Albeit history has shown that colonial power purposely and systematically explored ethnicity or tribal base political system to disunite and divide nation with multi- ethnic groups.

Identity politics is a prominent feature of national politics in Nigeria. Most scholars date the emergence of identity politics to the regionalization regime instituted by the 1939 constitution. In that constitution, Nigeria was divided into three regions. Division of the nation into three regions was the beginning of majority and minority hostility because other ethnic groups thought they were deprived of some benefits. In addition, the ethnic and religious character of politics in the first republic and in subsequent ones helped to elevate identity politics and the violent conflict it generated to the level of national culture. In the first republic identity politics manifested itself in the conduct of politics across the regions of the country (Ayokhai, 2013).

Scholars like Osaghae and Suberu (2005) suggested that with the meaning of regionalism reduced to “North for Northerners”, “East for Easterners” and “West for Westerners”, a discriminatory system under which people from other regions living in these areas were deprived of rights and privileges and excluded from the political process has become entrenched. This was how the infamous distinction between indigenes and non-indigenes strengthened. Although the erstwhile regions were abrogated in 1966, they remain crucial political cleavages for reasons which have already been advanced. They also provide the basis for new forms of exclusionary politics that have evolved alongside new political-administrative structures and reinforced discrimination against non-indigenes, namely ‘statism’ and ‘localism’.

It is rather disturbing to see how in Nigeria today ethnicism has been conceptualized not only as theoretical ideology but as a weapon for the furtherance of ethnically structured political objectives to the detriment of national integration. Nigerian could easily employ ethnic sentiments in order to achieve narrow, myopic and micro-nationalistic objectives. This development has permeated the various facets of our national life, in the churches, mosques, clubs, associations and even in the academia, ethnicism rears its ugly head. This ethnic problem is gradually assuming the status of cancerous growth that is terminally destroying our body of politics (Adebisi, 1998). In all ramifications, the profound problem of Nigeria is ethnicity. For instance during ethnic conflicts or violence in any of the region in Nigeria, ethnicity tend to supersede religion. Political conflict cannot be detached from society when we take cognizance of the fact that majority of nations around the world comprise multi-ethnic groups. Conflict will often arise due to difference in their way of cultural background, coupled with norms and values. Without doubt ethnicity gives rise to political conflict in Nigeria and the rest of the world.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

Ethnicity as a determinant factor plays a vital role in the area of politics and other aspects of every society. In Nigeria political arena, ethnicity is often adopted by political elites in order to attain their objective which has been undermining the socio-political and economic development of Nigeria. The economic and political lag, encouraged a struggle for power between the North and the South fashioned a situation which made possible conflict between them (Anifowose, 2011). In another perspective, ethnic strife has plagued Nigeria from political independence. However and after all, politics at the national level was deeply fragmented along regional and ethnic fault lines, bogging down thereby any national process to move the nation forward. Fundamental differences in values had made leading ethnic groups to be parochial in developmental pursuits, and this at the expense of the nation at large (Odeyemi, 2014).

As observed by Umezinwa (2013) the level of ethnic rivalry in Nigeria has made it impossible for her to produce the right leaders who live above boards, who exude impeccable and predictable character, and who are ready to spend themselves for the development of the nation. Ethnic affiliation has not allowed such leaders to emerge. At each election, the emphasis has always been on where the candidates came from rather than on the right candidates for the election. This explains why the National Assembly is replete with many people who are there neither for the interest of the nation nor for their own ethnic groups.

Nigeria has traditionally had a ‘blind’ attitude to ethnicity as far as Federal structures are concerned. Federal officers were supposed to be posted anywhere in the country and to be impartial in their work. However, it’s true at state and local government level, where employment is strongly linked to ethnicity. A perception that the Federal system had reinforced major inequities in, for example, employment, is now being addressed by a concept of indigenousness, which is itself discriminatory. However, the informal economy of Nigeria is driven by ethnicity, with particular trades and jobs dominated by specific ethnic groups and access to credit being consequently restricted (Dendo, 2003).

According Ekop (2010) in analysis on persistence of ethnicity, college graduates representing different ethnic groups, with all their experience of higher education, had not eliminated ethnically linked differences in attitudes and behaviours even among groups whose geographic dispositions are similar.

In addition religious affiliation and connection decline whenever the issue of ethnicity arises. Ethnicity has not only marred the political and economic development of Nigeria, but has given rise to nepotism, violent conflicts, and political conflicts amongst ethnic groups. These are problems that need urgent attention; hence, re-visiting ethnicity will enable us to fully grasp the influence of ethnic methods of politics as potent contributors of political conflict in Nigeria. Furthermore, studies on ethnicity have not given proper analyses of the linkage between ethnicity and political conflicts. Based on the above and as far as this research is concerned, no study has talked about ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflicts in Nigeria. This gap in research is what this study intends to fill.

1.3. Research Questions

The following questions will serve as a guide to this study:

i. What ethnic cultural practices promote political conflicts in Nigeria?
ii. In what ways do elites promote ethnic polarization which causes political conflicts in Nigeria?
iii. What are the implications of ethnic based politics on communal conflicts in Nigeria?
iv. How does ethnicity as a factor in politics affect conflict amongst ethnic groups in Nigeria?

1.4. Research Hypotheses

The following research hypotheses are generated for testing to guide this study:

Ho1: There is a significant relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest.

Ho2: There is a significant relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups.

Ho3: There is a significant relationship between violence and political instability among ethnic groups.

1.5. Objectives of the Study

The objective of this study in broad perspective is to investigate the impact of ethnicity on political conflicts in Nigeria.

The specific objectives are:

i. To investigate the relationship between ethnic cultural practices and political conflicts in Nigeria.
ii. To examine the relationship between elites promotion of ethnic polarization and political conflicts.
iii. To analyse the relationship between ethnic based politics and communal conflicts.

1.6 Significance of the Study

The study shall have academic and policy significance. Academically, the study shall contribute to the gaps in the existing literature and for the benefits of future researchers. Despite scholars’ effort in the study on ethnicity in Nigeria, only few of those researches on ethnicity have conceived the relationship between ethnicity and political conflict in Nigeria. This study will serve as a starting point to further studies in the analysis of the interface between ethnicity and political conflict in Nigeria.

The policy significance of the study will help the federal government of Nigeria to take equality and inclusion of both majority and minority ethnicity ‘ethnic groups’ into consideration in policy making process. To sum it up the significance of this study lies in the fact that it intend to be of contribution to the literature on political conflicts in Africa and Nigeria.

The findings of this study will redound to the benefits of Nigeria as a nation to grasp the importance of ethnicity and its role in political violence and conflicts. Understanding impact of ethnicity will not only curb violence but protect the society from disaster. Moreover, this study will serve as a guide to further research in the area of ethnic conflict and peace resolution. Thus, this study attempts to understand ethnicity and why some ethnic groups adopt violent approach that often end up in conflict.

1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study

The scope of the study is to analyse ethnic methods of politics as potent contributors of political conflicts in Nigeria. Ethnicity’s impact on society will be discussed, in contrast its effects on Nigeria political situation are to be analysed from different perspectives. Survey questionnaires are to be carried out in four regional parts of the nation. South-South, South-East, South-West and Northern region.

Limitations and challenges faced in this study was lack of obtaining sufficient literature relating to research study. We noticed that less research has been carried out on ethnic methods of politics; this was another obstacle in obtaining materials related to the research topic. Another challenge we faced was in distinguishing between dialect and ethnic groups.

1.8 Operational Definition of Terms

Ethnicity: is a shared cultural heritage. People define themselves or others as members of an ethnic category based on having common ancestors, language, or religion that confers a distinctive social identity.

Conflicts: Conflict denotes clash, contention, confrontation, battle, struggle, controversy or quarrel. Conflict may either be violent or non-violent. Conflict often manifests in violent form. Violence denotes employment of illegal methods of physical coercion for personal or group ends.

Political Instability: political instability” is defined as the propensity of a change in the executive, either by “constitutional” or “unconstitutional” means.

1.9 Organisation of the Study

Chapter one deals with introduction of the study and point out to the statement of the problem. Also the chapter described specific problem that were addressed in the study couple with component that serve as guideline towards attaining the study objectives.

Chapter two present a review of literature, theoretical framework and relevant research associated to the problem addressed in this study. Chapter three dwells on research methodology and procedures used for data collection and analysis.

Chapter four contains contain analysis of the study data, presentation of the results and discussion of findings. Chapter five offers a summary, conclusion, recommendations and suggestion for further study.

CHAPTER Two LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter aims to review previous related studies, such as scholars’ opinions, thoughts, ideas and observations on impact of ethnicity on society and political situation of Nigeria. This was necessary in order to have a proper discussion of the study and also to establish a relationship with previous literature on related studies in line with this study. The study intends to identify gaps and contribute to exiting knowledge in the area of study. Efforts were made under this chapter to discuss three relevant variables identified for the study ‘‘Ethnic identity, Political Culture and Political Structure’’. Conflict mechanism was examined and attempt was made to posit the study under relevant theoretical frame work. To sum it up, this chapter deals with, literature review and theoretical framework adjudged relevant to this study under the following sub-topics:

a. Ethnicity/ Ethnocentricism
b. Political Conflict
c. Theoretical Framework
d. Ethnic identity of ethnic groups
e. Political culture of ethnic groups
f. Political structure of ethnic groups
g. Effects of ethnicity on society
h. Impact of ethnicity on political situation of Nigeria
i. Conflict resolution, management and transformation

2.1 Conceptual Discourse

2.1.1 Ethnicity

Ethnicity is a valuable term, but not when it is applied only to groups that differ from each other: everybody on the planet is part of a complex ethnicity. Members of an ethnic category have common ancestors, a language or a religion that, together, confer a distinctive social identity (Macionis and Plummer, 2005). Historically, the word ethnicity stems from the Greek adjective Ethnikos and means “heathen.” The adjective is derived from the noun ethnos, which means foreign people or nation. It is a multifaceted concept, which builds the identity of an individual through: kinship, religion, language, shared territory and nationality, and physical appearance (Santos, Palomares, Normando and Quintao, 2010). Hence, ethnicity refers to the ethnic quality or affiliation of a group, which is normally characterized in terms of culture. However, the distinction between these two related concepts is an important one for psychology. Although cultural background can be a determinant of ethnic identity or affiliation, being part of an ethnic group can also determine culture (Betancourt and Lopez, 1993). The word ethnicity was used in this sense in English from the mid fourteenth century until the mid-nineteenth century, when it gradually began to refer to ‘racial’ characteristics. In the United States, ‘ethnics’ came to be used around the Second World War as a polite term referring to Jews, Italians, Irish and other people considered inferior to the dominant ‘WASP’ group (White Anglo-Saxon Protestants) Eriksen, (2010).

Furthermore ethnicity as a concept is ambiguous and vague in nature which is the reason why scholars have adopted different method and characteristics in the definition of “ethnicity” as a concept. Scholars like Eriksen (2010) defined ethnicity as an aspect of social relationship between persons who consider themselves as essentially distinctive from members of other groups of whom they are aware and with whom they enter into Relationships. He went further by stating that ethnicity refers both to aspects of gain and loss in interaction, and to aspects of meaning in the creation of identity. In this way it has a political, organizational aspect as well as a symbolic, meaningful one. Other scholars such as Troyna (2004) explicits that ethnicity defines the salient feature of a group that regards itself as in some sense (usually, many senses) distinct. Once the consciousness of being part of an ethnic group is created, it takes on a self-perpetuating quality and is passed from one generation to the next. Distinct languages, religious beliefs and political institutions become part of the ethnic baggage and children are reared to accept these. Schraeder, (2004) avers to the definition of ethnicity as a sense of collective identity in which people (the ethnic group) perceives itself as sharing a historical past and variety of social norms and customs, including the roles of elders and other age groups in society, relationships between males and females, rites and practices of marriage and divorce, legitimate forms of governance, and the proper means of resolving conflict.

Ethnicity is the general practice of alienation and identity branding whereas branding has always characterised both intra-global and intra-national relations, and where also, opportunities, rights and privileges are functions of who you are and where you are from (Oluwole, 2014). According to Osaghae and Suberu (2005), ethnicity is generally regarded as the most basic and politically salient identity in Nigeria. This claim is supported by the fact that both in competitive and non-competitive settings, Nigerians are more likely to define themselves in terms of their ethnic affinities than any other identity. Querol, (2002) opines to the notion of ethnicity being at the centre of politics in divided societies. That is ethnicity remain the heart of politics in societies with multiple ethnic groups.

To Singh, (2008) ethnicity as a cultural construct signifies a composite of symbolic markers, real or putative, used by the members of an ethnic group who define themselves and are defined by others as having a distinctive identity. These characteristics may include combination of cultural attributes such as language, religion and values and territorial attributes like region or locality or biological attributes like descent and kinship. Ethnicity, as a situational construct signifies the emergence of ethnic consciousness from a situation of multi-ethnic competitiveness, serving as an effective mode of mobilization. It is normally closely associated with political, juridical, religious and other social views and forms of interaction, which constitute important ingredients of the ethnic phenomenon. Hence, ethnicity sometimes finds expression in political domination, economic exploitation and psychological oppression.

Ethnicity might include shared language, religion, and traditions, among other commonalities. Like race, the term ethnicity is difficult to describe and its meaning has changed over time. And like race, individuals may be identified or self-identify to ethnicities in complex, even contradictory, ways. For example, ethnic groups such as Irish, Italian American, Russian, Jewish, and Serbian might all be groups whose members are predominantly included in the racial category “white.” Conversely, the ethnic group British includes citizens from a multiplicity of racial backgrounds: black, white, Asian, and more, plus a variety of race combinations. These examples illustrate the complexity and overlap of these identifying terms. Ethnicity, like race, continues to be an identification method that individuals and institutions use today whether through the census, affirmative action initiatives, non-discrimination laws, or simply in personal day-to-day relations (Openstax, 2013).

Halliru (2012) simply conclude that ethnicity then can be conceptualized as a set of ascribed and acquired characteristics that derive principally from an individual's birth and upbringing although physical appearance may be relevant it is, in essence, composed of psychological elements that are not only self-perceptions, but also other groups' perceptions.

Ethnicity is what remains after all else is lost – that is a deprivation of the determinants that make individual socially, economically and politically. Ethnicity is an individual falling back onto an identity, which provides him with a psychological safety net. It is a weapon of manipulation by the state, particularly where what obtains is not the national state, but the nation state (Osinubi and Osinubi, 2006).

While most of the above characteristics can be taken on face value, the myth of common ancestry calls for re-visitation albeit briefly. It is therefore necessary that we note that myth is a highly apposite word because ethnicity is not concerned with the hereditary realities of common ancestry; rather, it is concerned with the popularized beliefs regarding ancestry. For instance, Moses grew up and was socialized in the culture of Egyptian monarchy with all the trappings of Egyptian ethnicity until his real identity as a Jew was discovered. Had his Jewish identity remained a secret, Moses could have ascended to the highest throne in Egypt of that epoch (Osai, 2010). Scholar such as Anugwom (2000) views the concept of ethnicity to be preferred in any attempt to capture the nature of differences and conflicts among socio-culturally distinct groups in Nigeria. He continued by stating that ethnicity should be seen as arising in any situation where a group of people, no matter how small, with different cultural and linguistic attributes from those of its neighbours; uses this as the basis of solidarity and interaction with others. In so doing, the group sees itself not only as distinct, but as a "group in itself and for itself In other words, socio-cultural consciousness of oneness develops and forms the basis of interaction with and participation in other socio-cultural processes, especially in power and resource allocation, within a larger social group or state. And this consciousness is most crucial in the definition of an ethnic group.

According to Badru (2000) urges that the term ethnicity describes the intensity of ethnic identity or a feeling of allegiance to one’s ethnic group in the context of multi ethnic existence. It manifests through common consciousness, identity, exclusiveness and ethnocentrism (Cited in Ekop, 2010).

2.1.2 Ethnocentrism

The term was coined by William Graham Summer, a social evolutionist and professor of Political and Social Science at Yale University. He defined it as,

"The sentiment of cohesion, internal comradeship, and devotion to the in-group, which carries with it a sense of superiority to any out-group and readiness to defend the interests of the in-group against the out-group.Ethnocentrism often entails the belief that one's own race or ethnic group is the most important and or that some or all aspects of its culture are superior to those of other groups. Within this ideology, individuals will judge other groups in relation to their own particular ethnic group or culture, especially with concern to language, behaviour, customs, and religion. It also involves incapacity to acknowledge that cultural differentiation does not imply inferiority of those groups who are ethnically distinct from one's own (Cragun, Cragun and Konieczny, 2010).

Summer (1953) was the first scholar to define the ethnocentrism as a form of sociocentrism, he went further by giving an explicit definition of ethnocentrism as: “view of things in which one‘s own group is the centre of everything and all others are scaled and rated with reference to it. Each group nourishes its own pride and vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities and looks with contempt on outsiders." On the other hand Conflict theorist pointed out that ethnocentric value judgments serve to devalue groups and deny equal opportunities. While functionalists, point out that ethnocentrism serves to maintain a sense of solidarity by promoting group pride. Denigrating other nations and cultures can enhance our patriotic feelings and belief that our way of life is superior. Yet this type of social stability is established at the expense of other peoples (Schaefer, 2012). In another analysis by Stolley (2005), ethnocentrism is simply judging other cultures by the standards of one’s own culture.

As observed by Matsumoto (1996) ethnocentrism as the viewing and interpreting the behaviour of others through our own cultural filters. Everyone learns a certain way of perceiving and interpreting the behaviour of others, and it is in this way that we first perceive and make interpretations about others. In this sense, ethnocentrism per se is neither bad nor good; it merely reflects the state of affairs that we all have our cultural filters on when we perceive others. In their contribution Horton and Hunt (1968) ethnocentrism makes our culture into a yardstick with which to measure all other cultures, which are good or bad, high or low, right or queer in proportion as they resemble ours. It is expressed positively in such phrases as “chosen people,” “progressive,” “superior race,” “true believers,” “and negatively by epithets like “foreign devils,” “infidel,” “heathen,” “backward peoples,” “barbarian,” and “savages”. They went further by explaining that all the known societies are ethnocentric. The “backward” native peoples, to whom I feel so superior, have a similar feeling of superiority to us. They went further by stating that ethnocentrism is a universal human reaction, found in all known societies, in all groups, and in practically all individuals. Ethnocentrism in the context of analysing contemporary Nigeria politics could easy be contended to be one of the roots to social, economic and political instability in the country. We have not been genetically selected to use phenotype as an ethnic marker, because, until quite recently, such a test would have been an extremely inaccurate one.

2.1.3 Political Conflict

To Conias Research Institute, political conflict is a positional difference regarding values relevant to a society - the conflict items - between at least two decisive and directly involved actors, which is being carried out using observable and interrelated conflict means that lie beyond established regulatory procedures and threaten a core state function or the order of international law, or hold out the prospect to do so. According to Chazan et al (1999) political conflicts are responses to reigning political doctrines that manifest in various forms namely, protests, dissatisfaction, cynicism, rebellion, insurrection, revolt, civil war, disengagement, withdrawal, etc. The ways political conflict occurs have a relationship on “the dynamics of civil order and disorder in society, which touch upon the fundamentals of political organization on the creation of a civil public”. The scholars went further by indicating that political conflict need not be so rigidly characterized because it frequently takes place concurrently in the same context in five forms, namely, elite conflict, factional conflict, communal conflict, mass conflict and popular conflict (Cited in Fidelis and Samuel, 2011).

Scholar such as Kauri (2013) posits that the various forms in which political conflict can occur are-riots and clashes, coup d’état, clandestine and armed attacks, civil war and revolutions. Political conflict is a response to disagreement on issues bordering on policy, participation, representation, equity, equality, justice and accountability and governance (Fidelis and Samuel, 2011). Political conflict therefore may arise out of competition for greater power or effort to maintain one’s share as a member of a favourable group. This conflict may involve disputes over the distribution of authority or resources among diverse interest groups (Ekanem and Simon, 2012).

Prominent French scholar Duverger (1966) in one of his famous book Introduction a la politique maintained to the view that political conflict emerges from the clash of opposing interests. It opposes those who are more or less satisfied with the existing social order that want to conserve it and those for whom the existing order does not suit and so desires or want to change it.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

According to Encarta (2004) a “theory” is an idea or belief about something arrived at through assumption and in some cases a set of fact, propositions, or principles analysed in their relation to one another and used, especially in science, to explain phenomena ( cited in Best,2006). To Enwere (2015), theory is a set of hypothesis postulating the relationship between variables or conditions advanced to describe, explain and predict phenomena and make prescriptions about how positive change ought to be engineered, as such psycho – cultural conflict theory is applied to this study as stated below.

2.2.1 Psycho – Cultural Conflict Theory

The theory psycho- cultural conflict emphasises the role of culturally induced conflict; it shows how enemy images are created from deep – seated attitudes about human action that are learned from early stage of growth in explanation of conflicts (Ross, 1993). Ademola (2006) contends that even though there are different forms of identities, the one that is based on people’s ethnic origin and culture that is learned on the basis of that ethnic origin is one of the most important ways of explaining violent conflict. Identity is thus seen to be the reason for social conflicts that take long to resolve. Enwere (2015) on the other hand buttressed that the inability of racial groups to recognise and identify differences in culture leads to irrational and unfounded hatred, fear and mistrust provoking feelings of dislike and harm especially of one particular religion or ethnicity against another. The holding of such performed opinions based on irrational feelings or inaccurate stereotypes is the key source of most violent religious and ethnic conflict.

Psycho- cultural conflict theorist argue that social conflicts that take long to resolve become possibility when some groups are discriminated against or deprived of satisfaction of their basic (material) and psychological (non-material) needs on the basis of their identity . these needs are identified in Maslow’s theory of ‘Motivation’ (1970) and Burton’s (1990) ‘Human Needs’ theory; both of which describe the process by which individual or group seeks to satisfy a range of needs moving from the basic ones such as food and sex to the highest needs that they described as ‘self – actualization’- the fulfilment of one’s greatest human potential (Ademola, 2006).

Crighton (1991) urges that the existence of the long history of humiliation, oppression, victimization, feelings of inferiority or superiority and memories of past persecution which erodes a person’s dignity, racial identity and self-esteem usually lead people to resort to vengeance, thereby escalating the pathological dimension of conflict (cited in Enwere, 2015).

Overreactions to threatened or actual attacks are major themes in Spinoza’s (1951) argument that violent conflict result in situations where passions overwhelm reason.

MacLean (1975) in his work ‘on the evolution of three mentalities’ followed the same path with Spinoza’s line of thinking in saying that under the anxiety of threatened attack or actual denial of basic needs, the probability that people will react violently is increased. Ademola (2006) maintained to the view of conflict that are caused by crisis of identity are usually the most dangerous and most violent. Identity is an unshakable sense of self-worth, which makes life meaningful and includes the feeling that one is physically, socially, psychologically, and spiritually safe.

Northrup (1989) views identity as a psychological sense of self as well as self as it relates to the world. Self – definition takes place on different levels: interpersonal, community, organizational, cultural or international. However, events which threaten to remove the feelings of ‘safety’ that are tied to different forms of identity usually lead to defensive reactions aimed at avoiding such spiritual or physical exposures. Identity operates in this way not only in relations to conflict between people, but also in situations of conflict between groups.

As observed by Lake and Rothschild (1996) actors form beliefs in a subjective way that draws mainly on the experiences of past interactions with others. The fear that individuals and groups experience force them to see threats – whether real or imagined, and to suspect the motive of others around them. The tendency to see things in a selective way is mostly due to a past history of competition for scarce resources in which the opposition always comes out as a winners. Therefore, the psycho- cultural conflict theory imply that conflict is a product of a crisis of identity and the struggle for racial, cultural and value domination (Enwere 2015).

Going from the above it could be concluded that human being tend to be violence when both basic (materials) and psychological (non- materials) needs are deprived based on their identity. Thus, ethnicity is basically nothing but psych originated from culture in which human being learnt to behave in certain way.

2.3. Ethnic Identity of Ethnic Groups

Because of the geographic separation of ethnic groups, Nigeria can be easily identified based on language and cultural traits. These groups vary tremendously in size, and only three of them – the Hausa, Igbos, and Yoruba are particularly in numerous and influential in the country’s politics. The influence of these three major groups is a cause of great concern to the remaining minority groups. Because there has been a high degree of geographical separation of ethnic groups in Nigeria (a result of the country’s policies during and since the colonial period), Nigerians can easily identify the origins of their fellow citizens by observing their dialect (or accent in English), their manner of dress (if it is traditional), and in some cases by “tribal marks”, patterned facial scars that formerly were created as part of rites of passage to indicate ethnic identity (Robert et al 2008).

2.3.1. Igbo- South East

Nwosu (2014) asserts that A man does not give himself name but someone else does so. A child receives his name from his father, a thing receives its name from the one who uses it or who produces it. A town or village receives its name from what its neighbours call it. The neighbours get this name from where the village or town is situated. They derive it from the name of founder or from the place the villager descended, also from any incident between the particular village and its neighbour or neighbours. The name of a village can be derived from the behaviour or habit, activity or language of the people, etc. The scholar proceeds by indicating that Igbo people are accepted to love money and he linked this to the thesis of Igbo being descended from Jew or Hebrews knows as the Israelite. Ilona (2007) asserts the Igbos share traditional, cultural and historical destiny with the Jews. Some of the examples; circumcision, purification, atonement, pogrom inflicted on the Jews during world war II and the civil war between Nigeria government and the Igbos.

Bersselaar (1998) conceives that an Igbo is somebody who considers himself Igbo, and who has a link to the area in Southeast Nigeria known as Igbo land, either because he himself was born there, or because his family and ancestors came from there. Being Igbo implies being able to speak one of the dialects spoken in the Igbo area (at least more or less), and being familiar with at least part of the traditional cultural norms from that area. If an individual shows himself both unable to speak Igbo and ignorant about traditional culture, his claim to being Igbo is likely to be rejected. According to Abba (2014) the two terms-IGBO or IBO are of the Nigerian folk (Igbo- people) and the natural language (Igbo) of the Igbo people which goes to mean both the people and their native language. Even though the people have a macro-culture, but they equally hold micro-cultures as a result of the different sub-cultures that make up their regional territories. Irrespective of the subcultures the African black race in particular, the Igbo people do share a lot of things in common such as title taking and cultural festivals which differ in the sub-cultural areas as result of micro-cultural differences. The scholar went further by stating that the Igbo have characteristics for identification of Igbos what make them the Igbos (Igbo people). An Igbo man carries or imbibes within himself that religious believe and sensibility, and this is indispensable in identifying Igbo identity. It is coupled with that of communality in their good participation in the art, religion and philosophy and of community which characterized the Igbo man. Scholar such as Ojukwu (2009) defines the Igbos as those who have as their natural home the Igbo-land which is located formerly in the East Central region of the Southern Nigeria, but of today located in the South East geopolitical zone comprising five core Igbo speaking states – Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo. It also extends to some parts of Delta state (Agbor, Ika, Issel-Uku, Anioma) and parts of Rivers State (Obigbo, Ikwerre, Egbema, Elle, Omoku).

Nwala (2010) observes and points to the most important element in a community or any political organization or unit is the human element. According to Onwujeogwu the word Igbo itself means (to the Igbo themselves) Community of people. Achebe (2012) buttressed to the view that the Igbo culture, being receptive to change, individualistic, highly competitive, gave the Igbo man an unquestioned advantage over his compatriots in securing credentials for advancement in Nigerian colonial society. Unlike the Hausa/Fulani he was unhindered by a wary religion, and unlike the Yoruba he was unhampered by traditional hierarchies. This kind of creature, fear no god or man, was custom- made to grasp the opportunities, such as they were, of the white man’s dispensations. And the Igbo did so with both hands (Cited in Uzodinma Nwala , 2010).

2.3.2 Hausa- North

To Lugga (2004) Hausawa (singular – Bahaushe) is the name by which the people of the Hausa ethnic group are known and called. Indeed, Hausa, along with Arabic and Swahili are the most widely spoken languages in Africa. Hausawa are an assimilating ethnic group with a well organised administrative system, evolved over a very long time under Islamic influence. According to Adamu (1978 cited in Lugga, 2004) gave a good picture of the Hausa society. He averred that the Hausa people are those who historically lived in Hausaland or their descendants or those who became closely associated with the Hausa culture by adopting its language, custom and religion. Furthermore, Hausa is a linguistic term which distinguishes the Hausa-speaking Muhammadans from other major linguistic and cultural groups quite adequately; it is misleading in other contexts. Ignoring the offspring of slaves for the moment, the Hausa are really an association of two ethnic groups, the Habe and the Fulani. Each of these groups shares traditions of common origin with some other people who do not fully belong to Hausa society (Smith, 1959).

To Ubah (1998) the Hausas are believed to have originated from Bayajidda, who had come from the east in a bid to escape from his father. On arriving at Baya he engaged the services of the local blacksmiths, who fashioned a knife for him with which he went to Daura to free its people from the oppression of a scared snake that occupied their well and prevented them for as much as six days from fetching water from it. As a sign of gratitude, the queen of Daura offered herself in marriage to Bayajidda. From the marriage came seven healthy sons, each of whom ruled the seven city- states that make up the Hausa-land (Cited in Ile,2008).

Scholars such as Udo (2012) classified Hausa and the Fulani as “The grassland peoples” located in the Northern part of Nigeria. The Hausa peoples of Nigeria are however, concentrated in Sokoto, Kano and Kaduna States. The political scene featured a number of city- states which were never unified until the Fulani conquest in the early part of the 19th century. It was after the Fulani conquest that Islam became more widely adopted, even though it had been introduced as far back 14th century. Today, most Hausa profess the Muslim faith and both their political and social life, including the land tenure and legal systems are very much influenced by Islamic principles. The Hausa are well known as skilled craftsmen and are probably the most travelled traders in West Africa. Popular craft products include leather goods, wood carvings, blankets of camel hair, and perfumes. These products constitute the main trade goods distributed by the ubiquitous itinerant Hausa trader. In Nigeria, the Hausa are largely responsible for organizing the trade in cattle and kolanuts between western Nigeria and northern states of Nigeria. Udo (2012) went further by stating that Hausaland is also the home of the home of the Fulani of Nigeria who are probably the only ethnic group in Africa with no distinct territory. Rather, the Fulani are to be found in almost every country of the Sudan zone, extending from Senegal in the West to the upper Nile in east. Two main types of Fulani are usually recognised. They are the cattle Fulani and the settled or town Fulani. The cattle Fulani is essentially a nomadic cattle rearer who migrates regularly with his cattle in search of water and good grazing, particularly during the dry season. Since the cattle Fulani rarely marry outside their tribe, they have been able to maintain their identity in spite of generations of sojourning amongst pure Negro peoples. Also unlike the Town Fulani, the cattle Fulani is not always a devout Muslim, but often practises many customs of traditional religion. The Town or Settled Fulani live in the conquered towns of Hausaland, where he is essentially an administrator or a hoe cultivator. Many of them own large herds of cattle which they entrust into the care of their nomadic brethren. They are devout Muslims and have been largely responsible for the spread of Islam throughout Hausaland and parts of the Middle Belt.

According to Robert et al. (2008) the Hausa Fulani people mostly live in the northern part of the country. This hyphenated identity came from the imposition of Fulani rule over the Hausa population in the nineteenth century. The two cultures became intricately intertwined, although they have never become completely homogenised.

To Olatubosun (1981) there are many conflicting accounts about the origin of the seven Hausa states. Furthermore, most of the states were lacking unity until after 1804 when Uthman Dan Fodio, through jihad, established a single government covering almost all area formerly known as Northern Nigeria. In addition there was no conscious attempt at a political union among the Hausa states. This was due to each state imperialistic ambitious over the over states. As noted there wasn’t unity as today at the early years of the Hausas.

Scholars such as Lenshie and Ayokhai (2013) posit that Hausa people were neither an ethnic group nor the only inhabitants of the land. The arrival of the Muslim Fulani clerics into Hausa-land, their revolutionary teachings and eventually, the Usman Danfodio led Jihad in the 19th century halted the course of development of the Hausa States. It ended the Hausa dynasties and transformed the people ethno-religiously, such that they are perceived in post-colonial Nigeria as Hausa-Fulani. In post-colonial Nigeria the definition of Hausa-land came to be identified as the area where Hausa is the lingua franca, or alternatively, it is the area where Hausa is the first language of most or all of the population. This definition of the Hausa-land incorporates the non-Hausa aborigines into the classification.

2.3.3 Yoruba- South West

By 1800, though the Yoruba were one people they were not always conscious of themselves as such. They spoke mutually intelligible dialect of the same language and shared common cultural, religious and political institutions. It is not clear from traditions whether they were ever kingdom that broke up into several or several kingdoms, founded at various periods among different Yoruba – speaking peoples. The various kingdoms shared the belief that their several founders originated from Ife, and origin at Ife became the usual way to validate a claim to being an independent monarch entitled to wear beaded crown with fringes and to wield the sovereign power of life and death over subjects. The kingdom was the unit of political power. But cultural identity went beyond the kingdom to include the whole Yoruba people and, in each region of Yorubaland, to include a sub-ethnic group speaking the same dialect. Of these sub-ethnic groups, the principal ones were the Oyo, Egba, Egbado, Ijebu, Ijesa, Ekiti, Ondo, Akoko, and Owo (Ajayi and Akintoye, 1980).

As observed and analysed by Udo (2012) The Yoruba – speaking peoples of Nigeria are concentrated in the Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Kwara and Lagos states. In addition to linguistic homogeneity, the Yoruba share common traditions and trace descent from a common ancestor called Oduduwa, who is believed to have established the Ife dynasty. It is significant that the Yoruba were never united under a common government. Rather, Yorubaland consisted of several powerful monarchical states such as Ife, Oyo, Egba and Ijebu. Also he stated that the Yoruba are predominantly an agricultural people, they have a unique and long –standing tradition of living in large towns, from Ibadan, Ogbomosho, Oshogbo, Ilorin, Abeokuta, Ilesha and Ede. The Yoruba are the most urbanized group not only in Nigeria but throughout the African continent.

As the Yoruba entered the map of the first half of the twentieth century, they were mainly lumped in what was known for many years as “Western Nigeria.” The configuration of their identity also reflected this map, especially after the 1940s when political parties were formed. The Yoruba regarded the Western Region as theirs, thus merging ethnic and regional identities as one. This location has been specified to include many Yoruba subgroups (e.g., Oyo, Ijesa, Ekiti). Although some of these groups speak some dialects that are mutually unintelligible, they have nevertheless been categorized into one “Yoruba” linguistic family. It remains unclear what name they called themselves as a collective in the distant past, if indeed there was such a name (Falola, 2006).

As observed by Falola and Genova (2006) the Yoruba identity, most strikingly at the town’s level, must have existed for a long time. The intellectualization of the Yoruba as a collective identity (that is, of one nation) dates back to the nineteenth century, applauding the Christian missionaries and the pioneer Yoruba elite. They went further by succinctly defined the Yoruba identity to have been linked to the historical connection to Ile-Ife in two interrelated ways: first, as the city where the Yoruba believe that they all originated; and second, as the city where their political dynasties emigrated from. The most common myth takes Ile-Ife as the original home, where the first humans were created. It was from here that other Yoruba groups and cities derived their own origins.

To Omolewa (2014) just as Nigerians did not recognize themselves as a Nigerian for a long period after they had been living together, so the Yoruba did not consider themselves as belonging to one language or cultural group for a long period. Rather, they considered themselves to belong to the smaller units which later become known as the Yoruba. These were the Egba, the Ijebu, the Ekiti, the Ibadan, the Ife, the Ijesa, the Oyo and so on. It was from the nineteenth century that the Yoruba, who possessed striking similar values and traditional practices, began to emerge as one people. The Christian missions began by providing a standard Yoruba language based on the Oyo dialect among the people. Later the word ‘Yoruba’ began to appear as description of the people.

2.3.4 Ijaw- South South

The delta people whose territory is too swampy for cultivation and who, in consequence, produced mainly fish and salt, carried on a sizeable trade with the forest peoples who supplied them basic foodstuffs in exchange for fish and salt. Furthermore, the IJaw are the oldest surviving groups in Nigeria are to be found in the forest of the south, including the mangrove swamp forests of the Niger Delta and coastal creeks which have provided protection for refugee culture. The scholar in its conclusion identified the Ijaw people, people of the forest belt (Udo, 2012).

According to a prominent historian on Ijaw people Alagoa (2003) the Ijaw -Ijo- Izon ethnic communities have lived in the Niger delta, the third largest body of wetlands in the world, for over seven, possibly, ten thousand, and years. They remember no other homeland. They have completely identified with the environment and developed a culture fully attuned to it. Scholar such as Okoko (2004) avers that literature on Ijaw show that its original name was Ojo, later corrupted to Ijo, Izon, and anglicized Ijaw. The accounts of the history of migration are sharply divided. A school of thought posits that the Ijaws migrated into the Niger Delta. Another view insists that the Ijaws are indigenous to the Niger Delta, and that they rather migrated out of the Niger Delta.

As observed by Oduwobi and Iwuagwu (1997) before the arrival of the Europeans the typical settlement in eastern delta was a small village containing only few hundred inhabitants. Each village

2.4. Political Culture of ethnic groups

Robert et al (2008), conceive a nation’s political culture includes its citizens’ orientations at three levels: the political system, the political and policy making process, and policy outputs and outcomes. The system level involves how people view the values and organizations that comprise the political system. The political culture of Nigeria is extremely heterogeneous and complex. Another scholars Babawale defined political culture as whether diverse or homogenous, is a product of many factors such as geography, historical development and experiences (coups, civil war, revolutions), diversity of a nation’s population (ethnicity, language and religion), pattern of traditional norms and practices as well as varying levels of socio-economic development and socialization process.

He also posits that in Nigeria for example there is no predominant political culture. The various ethnic groups such as Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo, inherently constitute different political sub-cultural groups. They all exhibit cohesive political cultures of their own which are very different from each other and which resist amalgamation into a Nigeria whole. Although members of a political community never share exactly the same orientations towards their government, yet it is important for the stability of any system that certain basic common assumptions beliefs are shared, or in other words, that political culture be relatively homogeneous. Without such homogeneity or some level of agreement on the basic nature of politics, the general role of government in the society, and the legitimate goals of policy and participation, governmental policies which are popular with some sections of the citizenry, are likely to be extremely unpopular with others and this may result into political strife and instability.

2.4.1. Igbo- South East

The political culture of the Igbo is said to be democratic and participatory in nature. As observed by Olatunbosun (1981) every male adult in Igbo land had the right to voice out his opinion at the village assembly. He took part in the decision making. According to Nwala (2010) within the Village Republican Assemblies in Igbo town, all adult male and female participated on equal footing. In scenario of decision making, representatives from various section of the society are consulted. In addition, unanimity or consensus, and all the rigorous processes and compromises (Igba izu –period of consultation) involved the process are efforts made to accommodate the wishes of the majority as well as those of minority. The scholar postulated that power and authority in Igbo land belongs to all, but the virtue of their seniority and ontological status, degree and capacity of knowledge such as; moral, spiritual, intellectual and qualities and economic status, some members of the exercise greater authority and influence than others. To Ejiofor (1981) in his book dynamics of Igbo democracy, he gave analysis of meeting in Aguinyi, where he posits that meeting were summoned on the dictates of need. People meet when they need to solve a problem which if, allowed to continue, would undermine the solidarity of the community. In his conclusion four affirmation was listed; (1) That the basic formation of Aguinyi society is family, (2) that the sphere of their politics of contention is the town where individuals meet to iron out their difference while, like all men retaining loyalty to their family and village, (3) beyond the town there is active politics which revolves around conflict- resolution, equitable allocation of rights, and harmonious coexistence. Lastly, that the intermittent nature of higher politics is completely in keeping with Igbo psychology and behaviour.

Alagoa (1985) in his analyses stressed that the political culture of the Igbo has been labelled variously as acephalous, stateless, and republican. The first term implies that Igbo communities do not have heads or institutions of government with persons serving as chief or ruling political authority. The second term implies that Igbo communities do not possess formal structures of government with a hierarchical organization based on persons charged with functions of rule and government by the community at large. The republican label is intended to take the edge out of the pejorative implications of the first two by applying a form of government in which leadership is not prescriptive and permanent, but changeable, and flexibly assigned to persons of proven leadership capability.

2.4.2 Yoruba – South West

The Yoruba concept of politics began with the family unit, where each family member carried out specific functions, with the man as husband, father, and administrator. Division of labor was evident in the political, economic, and social organization of the family. From the family structure emerged the ilu (town) politics. The town was composed of lineages made up of several families, thus emphasizing close kinships, which remain an important aspect of the Yoruba culture. In many cases, the head of the founding lineage assumed political leadership and performed a role similar to that of a king. The Alaafin (monarch) of Oyo Oba (chief/king) Adeyemi cited (Adekunle, 2006) pointed out that the Yoruba developed an unwritten but strong constitution and created a very practical method of administration by adopting the cabinet system of governance. He asserted that the Old Oyo. Empire had developed a cabinet system of government as far back as the sixteenth century. From the alaafin to the prime minister, and “the various divisional heads, all tiers have their specific roles and responsibilities, clearly spelt out and adhered to with separation of powers, and inputs for checks and balances.”

2.4.3 Hausa – North

The political culture of Hausa cannot be discussed without pointing out the effect of Islam on the people. Scholars like Omolewa (2014), observes that the early history of Hausaland of the various states and their rulers called Sarkin. The first of these stataes was Biram. Biram remained small and peaceful. It was known as the father of all the other states. It had an uneventful history however, and its position of influence was short-lived.

For instance in Katsina the first Sarkin (King of) Katsina started as leader of such settlements. He emerged as the king after overcoming another powerful leader of another settlement. Soon after his emergence, a number of factors worked in his favour which enabled him to expand and consolidated his power (Falola, Mahadi, Uhomoibhi and Anyanwu, 1989). Which it is important to know that the head of a typical Hausa state was the Sarki , who was supported by a retinue of officials in an elaborate court. In political terms, the development of the office of the Sarki of a birni (city) like Kano was very significant. His full title was Sarkin Kasa , meaning: ‘ruler of the land’ and not just the city. Thus, he was both a political and religious leader of the people. He was also the chief executive and judge of the state. He was aided by a council of state (NUC).

The most important period in the formation of centralised states in Hausaland was between the 12th and 16th centuries AD. Efforts at building of centralised states did not always end successfully. Some of the states failed to take off; others which managed to emerge could not expand and remained at the level of ‘city- state’ and eventually got incorporated into other centralised states of Hausaland. At this stage, we have to mention that according to the popular Bayajidda legend about the rise of states of Hausaland, two kinds of states arose. There were the so called original states namely, Daura, Kano, Zaria , Gobir, Katsina, Biram and Rano. These seven were called the Hausa Bakwai. The other seven, called the Banza Bakwai, were Zamfara, Kebbi, Nupe, Gwari, Yauri, Kwarafa and Ilorin. (Falola et al, 1989).

Falola et al (1991), in their view, avers that by eighteenth century, the various Hausaland had reached important stages of development. The Sarauta (Kingship) system had reached its peak of maturity in terms of law of succession to the throne and appointment to offices, protocol, administrative centralisation, structure, institutions, proliferation of offices and princes and other categories of title holders and officials. Even the collapse of the central governments of Kebbi and Zamfara in the eighteenth century did not diminish the pervasive nature of sarauta system in their respective states. The sarauta system was found at every level of administration in each state- from that of the central government to that of the village. Every occupation also had its hierarchy of officials. This is what made the sarauta system throughout Hausaland very pervasive. The history of Hausaland especially in the latter part of eighteenth century underwent dynamic changes which were accompanied by different types of conflict; one of which was dynastic conflicts. One of the most glaring characteristics of sarauta system was its instability. Thus the dynasties of Hausaland experienced acute succession problems in the eighteenth century. This often led to intrigues, plots, assassinations and wars which caused much tension in the societies involved.

As observed by Odanye (2014), Islam was said to have penetrated Hausaland between the 12th and 13th centuries through the Wangara traders from Mali. The religion was not firmly established until the 14th century. Islam was not firmly established in Hausa states until the Fulani Jihad 1804 that paganism was swept away and Islam became consolidate in most parts of Hausaland. He went further by stating that the introduction of Islam into Hausaland had profound effects on the history and area. Islam also influences the government society and culture of Hausaland.

Indeed scholars like Omolewa (2014) gave an explicit of how Jihad changed the political culture of the Hausaland. The caliphate is sometimes referred to as an example of a theocracy type of government. This means a government by religious men. New and large political machinery was founded. At its head was the caliph, the Amir al-Muminin. His duty was to select or confirm the selection of Emirs to take charge of the outlying states of the caliphate. He was also to serve as the religion head of the caliphate. Furthermore he was to ensure that the Caliphate was administered according to the Sharia. He acted as arbitrator during quarrels or disputes between the emirates. The caliph appointed waziri who serve as his representative in the emirates and acted on his behalf on all matters of appointment. The kofa, also appointed by the Caliph, was his judicial officer through whom all appeals from the emirates came to the Caliph’s court at Sokoto. These political changes were significant, for there was now an arbiter who would intervene whenever Emirs were in conflict. There was also a single person who acted as a centre of allegiance and loyalty for the vast regions of the Sokoto caliphate.

2.4.4 Ijaw-South south

The South-south region which is also known as the Niger Delta is inhabited mainly by Ijo or Ijaw, and by other migrants from the Cross River valley and from the Bendel State. Ijaw political culture is largely village based, the biggest grouping being the ibe deriving its unity from the affiliation to a common ancestor. The village government relied on the primacy of age, but in cases also on the lineage of the first founder. The cult of a village god, and ibe god, was also important as a rallying point and as a source of sanctions in support of the political system. The basic forms of Ijaw political culture derive from the local environment and the people’s adaptation to it (Alagoa, 1985). To Falola et al (1989) Ijaw trade with the people of the hinterland and overseas stimulated an increase in population of the Ijaw communities as people of neighbouring communities migrated to delta areas to take advantage of the favourable economic opportunities. The basis of political power was re-defined as the responsibilities of the Ijaw states grew due to an equally expanded domestic and external commitment. The Amanyanabo for example, became the de facto king of his community instead of the informal ruler that he previously was.

2.5 Political Structure of Ethnic Groups

The political structure of the ethnic groups of our study is profoundly relevant to our literature review and hypothesis. Thus, enable to have a precise picture of ethnicity as potent contributors of political conflict in Nigeria.

2.5.1 Igbo- South East

Socio-politically, unlike the other tribes in Nigeria, who evolved a molithic centralized system of government, the Igbo distinguish themselves with a complicated socio-political structure which has been qualified as republican. The Igbo ethnic group is divided into clans, each clan is made up of towns; and each town is comprised of villages. The village is the primary social unit constituted of families or kindred. The family is the nucleus of society. Politically, the lineage system is the matrix of the social units or organization and provides grounds for political and religious structures (Kanu, 2014). According to Olatubosun (1981) in the southern part of Igbo land, there were village and village group councils composed of heads of the different lineages and some wealthy influential men. The Okpara (the head of a lineage) kept the ‘Ofo’ sticks, the symbol of their common descent. The eldest man kept the senior ofo stick for the village or village group and his political powers were no more than those of any other elders.

Ohadika (1996) in Things Fall Apart gave analyses of the root of Igbo culture and history, where he posited that relationships amongst them were based on blood ties and each person, traced his or her descent to three groups.it is also important to recognise that the members of a lineage were blood relatives and that each lineage was semi-autonomous unit within a town. Interaction between towns was limited and regulated by goodwill, mutual respect and diplomacy. The government system practice and adopted by the Igbos is known to be direct participation in government. He proceeds by stating, the entire Igbo social and political structure revolved around the idea of cross-cutting ties. the by stating what he conceive to be the five most important cross-cutting institutions; The council of elders, age- groups, council of chief, women’s associations, and secret societies (cited in Achebe, 1996).

To Oduwobi and Iwuagwu (1997), the council of elders called Amala as the major organ of government. The Amala was usually presided over by the head of the most senior lineage in the village. Although the Igbo were governed in separate and minuscule entities, there were several integrating mechanisms which bound the disparate communities.

The age grade associations are important in Igbo social organization and among many Igbo village and town groups and they are highly developed and in each case constitute a part of the administrative machinery. Age grade associations are composed of age companies, which are formed triennially among boys beginning from the ages of thirteen and fifteen years. Members of a particular age company elect their leader and choose a name by which to be known by other citizens of the village and town. About two or three age companies are then merged together to form an age grade association. But as the boys grow to manhood, their companies are periodically upgraded through successive age grades until they reach the ranks of the elders, which is the highest age grade (Nwoye, 2011). Mahanta and Maut (2014) in summary, indicate that the age-group system promoted respect and comradeship among the people and acted as a powerful and effective way of social as well as political set up. While Okodo (2012) believes the age grade system contributes immensely by disciplining disobedient people and settling cases with the view to providing peaceful environments. It also contributes in various ways towards the development of the Igboland.

One of the prominent scholar of Igbo history and philosopher Nwala (2010), urges that, it is important to emphasize that the attributes of organs of political power (such as an legislative authority, executive authority, army, police, and system of security, prisons, courts, bureaucracy, etc), existing independent of the rest of society as we have it in feudal and capitalist states formations did not exist in this primary state structure, which existed in traditional society. Furthermore, it would be wrong to generalise this type of state formation for all Igbo traditional society.

2.5.2 Yoruba- South West

As observed by Johnson (1921), the entire Yoruba country has never been thoroughly organized into one complete government in a modern sense. The system that prevails is that known as the Feudal, the remoter portions have always lived more or less in a state of semi-independence, whilst loosely acknowledging an over-lord. The government of Yoruba Proper is an absolute monarchy; the King is more dreaded than even the gods. The office is hereditary in the same family, but not necessarily from father to son. The King is usually elected by a body of noblemen known as Oyo Mesi, the seven principal councillors of state.

The town government had several common features. The overall head was the oba alade (a crowned king) or an uncrowned ruler, the bale, who presided over subordinate villages. Every oba or bale had a council of chiefs, chosen from the dynastic lineages that constituted the core of the town or village. The representatives of other groups in the community (e.g., women, trade guilds) were co-opted to the council whenever there was a need to do so. The oba, bale, baale, and other functionaries wielded power and enjoyed a number of privileges. The oba and chiefs lived in the metropolis where they made and executed laws for the kingdom. The oba and the council constituted the highest court in the land. In other words, these rulers were responsible for executive, legislative, and judicial functions. The oba was sacred and, in theory, exercised absolute power. To his people, the Oba was both an earthly king and a companion of the gods. The oba or baale and the council made laws; they in association with the ward and compound chiefs implemented them. There were different courts: the court of the compound head, that of the ward chief, and that of the oba or baale.

The compound head settled disputes between the members of his compounds. Appeal could be made to the court of the ward chief where inter compound disputes were settled. The oba’s court was the final court of appeal, but the Osugbo and Ogboni societies played similar leading roles between the Egba and Ijebu (Falola, 2006).

Anifowose (2011) postulates that although the Yorubaland was organised into large and relatively centralised political units, each with its reigning Oba. However, the Oba’s traditional power was considerably limited by custom and by a subordinate Council of Chiefs representing the major constituent lineage of the state. To this extent, it could be said that the Yoruba traditional system of government was monarchical as well as limited. He went further to state that both in theory and practice, the power of the Yoruba kings were regulated by custom and limited institutionally by countervailing organs of the state, unlike the despotic emirates of Northern Nigeria. Any oba that ignored the advice of his Chiefs and subjects could be forced to abdicate or commit suicide.

Scholars such as Moore (1924) assert that every tribe has its own form of Government under the following general system the king is the paramount ruler. All other chiefs and lords and overlords are subordinate to him, and he rules and governs through them. However, there are chief advisers to the king, who form the executive or privy council for the government of the country. He went further by stating that the king and the statesmen are the governing elements of the Yoruba. The statesmen are responsible to the king for the proper administration of the country in matters political, judicial, and commercial. They are also responsible to the people for the conduct of the king. Hence they have power to depose any king who abuses his sovereignty in such a way as to menace the welfare and safety of the people and the country. In that case they will ask him to sleep (i.e. to die) and avoid disgrace, and should he refuse to sleep he is dethroned and sent away from the town. The statesmen have power to select and install a new king. But there is a special class of people whose duty is to select the king as well as install him. No selection or installation is valid without these authorized persons. During an interregnum the statesmen are responsible for the proper government of the country; the paramount chief acting as the president of the council until a new king is installed.

2.5.3 Ijaw- South South

As observed by Ikime (1980) who stressed that the political system or structure of the Delta province in which Ijaw falls into is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The council of elders was extremely representative, for virtually every extended family was represented on it. That council met and took decisions. The execution of the decisions was usually the responsibility of the next two younger age – sets who thus got involved in the decisions of elders. The council’s messengers as well as the traditional guards who performed the duty of policemen were also chosen from young men. Besides, really important issues were never discussed by the council in camera; rather a meeting of the entire village was summoned and the men, women and children who cared to attend had chance of knowing what was exercising the minds of their elders, and of joining in the discussion. The age sets provided an additional platform for discussing crucial issues affecting different groups within the village and passing on the feelings of such groups to the elders through their respective spokesmen. While in such a system talent was clearly recognized (the good orator, for example, almost invariably got audience, and a great warrior would always be listened to in a crisis involving fighting and even in peace time and respected) there was little danger of any one person or small group manipulating the affairs of the village to his or its own particular advantage. Finally, young and old knew fully well that government involved the maintenance of proper relationships not only between persons and persons but between the living and dead ancestors. To Falola et al. (1991) the House system was the basis of social and political organization in Delta city- states. It developed largely as a response of the Delta states, especially those between the Niger Delta proper and the estuary of the Cross River, to exploit the slave trade effectively. Each city – state developed Houses. Each House was a trading or business organisation and still served as a unit of political organisation. Head of Houses formed the Advisory Council which was presided over by the king of the city – state. Each head of a House maintained law and order in his area of jurisdiction. All heads of Houses, as members of the Advisory Council, acted as a check on the king of the city – state. But the king exercised diverse powers over the Houses and in this way had them under control.

Generally, the Ijo are regarded as a non-centralized group. In such a compound would be a man and his wives as well as grown-up sons and their wives and children. The compound represents the smallest unit of political and social organization amongst the Ijo.

Writing of the political structure among the western Ijo-our area of study, Alagoa as quoted by Okpevra (2005) informs that: the oldest man is automatically the head of the village community. He becomes the Ama- Okosowei, town-elder and Chairman of the village council, Amagula. The executive duties of the village council, Amagula, were, however, performed by a younger leader, the Ogulasuowei or spokesman. And in religious matters too, each village had its priest, Orukarowei, and the ethnic unit, Ibe, comprising a number of villages, had a chief priest, Pere. The Pere presided over the annual gathering of the Ibe members at the shine of the group god. The Ama-Okosowei’s village administration was the unit of political organization in the western Delta, the ties of the Ibe consisting of a common dialect, usually a common group god, and the belief in common ancestor (cited in Ariye 2013). On the whole, the basic Ijo political system in pre-colonial times was a stateless organization based on the autonomous settlement, devoid of a centralizing force. (Ariye, 2013)

2.5.4 Hausa – North

The term ‘Centralised states’, means large political units, each of which covered large territorial areas, covering hundreds and most cases, thousands of square kilometres. Each of such political units was controlled by large numbers of rulers, led by a king, variously referred to in local languages, for example, as Sarki (Hausa) and Mai (Kanuri). All parts of each state were controlled from the centre by the king through several subordinate officials, arranged according to seniority. Such rulers earned their living through taxes, tributes, labour and other resources obtained from the people (Falola et al, 1991). According to Odanye (2014) who listed four important functions of social and political institutions of the Hausa states;

(1) The social and political organisation of the Hausa was centred round the Birni, the walled or stockade town; as different from the village (gari) or Hamlet ( Kauye).

(2) The chief of the capital town in a city state became the Sarki, or King, Head of villages absorbed by the city state became subordinate chiefs.

(3) When Islam became the religion of the ruling classes in the 15th century, Islamic law and system of government were adopted in all Hausa states.

(i) The Sarki, or King acquired more extensive powers but these were checked and limited by his central council and other officials. The Galadima, the Madawaki (Madaki) the Waziri, the Magaji (Maaji), the Yari, the Sarkin Dogarai and the Sarkin YanDoka were the most notable officials in each state of Hausaland.

(ii) Local Government: - This was usually exercised at village or district level and was carried out by village or district heads. The district heads were appointed by the king. Their duties were mainly executive and administrative.

(iii) The Hausa political system was highly centralised.

(4) Judiciary: - From the 15th century the administration of justice was based on the Muslim system of justice. The king was the supreme judge, with the advice of the Chief Alkali and other legal experts. The Alkali settled lesser matters and also carried out the bulk of judicial work.

Adamu (1978) postulated that the Muslim Hausa society follows the Islamic formula on inheritance and it lays great emphasis on position and authority. The importance of the Sarakuna (traditional rulers) on the one hand, and the position of the Talakawa (subjects/ commoners) on the other, are always spelt out and respected. The respect which a Sarki (King, Emir, ruler, leader) enjoys stems from this. Authority is a key word in Hausa social life. He went further to explain the division of labour in Hausaland. In public administration for instance, government officials must be men, for women were not appointed to office of the Sarakuna, even the most senior princess. However, some pre-Islamic Hausa societies had femal rulers, like Daura and Zazzau (cited in Lugga, 2004).

2.6 Effects of Ethnicity on Society

Ethnicity effect on society is a phenomenon that every society has to face, be it natural or unnatural it has become a major challenge for both humans and governments. Definition of ethnicity might be revisit in order to understand how it affects societies in negative ways. Though there are various dimensions in which ethnicity has influence each society.

2.6.1 Prejudice and Stereotype

Ethnicity as a reoccurring phenomenon has spread everywhere in our contemporary societies. Vividly societies with multi-ethnic group tend to be affected either positively or negatively. In the case of Nigeria ethnicity remains unavoidable phenomenon. In Aronson, Wilson and Akert (2010) definition of prejudice was defined as a hostile or negative attitude toward people in a distinguishable group, based solely on their membership in that group. To Macionis and Plummer (2005) prejudice is a rigid and irrational generalization about an entire category of people. They proceed by stating that prejudice is an attitude, a prejudgment- that one applies indiscriminately and inflexible to some category with little regard for the facts. People commonly hold prejudices about individuals’ of a particular social class, sex, sexual orientation, age, political affiliation, race or ethnicity. To both scholars, prejudice could either be positive or negative. Human beings are said to portray their positive prejudice by exaggerating the virtue of people like themselves, while their negative prejudices condemn those who differ from them. Negative prejudice runs along a continuum, ranging from mild aversion to outright hostility. Because to the fact that attitude are rooted in culture, everyone has at least some measure of prejudice. Another Sociologist Stolley (2005) sees prejudice as a preconceived and irrational attitude toward people based on their group membership. Just as the term suggests, this is a pre-judgment. It is inflexible and not based on direct evidence or contact. Prejudices can take the form of positive or negative attitudes toward a group, but the term is often used with a negative connotation. There are common and damaging forms of prejudice which are found in the “isms” that exist throughout society (e.g., racism, sexism, ageism). All of these “isms” take the form of a belief that one group is naturally inferior or superior, thus justifying unequal treatment of the group on the basis of their assumed characteristics. In racism, that belief is based on racial or ethnic group membership.

Stereotype is a concept stereo derived from Greek word meaning solid “solid”, which simplified description applied to every person in some category (Macionis, 2009). Stereotypes are beliefs that generalize certain exaggerated traits to an entire category of people. These common images can assign either positive or negative traits to various groups. They may arise out of observations of behaviors or traits that the observer applied to all people in the actor’s category (sex, ethnicity, club membership, hair color, etc.). Like the “isms,” stereotypical beliefs are used to justify unequal treatment of groups (Stolley, 2005).

One of the prominent sociology scholars Kendall (2007) opines that prejudice is rooted in ethnocentrism and stereotypes. When it’s used in the context of ethnicity and racial relations, ethnocentrism refers to the tendency to regards one’s own culture and groups as the standard and thus superior, whereas all other groups are seen as inferior. Ethnocentrism is maintained and perpetuated by stereotypes-overgeneralization about the appearance, behavior, or other characteristics of members of particular categories. According to Matsumoto (1996) stereotypes are generalized attitudes, beliefs, or opinion about people who belong to cultures other than our own.

Prejudice can target many different populations. When it’s aimed at ethnic group is often the result of ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is the inclination to believe that one’s own culture, ethnicity, or race is superior to all others. With this idea, groups that possess different beliefs and practices are labeled as strange and inferior. While prejudice can not only be confined to race and ethnicity, they could be directed towards other groups such as, the elderly, women, and the disables (Palmisano, 2001).

2.6.2 Discrimination

Discrimination is an action, unfair treatment directed against someone. Furthermore it can be based on many characteristics: age, sex, height, weight, skin, color, clothing, speech, income, education, marital status, sexual orientation, disease, disability, religion, and politics (Henslin, 2010). However Kendall (2007) viewed discrimination to involve actions or practices of dominant- group members (or their representatives) that have a harmful impact on members of a subordinate group. Discriminatory actions vary in severity from the use of derogatory labels to violence against individuals and groups. The ultimate form of discrimination occurs when people are considered to be unworthy to live because of their race or ethnicity. According to Macionis and Plummer (2005), discrimination is any action that involves treating various categories of people unequally. To sum it up discrimination is a matter of behavior. Like all society praise some forms of discrimination and while condemning others. For instance in universities, systematically favor applicants with greater abilities over those with less aptitude. Another example could be favoring of people with first class student in recruitment for Job. All sort of discrimination is entirely consistent with our culture based expectation that the greatest rewards go to people with more ability or those who work harder. Discrimination is defined as differential treatment of people depending on their group affiliation (Fershtman, Gneezy and Verboven, 2005).

Berghe (1987) concur to the conviction that ethnic and racial sentiments are extension of kinship sentiments. Ethnocentrism and racism are thus extended forms of nepotism-the propensity to favor kin over nonkin. There exists a general behavioral predisposition. In our species as in many others. To react favorably toward other organisms to the extent that these organisms are biologically related to the actor. The closer the relationship is, the stronger the preferential behavior. He proceed by saying we are all nepotism, and when we are not, it is for some good reason . Nepotism, we intuitively feel is the natural order of things. Where we feel nepotism would interfere with efficiency, equity or some other goals, we institute explicit safeguards against it and, even then, we expect it to creep in again surreptitiously.

Sociologist like Macionis and Plummer (2005) went further to analyze discrimination in historical terms, principle of fair play change along with economic development. This indicates that low income countries tend to favor members of their family, religious groups and villages. Most of these societies are dominated with people with traditional way of reasoning which moral duty to ‘look after their own’. Countries of high income or in other word industrial societies by contrast, cultural norms elevate the individual over the group, so that achievement rather than ascription guides our code of fairness.

2.6.3 Ethnic Conflict and Regional Politics

The resurgence of ethnically based African conflicts in the aftermath of cold war has once again prompted scholars to focus their attention on the importance of ethnicity in understanding African politics and society (Schraeder, 2004). Conflicts are violent of expression of dissatisfaction against prevailing situations among communities within a country or region. Conflicts in most African countries are outgrowth of the legacy bequeathed to them by colonial rule because the colonial powers that created them had little regard for cultural affinity and political practices that existed. Large nationalities and ethnic groups were split between states while others, which had little in common besides some aspects of history of warfare and enmity, were drawn into new state boundaries (Odunuga, 1999).

Ethnicity dimension and its impact on society will likely result in regionalism politics and ethnic violence. Voitti and Kauppi (1997), notes that while tribalism is associated with Africa, group identities in many countries throughout the rest of the Third World are often characterized in terms of ethnicity. For some observers, “tribalism” carries negative (if not pejorative) connotations, while “nationalism” has more positive overtone. They proceed by given examples of countries that have been facing civil strife. “India, Sri Lanka while ethnic strife persist in Indonesia, Malaysia, and other multi-ethnic societies in south Asia, as elsewhere in the Third world.

According to Nnoli (1998) it is important to note that the 1910 ordinance of “land and native right” encourage the emergence of ethnicity in the northern Nigeria. The ordinance paves way for the control of all land by the governor of the area. Immediate effect of the ordinance was that it curtailed the movement of people from South to the North. Thus this strengthened the authority of feudal lords especially the emirs, of the north against the southern liberalism (cited in Adebisi, 1998).

A key element in the ethnic differentiation sharpened by the colonial ideology was the division of the country into North and South and ‘Indirect rule’ system in the North ( (Dendo, 2003). According to Osaghae and Suberu (2005), regional cleavages and identities evolved from the structures created and consolidated by the colonialists in the process of state formation in Nigeria. The most fundamental of the cleavages is that between the North and South, these being the initial structures of the colonial state which were administered separately even after the two units were amalgamated in 1914. The other cleavages emerged with the introduction of a three-region structure (North, East, and West) in 1946. A fourth region, Mid-West, was created in 1963, but partly because of its status as home to minorities, the creation did not fundamentally alter the tripartite regional structure existing before the First Republic was sacked by the military in 1966. The ethnic majority-minority cleavage and the majoritarian basis of politics took roots within these structures.

A major contributor to ethnic conflict in Nigeria is what some scholars have described as constitutional factor. The focus of this line of argument is that constitutional developments in Nigeria, particularly the colonial constitutions, tended to engender ethnicism and hinder national integration of particular interest is Arthur Richard Constitution of 1946. This constitution established the first regional governments in Nigeria. Although the constitution achieved the integration of North and South in a common legislative council, it actually brought to force the concept of regionalism. Many political observers and commentators have observed that the 1946 constitution formed the beginning of the process of fragmentation along ethnic line in Nigeria. The Nigerian constitutional changes all along the colonial rule encouraged factionalism, which later resulted into ethnic nationalism. Richard Constitution built a pattern of political competition between the regions till the independence constitutional settlement (Salawu and Hassan, 2010; Anifowose, 2011).

In addition, rivalries also exist within each region between the dominant group and one or more minority tribes. The interests of the Tiv, the Kanuri and the Nupe are often in opposition to those of the dominant Hausa-Fulani in the North; the Ibibio, Ijaw and Efik occupy a similar minority position in the East, and the same condition applies to non-Yoruba peoples in the West. Altogether, some 400 linguistic groups, large and small, comprise Nigeria's more than 45 million people. Tribalism, thus, aggravates the difficulties most new societies face in their efforts at nation building (Rabushka and Shepsle, 1972).

To Lugga (2004) the Tiv- Jukun crisis in wukari, a town in the middle belt area of Northern Nigeria was centred on the questions of access to land. The Tiv people, many of whom had lived in wukari for decades were forced out to the town by the Jukun people.it was further alleged that their schools and health centres were forced to close down and the people were denied access to farm land and political positions. Several violent conflicts were recorded between these two communities with resultant loss of lives and properties since 1989.

The recent mile 12 clash between the Yoruba and Hausa is an example of how ethnicity can escalate a minor argument to unimaginable conflict. In an article published on THISDAY newspaper by Ezeobi (2016), the fracas started off between northerners and some Yoruba traders and then it quickly escalated claiming lives and properties, including the destruction of stalls and cars. For hours, the rampaging factions armed with dangerous and offensive weapons like guns, broken bottles, cutlasses wreaked havoc on the market, destroying and burning down stalls. THISDAY gathered that the clash was caused by a Hausa motorcyclist who hit a female trader and attempted to flee despite pressure by passers- by that he must take her to the hospital. According to Okoro (2016) in THE NATION newspaper the violence started when a group of boys claiming to be on reprisal mission, after an attack on a member of their trade, came with arms to attack the Agiliti community which is behind the market. Most of the boys in the group are believed to be Hausa traders and urchins. THE NATION learnt that the crisis started when a commercial motorcyclist hit and injured a boy in Agiliti.

2.7. Impacts of Ethnicity on Political Situation of Nigeria

Ethnic considerations are of importance and paramount in the politics of Nigeria. It has play profound role in areas of politics. Ethnicity cannot be dispose of politic. Fundamentally Nigeria history is an indication of ethnic supremacy remains focal point of every daily life activity.

2.7.1 Ethnic/Tribal based Political Party

Ethnic based political party is a deliberate product of the British colonial masters. The notion behind the infliction of such into Africa nation was for them to have a perpetuating influence on the black continent. Anifowose (2011), averse that tribalism has gained notoriety in Nigeria because of the uses to which it has been put by Nigerians politicians in the struggle for political power, public offices and scarce economic resources. He further to state that the problem for Nigeria politicians was that, while they purported to believe in nation-wide political parties, they felt obliged to appeal to ethnic loyalties every time their position was threatened by their rivals.

Ayatse and Iorhen (2013), sees ethnic sentiments and the cut-throat struggle and competition among the ethnics in Nigeria today have a genesis in the political and economic activities which were the reasons for colonization and imperialism. So, ethnicity cannot be totally separated from colonialism. In pre-independence era, party politics in Nigeria was based on ethnic factor. One can say without mincing words that it was during this period in question that the seed of ethnic politics was sown, germinated in the First Republic and the products started spreading during the Third and Fourth republics. For example, the Action Group (AG) as a party led by chief Obafemi Awolowo developed from a Yoruba Cultural Association, Egbe Omo Oduduwa; the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon (NCNC), later renamed National Council of Nigerian Citizen led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe was closely allied with the Igbo Union while the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) developed from Jamiyyah Arewa led by Sir Ahmadu Bello. Thus the leadership of the aforementioned parties was along ethnic cleavages. Even to a large extent, the colonial administrative arrangement in Nigeria during the Colonial period encouraged ethnic politics (Oladiran, 2013).

Rabushka and Shepsle (1972) posited that political parties in Nigeria are tribally based. They went further by citing example of ; as of 1958, 59 percent of the major NCNC leaders were of Eastern origin, of whom 49 percent were Ibo. Yoruba in turn comprised 68 percent of the Action Group leadership and 84 percent of the NPC leadership were indigenous Northerners. The regional elections held in 1951 provided the first competitive opportunity for these tribally based parties. As expected, each major party was successful in its own region, and in subsequent regional elections sought to consolidate their power still further. These regional based parties assured two things: firstly that none of the parties could govern Nigeria on its own, and secondly that ethnic conflict was only a matter of time away (Siollun, 2009)

Akinboye and Anifowose (2008), concur to the thought that the three emerging political parties merely encouraged regionalism and also ethnically based to the detriment of the country’s political stability. In addition it pave ways for smaller ethnic groups political parties to emerged such as, Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU), the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), the Niger Delta Congress (NDC), and the United National Independent Party (UNIP). Later some of these parties formed alliance within and between the three major parties.

2.7.2 Political Instability

The desire of man to conquer, dominate and subjugate, paves a room for difficulty in the process of resource allocation and distribution. In a pluralist society, however, such domination might not be reckoned with. Even in homogenous societies, domination of man by man is always condemnable because no any socio-economic formation embraces or welcomes repression, oppression, or deliberate dehumanization. The dominated party may infuriate and revolt against the dominating party, which would automatically bring about conflict, violence and even turbulent bloodshed. The political system might collapse and there by summoning another leadership. The new leadership must not be entirely considered legitimate or acceptable to the entire members of the political environment. This, however, may produce another political upheaval and instability which would in the long run produce total backwardness in the society (Ibrahim, Abba and Bibi, 2014).

Scholars like Schraeder (2004) maintain that upon independence in 1960 Nigerian leaders faced the challenge of creating of ethnic compact that balanced the interests, needs, and diverse political cultures of this ethnic mosaic inherited from the colonial era. The Nigerian ethnic compact eroded and social tensions mounted in the 6 years (1960-66) preceding the outbreak of civil war. This was due to rising perceptions among ethnic intermediaries and their constituents that some ethnic groups were gaining more than their rightful share of national resources.

Without hesitating the situation of Nigeria after attainment of its independent wasn’t different from the pre-colonial era. The post- independence witness some conflict, crisis and political violence. Some of the conflict and political violence commenced with internal trouble in western part of Nigeria. In 1962, the AG’s hold on the West and the cohesiveness of that Region was broken. The partners in the Federal Government, the NPC and the NCNC took advantage of the split in the AG and ensuing crisis and violence on the floor of the western House of the Assembly, to declare a state of emergency in the west. Another dimension of political instability was the disagreement over the population census held in 1962/3. The federal election of 1964 and the Western Nigeria Parliamentary Election of 1965 (Anifowose, 2011).

To Jacob (2012) in his analysis on political instability in Nigeria maintain that while the politicians tried to cope with the colonial legacy that lumped incompatible ethnic groups together into one country, the military elites staged coups, making a mockery of democracy in Africa's most populous and promising country. The corruption, ineptitude and confusion that marked the military era plunged Nigeria into economic problems, poverty, and ethno-religious conflicts until the 1990s. In Nigeria, where politics still follow ethnic lines, there is always disagreement about the rules of the game. The military intervened because they viewed the civilian leaders as inept and indecisive. As observed above political instability has halted the democratic development of Nigeria with various crises which ethnicity was the focal point of discussion.

Lugga (2004) in his book on conflict and security management, he postulate the 1953 Kano ethnic riot which took place in May 1953 when members of the AG visited Kano in order to sell the “independence” idea to the people. Unfortunately, the press promoted the campaign in such a way as to denote the Southerners as “progressives” and the Northerners in Lagos and along the North-South roads, led to serious tension and an attack on the visiting AG members and other “settlers” in Sabon Gari Kano on 15th May 1953 with very heavy Southern casualties.

2.8. Conflict Resolution, Management and Transformation

According to Jeong (2010) conflict is manifested through adversarial social action, involving two or more actors with the expression of differences often accompanied by intense hostilities. The conditions of scarcity (for instance, caused by soil degradation or depletion of water in river basins or lakes in Central Africa) and value incompatibilities can become a continuing source of contention. Most significantly, protracted conflict arises from the failure to manage antagonistic relationships. Despite economic difficulties and cultural diversity, South Africa and many other societies have been able to eventually overcome inter-communal rivalries and develop various types of institutions which can renegotiate opposing economic and political interests democratically. Non-violent method and Peaceful means of conflict management is the blue print and methodology often adopt by most of the African countries. However, the same cannot be said about the western nation.

2.8.1 Conflict Resolution

Wallensteen (2012) preliminarily defines conflict resolution as a situation where the conflicting parties enter into an agreement that solves their central incompatibilities, accept each other’s continued existence as parties and cease all violent action against each other. This means, of course, that conflict resolution is something that necessarily comes after conflict. In a long-lasting conflict, it is not always clear how to predict when resolution can be achieved. In addition, questions linger as to whether agreement on contentious issues at hand is sufficient to prevent future hostilities. The perceptions of a desirable outcome at an acceptable cost diverge among parties according to the nature of their goals and issues (Jeong 2010).

To Miller (2003) who view conflict resolution as “a variety of approaches aimed at terminating conflict through the constructive solving of problems, distinct from management or transformation of conflict.” (Cited in Best, 2006). Conflict resolution addresses the causes of conflict and seeks to build a new and lasting relationship between hostile groups (NOUN, 2006). Best (2006) avers that in principle, conflict resolution connotes a sense of finality, where the parties to a conflict are mutually satisfied with the outcome of a settlement and the conflict is resolved in a true sense. He proceeds further by stating, a conflict is resolved when the basic needs of the parties have been met with necessary satisfiers and their fears have been allayed.

Mbiti (1991) sees the African conception and philosophy of conflict resolution entails a spiritual dimension which refers to creating and restoring impaired relationships with God, the spirits, ancestors, family and neighbours as the case might be, which is very critical in restoring other relationships at the physical levels. The rituals in the resolution process serves as the link between the people with the past, present and future (cited in Bakut, 2013).

2.8.2 Conflict Management

Conflict management is the process of reducing the negative and destructive capacity of conflict through a number of measures and by working with and through the parties involved in that conflict. This term is sometimes used synonymously with conflict regulation.it covers the entire area if handling conflicts positively at different stages, including those efforts made to prevent conflict, by being proactive. It encompasses conflict limitation, containment and litigation (Best, 2006).

Conflict management must be viewed as a part of a larger process of ensuring that man lives in peace and in an orderly way, conflict should also be channelled towards positive effect in every human community (NOUN, 2006). To Enwere (2015) the management of conflict using peaceful, non- violent methods has been in existence in the pre- colonial African societies. In nearly all African societies, preference for the peaceful settlement of disputes along the lines prescribed by the institutions and values of the community. But modern African societies in their endless search for the nicety of civilization have discarded the non- violent African dispute resolution methods. This has resulted in the inability of the most African states to resolve disputes, leading to geometric increase in the number of violent conflicts in Africa. Africa has become a theatre of conflict characterized by fears and incidences of violent death, destruction and irrevocable wars.

2.8.3 Conflict transformation

As observed by Best (2006) conflict transformation has been introduced by John Paul Lederach of the Eastern Mennonite School of peace building. It is assumed that this goes beyond conflict resolution to build longer standing relationships through a process of change in perceptions and attitudes of parties. Conflict transformation is a process of engaging with and transforming the relationships, interests, discourses and, if necessary, the very constitution of society that supports the continuation of violent conflict (Miall, 2001).

To Jeong (2010) peaceful transformation of conflict relationships can be consigned to a conscience-driven process to reduce violence and empower a marginalized party. The positive connotations of conflict transformation are, in general, related to structural changes in support of the recognition of justice and everyone’s right to survival and human dignity. In fact, durable solutions are not likely to be derived from short-term bandage approaches to political alienation or socio-economic oppression. For instance, armed opposition to the governments in the Philippines, Thailand, Morocco, Colombia, and Nigeria has persisted despite the governments’ heavy investment to root out resistance movements militarily.

According to Galtung (2000) the goal of conflict is peace; the capacity to handle conflict creatively and non-violently. Vision of a sustainable outcome acceptable to all parties may transform the conflict long before any agreement. The discourse for the conflict has changed because the vision serves as a reference point, an anchor, people start talking about something new; old conflict issues evaporate or recede in the background. Outsiders withdraw, the parties start building their own conflict transformation capacity.

Figure 2.1: Conceptual Framework

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Fig.1. A cyclical model of ethnic political interest, ethnic political agitation, political unrest and political clash and conflict among ethnic groups.

The four concepts of ethnic political interest, ethnic political agitation, political unrest and political clash and conflict among ethnic groups are cyclical in nature thus meaning that, ethnic political interest lead to ethnic political agitation and this also lead political unrest that causes political clash & conflict among ethnic groups.

CHAPTER Three RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1. Introduction

This chapter outlines the research method applied to carry out this study. It explains the reasons why survey research method was adopted to determine ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflict in Nigeria. The study focuses on four major ethnic groups: Yoruba from the South West, Igbo of the South East, from the North is Hausa while the Ijaw represents the South-South region were considered for research design, population, sample sampling techniques, instrumentation, reliability of the instrument, procedure for data collection, procedure for data analysis and model specification, justification of method and summary of the chapter.

3.2. Research Design

Research designs are approaches of carrying out research studies in order to achieve the objective of the research studies (Ihenacho, 2004). Scholars such as Kothari (2002) defines research design as the arrangement of conditions for collection and analysis of data in a manner that aims to combine relevance to the research purpose with economy in procedure. Research design adopted for this study is survey research method. The researcher adopted the survey research design which is also classified as part of non-experimental research design. Our quantitative data was generated via questionnaire as instrument for this study. To sum it up research design allows the researcher to understand and strategize on how to explore factors which cannot be obtained through the use of qualitative and direct observations.

3.3. Research Population

The population for this study covers four major ethnic groups in Nigeria. They are divided into four regions according to National Population Commission of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as North representing the Hausa, Yoruba South-West, Ijaw South-South and South-East representing Igbo. People from various sectors of the society responded to the questionnaire on ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflict in Nigeria. Given the vast population of the four ethnic groups, the cluster was used to select four states where the ethnic groups are predominant.

3.4. Sampling Technique

Going from the nature of the topic of this study, cluster sampling technique was adopted for ethnic population. After the use of cluster, stratified random sampling technique was adopted in order to achieve a representative sample from the population of the study. The questionnaire, ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflict was administered for data collection via the help of researcher’s representatives. The number of questionnaires administered to each ethnic group zone was obtained based on equal allocation. Population for the states selected was obtained from the National Population Commission, Nigeria.

Table 3.1 Questionnaire Locale

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Source: From National Population Commission, Nigeria

The sample collected was six hundred of the questionnaire distribution. Distinction between ages, sexes, tribes, ethnic groups, education level and marital status were reflected on the index for proper analysis.

3.5 Method of Data Collection

Survey data on impacts, implications and causes of political conflict in Nigeria were collected via the use of Ethnicity as Potent Questionnaire (EPQ). The questionnaire was distributed randomly to selected individuals in Lagos, Kaduna, Enugu and Port-Harcourt.

3.5.1 Study Instrument (Questionnaire)

Closed or in another word multiple questions were included in the questionnaire. The study questionnaire ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflict (EPQ) (EPCQ) used ordinal scales; in addition, the questionnaire was structured in the 5 options Likert scale type of: strongly agree (5), agree (4), undecided (3), disagree (2) and strongly disagree (1). Respondents were given list of questions in four sections. In each section, questions on hypotheses were asked. The first section deals with respondent’s personal information, section two covered questions on ethnic identity influence on political conflict, section three deals with political culture and section four on the other hand focuses on relationships amongst ethnic group.

3.5.2 Validity and Reliability of Instrument

The instrument (questionnaire) was given to my project supervisor who is an expert in the field of research and two other experts in political science department upon whose advice the final draft of the instrument was done to determine its content validity. The instrument was subjected to test re-test statistical method of three weeks interval after first administration of the instrument. The two scores were tested using Pearson r statistics which resulted in 0.69 reliability index at 0.05 alpha level of significance.

3.5.3 Administration of Instrument

Data was collected via questionnaire ‘ethnicity as potent contributor of political conflict in Nigeria’ which the researcher’s representative in each city administered face to face. 150 copies of questionnaire were given to researcher’s representatives in Enugu, Kaduna, Lagos and Port-Harcourt. In Kaduna all the 150 copies of the questionnaire were administered in Kaduna State University, Kaduna, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and Jama'atu Nasril Islam (JNI), Kaduna while in Lagos, also all the 150 copies of the questionnaire were administered in Lagos State Polytechnic, State Universal Basic Education Board, Lagos (SUBEB), and other public places such as shopping malls etc. Port-Harcourt administration was done in Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited (LNG) and with staff in various secondary schools. Lastly in Enugu the representative administered the questionnaire in both private and public sectors to have a wide response.

3.6 Procedure for Data Analysis and Model Specification

A descriptive statistic technique was employed in this study in order to analyse and administer data compiled from the questionnaire. The need for questionnaire survey method was due to the nature of the subject matter. The respondents were presented with questionnaire on how ethnicity plays role in political conflicts. The data was presented with percentages using tables and charts for proper illustration.

3.6.1 Descriptive Analysis of Data

Data gathered for the study was presented and processed before it was analysed by adopting the content analysis method couple with frequency distribution and percentage tools used under descriptive statistics.

3.6.2 Hypotheses Testing

The parametric statistical test was carried out to test the hypotheses. The hypotheses were tested using analysis of variance (ANOVA) method. The method was selected because the study involves more than two samples. F- Ratio and the P- value- were used to test and determine the statistics significance in ANOVA.

CHAPTER Four DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS AND RESULTS

4.1 Introduction

In this chapter the study focuses on data analysis and discussion of result obtained in the process of the research. Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 20.0) software was used to analyse data collected for the purpose of this study. Statistical frequency distribution tables, simple percentages and inferential analysis, a sample size of 600 questionnaires were distributed in this study and it captured four geopolitical zones in Nigeria. The analysis was done for each of the four “South-West (Yoruba), South East (Igbo), North (Hausa) and South South (Ijaw)” geopolitical zones. Out of 600 copies of the questionnaires administered, 397 were returned while 203 were either unreturned or badly filled for analysis.

Table 4.1 Response Rates

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Source: Author (2016)

The table above gives crystal information on the response rate of our respondents. Out of the administered 600 copies the questionnaire, 397 were returned while the remaining 203 were not returned. The returned rate of 66.2% is satisfactory and suffices the amount needed to make valid conclusion and analysis for this study.

The Tables below present the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents.

4.2 Demographic analysis of Respondents for Ijaw

Table 4.2: Age Distribution of Respondents

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.1: Age

In the Table 3 majority of respondent were between age 31-40 (41.7 %) followed by age 21-30 (22.6 %), 41- 50 were (17.9 %) while less than ages 20 was (14.3 %). Ages 51and above was just (3.6 %). From the table it is observed that people from age 21-40 must have participated in political conflict either by violence or non-violence means. This implies that those that participated are those struggling for economic survival thus leading to more political conflicts, decline of democracy and political instability.

Table 4.3: Gender Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

Interestingly, female respondents were more than male who filled the questionnaire. Female with 43 (51.2 %) male respondents were (48.8 %). It could therefore be concluded that political conflict is not only about male participant; the female who felt that they are left out of politics took this as an opportunity to make significant impact.

Table 4.4: Marital Status

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.2: Marital Status

Vast majority of the respondents were married with a notable percentage of (52.9 %) while single had a percentage of (42.9 %). Divorced (2.4 %), Widow and separated merely with (1.2 %) each. This implies that married and singles are those that often participate in political conflict in the region where Ijaw ethnic groups are dominant.

Table 4.5: Educational Level

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Source: Author (2016)

In table 4, it should be noted that no primary school certificate holder respondents. Out of 84 respondents 70 (83.3 %) were BSc, Master or Ph.D. holders while 14 (16.7 %) were secondary certificate holders. This gives a crystal picture that majority of those that engaged and participated are literate individuals with higher education degree. The implication therefore means that in the nearest future the youth and educated ones might revolt against the government.

Table 4.6: Occupation Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

(55.3 %) works in public sector and 44.7% works in private places. Note some of respondents decided not to indicate their occupation.

Table 4.7: Ethnic Groups

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Source: Author (2016)

As expected in Table 8 and graph people from ‘Ijaw’ ethnic groups has the highest percentage with 30 (35.71 %), Igbo respondents were 27 (32.14 %) while Hausa with 17 (20.23 %). Yoruba was 10 (11.92 %). Ijaw involvement in conflict implies that sooner than later the region could be confronted with uncontrollable conflicts.

Table 4.8: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

In the question on tribal name identification preference Ijaw respondents barely agree to be identified with their tribal names. The Ijaw people in the area of friend and spouse selection tribal consideration had mixed response. The issue of trusting people from their tribe than other ethnic groups, Ijaw people were not of the opinion not to trust other tribes. Not surprising Ijaw respondents with vast majority are of the view that tribe gives sense of safety and belonging. A sensitive question on if tribe supersede religion, most of Ijaw respondents were of the idea that their religion supersede tribe.

Table 4.9: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

The first question on ‘participating in political activities plays vital role in government policy’ interestingly almost all the Ijaw respondents agreed to the question. Average respondents believe in the political system of Nigeria. Vast majority of Ijaw people evaluate political manifestoes of political party before voting, apart from the Yoruba respondents who did not see politics as economic prospect. Half of Ijaw respondents are of the notion that going into politics is a way of economics prospect. Lastly a noticeable percentage was obtained from Ijaw respondents who are of the view that voting in an election is a way of changing unwanted government.

Table 4.10: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

In the Table above, Ijaws are not of the support of adopting violence means as a way of letting their voice to be heard. They are also of the opinion that influential people in a society have impact on political conflict. As expected respondents from Ijaw concur to the view that tribalism in bureaucracy and other sectors are among the causes of ethnic and political conflicts. Interestingly Ijaw respondents agree that ‘‘Godfatherism’’ causes unrest and conflict among communities.

4.3 Demographic Analysis of Respondents for Yoruba.

Table 4.11: Age Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

Figure 4.3: Age

The age distribution table reflects that most of the respondents were between the ages of 21-30 (58 %). Percentage for age 31-40 was (24.7 %), people the age range of 41-50 (11.1 %) while 51 and above were (3.7 %). Less than age 20 was only (2.5 %). Youths between the age of 21-30 participate in political conflicts because majority are either single or yet to marry. The implication is in the long run they will instigate what might lead to revolution in the society.

Table 4.12: Gender Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

An interesting result from the gender table out of 45 (55.6 %) of respondents were female while 36 (44.4 %) were male. This simply indicates the level of female participants in politics among the Yoruba people. Albeit the structure of the Yoruba political structure has a lot to do with the result obtained from respondents.

Table 4.13: Marital Status

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.4: Marital Status

The above vividly shows that (71.6 %) of respondents were single, married with (27.2 %) while widows had (1.2 %). The burden of marriage and lack of employment play significant role in willingness to participate in political conflict.

Table 4.14: Educational Level

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Source: Author (2016)

A vast majority of the respondents were either B.Sc., master or Ph.D. holders (93.8 %), while percentage of secondary school certificate holders was (4.9 %) and primary school certificate holders were (1.2 %).

Table 4.15: Occupation Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

Occupation of the people that responded to the questionnaire were mainly in private sector with the highest percentage (50.6 %) followed by public sector (16 %), student percentage was (13.6 %), civil servant had (7.4 %). Teachers were (2.5 %) other occupations maintain similar percentage of (1.2 %). this is relevant to the study because people that are involved in political conflicts vary in terms of occupation.

Table 4.16: Ethnic Groups

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.5: Ethnic Groups

As expected, Yoruba with the majority percentage of 64.2 followed by the Igbo (17.3 %), others ethnic group with (16 %) and Hausa had lowest amongst the groups with (2.5 %). The explanation for the above mean the Yoruba are the people that often involve in political conflict in the region of south-west region. Igbo and other ethnic groups are believed to be involved in conflict during ethnic conflict.

The following Tables are prepared for selected questions among the other section of the research questionnaire.

Table 4.17: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

Vast majority of Yoruba respondents prefer to be identified with their tribal name. This implies that they identify themselves as Yoruba not just Nigerians. As expected Yoruba respondents believe that their tribe gives sense of safety and belonging. Surprisingly, vast majority of Yoruba respondents are not of the view that their tribe supersedes their religion. Lastly high rate of respondents sees other ethnic groups as foreigner or strangers.

Table 4.18: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

Vast majority of Yoruba believe that participating in political activities plays vital role in government policy. Another noticeable result was on the question of voting in an election as a way of changing unwanted government. Majority of Yoruba respondents agreed to the view.

Table 4.19: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

One of the questions relevant to the study was on the issue of using violence as a means of letting our voice be heard was not approved by noticeable Yoruba participants. They believe that influential people in society have influence on political conflict. In the issue of tribalism in bureaucracy as a determinant factor that cause ethnic and political conflict, vast majority agreed to the statement. ‘‘Godfatherism’’ is believed to be one of the causes of unrest and conflict among communities. Yoruba respondents believe in revolution as a means of removing political elites in society. Lastly they are of the view that elite politicians serve tribal or ethnic interest when they failed to attain their political goal.

4.4 Demographic analysis of Respondents for Hausa

Table 4.20: Age Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.7: Gender

We reasonably expected male respondents to be more with (56.8%) while female percentage was (43.2 %). Islam influence on the Hausa culture cannot be ignored so male from this ethnic group often participate in political conflict.

Table 4.22: Marital Status

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Source: Author (2016)

Single with (69.4 %), married (29.7%) and widow below 1%.

Table 4.23: Educational Level

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Source: Author (2016)

As indicated in the table all our respondents were BSc, master of Ph.D. holders.

Table 4.24: Occupation Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.8: Occupation

As shown in table of occupation, the numbers of respondents who represent students out of 111 were 99 (89.2%). Other notable percentage is (9.9 %) of private sector while the percentage for public was (8.1 %).

Table 4.25: Ethnic Group

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.9: Ethnic Groups

The frequency of ethnic group reflects that the questionnaire was responded to in city located in the north, out of 111 (55%) were Hausa followed by other ethnic groups, Yoruba with (10.8%) and Igbo merely had (5.4 %).

Table 4.26: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

Vast majority of respondents from the Hausa tribe agree to the question on preference to be identified with their tribal names. The influence of Islam cannot be overlooked. Interestingly, a noticeable majority of Hausa respondents are of the view that tribe gives a sense of safety and belonging. As expected, Hausa respondents with high rate disagree and strongly disagreed to the question of tribe superior to their religion.

Another interesting outcome was on the question of ethnic identification before national identification, respondents from Hausa were not of the view.

Table 4.27: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

Majority of Hausa respondents are of the notion that participating in political activities plays vital role in government policy. In the issue of believing in Nigeria political system, respondents had mix view. Surprisingly, few people among the Hausa tribe view going into politics as a way of economic prospect. Lastly a noticeable response was obtained on the question of voting in an election as a means of changing unwanted government.

Table 4.28: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

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Source: Author (2016)

Unexpectedly the Hausa respondents did not accept the use of violence as a means of letting their voice to be heard. Noticeable respondents believe that influential people in society have influence in political conflict. Same response was obtained in tribalism in bureaucracy are among the causes of ethnic and political conflicts. Vast majority of Hausa respondents are of the view that god-fatherism being one of the cause of unrest and conflict among communities. Also they were against regional based politics among political parties.

4.5 Demographic profile of Respondents for Igbo

Table 4.29: Age Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.10: Age

Age 21-30 had majority percentage of (65.3%), followed by age 41-50 (13.2 %) age 31- 40 with only (11.6 %) while 51 and above had (7.4 %). Respondents of the age of less than 20 had lowest percentage of (2.5%).

Table 4.30: Gender Distribution

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Source: Author (2016)

In the Table above, Male with (51.2 %) and female has (48.8 %). Irrespective of the gender both male and female often participate in political conflict in the Igbo ethnic groups. This could be traced to the historical culture and political structure of the Igbo people.

Table 4.31: Marital Status

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Source: Author (2016)

Surprisingly married had majority percentage of (49.6 %), single with (41.3 %). On the other hand divorced and separated share same percentage of (3.3) widow (2.5 %).

Table 4.32: Educational Level

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Source: Author (2016)

Majority of the respondents had Bsc, master or Ph.D. which constituted (78.5 %) followed by secondary school certificate holders (16.5 %) and those with primary school certificate had (5 %).

Table 4.33: Occupation Distribution

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Source: Author ( 2016)

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Figure 4.11: Occupation

As anticipated most of respondents works either in a private sector or they are self-employed. The percentage of private approximately (80.2 %) while public had (19.8 %)

Table 4.34: Ethnic Groups

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Source: Author (2016)

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Figure 4.12: Ethnic Groups

Igbo had vast majority of respondents with (90.9 %) Hausa (4.1 %) while Yoruba and other ethnic groups have (2.5 %) each.

Table 4.35: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Ethnic Identity

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

Vast majority of the Igbo respondents prefer to be identified with their tribal name. Surprisingly, they are of the notion that tribal consideration is central in friendship and spouse selection. In addition, Igbo respondents trust people from their tribe than other ethnic group. The Igbo respondents had a mix response in the issue of tribe giving a sense of safety and belonging. Religion being a sensitive issue in Nigeria could be easily understood with the following: with Igbo respondents are not of the thought that tribe supersedes religion. Surprisingly, the question of seeing other people from other tribe was either disagree or undecided by respondents.

Table 4.36: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Culture

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Source: Researcher’s analysis (2016)

Igbo respondents opined to the question of participating in political activities plays important role in government policy. Interestingly the Igbo respondents believe in Nigeria political system. As observed from the question of evaluating political manifestoes of political parties a noticeable rate of response was obtained for Igbo. They did not see going into politics as a way of economic prosperity.

Table 4.37: Frequency counts and percentage distribution of analysis on Political Structure

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Source: Researcher’s Analysis (2016)

The Igbo respondents are of the view that influential people have influence on political conflict in a society. Noticeable majority of Igbo respondents perceived ‘‘Godfathersim’’ is among the causes of unrest and conflict among communities. Similarly, Igbo are not of the notion that revolution is the best way of removing political elites in society.

4.6 Hypotheses Test

In this section inferential statistics was used to analyse the proposed three hypotheses for this study. H0 represent null hypothesis while H1 signifies alternate hypothesis. Descriptive and ANOVA method of analysis test at 0.05 alpha level of significance were adopted to arrive at a conclusion whether the study hypothesis should be rejected or accepted.

Hypothesis 1: There is a significant relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest.

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Source: SPSS output (2016)

Table 4.39: ANOVA

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Source: SPSS output (2016)

An ANOVA test between groups analysis of variance was conducted to research the relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest. Participants were divided into four ethnic groups of Igbo Yoruba, Hausa and Ijaw. There was a statistically significant difference at P < .038 level in relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest for the four ethnic groups F (1, 54) = 4.51, P < .038.

Decision Rule:

The reported P-value for ethnic politics and political unrest is = .038 < α = 0.05, therefore the null hypothesis rejected. This simply indicates that “There is a significant relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest ’’ alternate hypothesis fail to reject. It could therefore be concluded that ethnic politics has effect on political unrest.

Hypothesis 2: There is a significant relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups.

Table 4.40: Descriptive Mean

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Source : SPSS output (2016)

Table 4.41: Mean ANOVA

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Source: SPSS output (2016)

ANOVA test between the study groups analysis variance was carried out to explore whether there is relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups. As observed from the ANOVA table above, There was no statistically significant difference at P > .611 level in relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups F (3, 204) = .607, P > .611.

Decision Rule:

The reported P-value for struggle for political and economic power is = .607 > α = 0.05, Hence the (H1) alternate hypothesis is rejected ‘‘ There is a significant relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic group ’’ . Thus, (H0) failed to reject. This implies that there is no relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups in Nigeria.

Hypothesis 3: There is a significant relationship between violence and political instability among ethnic groups.

Table 4.42: Descriptive Observed

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Source: SPSS output (2016)

Table 4.43: ANOVA Observed

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Source: SPSS output (2016)

As observed in the above ANOVA test between the four groups analysis of variance carried out to examine the relationship between violence and political instability. There was no statistically significant difference at P > .245 level in relationship between violence and political instability for the four ethnic groups F (1, 30) = 1.406, P > .245.

Decision Rule:

The reported P value for violence and political instability is = .245 > α = 0.05, therefore the (H1) alternate hypothesis is rejected ‘‘ There is a significant relationship between violence and political instability among ethnic groups ’’. The (H0) failed to reject implying that there is no significant relationship between violence and political instability among ethnic groups.

Means Plots

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Figure 4.13: Means Plot

The above mean was plotted to explain the hypothesis test between the relationship between violence and political instability among ethnic groups of the study.

Table 4.44: Post Hoc Tests

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Source: Author (2016)

The Post-hoc comparisons using LSD test indicates that the mean score for Enugu-Igbo (M = 3.09, SD = .983) while PH-Ijaw (M = 2.91, SD = .998), Lagos –Yoruba (M = 2.87 SD = .981) and Kaduna – Hausa (M = 2.86, SD = .975). There was no statistically significant difference between the four ethnic groups of the study.

4.7 Discussion of Findings

This section deals with major findings and discussion which cut across presiding sections. It reflects our findings from survey carried out for the study.

The first hypothesis revealed that there is a significant relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest. This finding concurred with the outcome of Berghe (1987) whose finding revealed that ethnic politics and political sentiments are extension of kinship sentiments. He explained that ethnocentrism and racism are thus extended forms of nepotism-the propensity to favor kin over nonkin. He proceed by saying we are all nepotism, and when we are not, it is for some good reason . Nepotism, we intuitively feel is the natural order of things. Where we feel nepotism would interfere with efficiency, equity or some other goals, we institute explicit safeguards against it and, even then, we expect it to creep in again surreptitiously. Likewise, the work of Macionis and Plummer (2005) went further to analyse discrimination in historical terms, principle of fair play change along with economic development. This indicates that low income countries tend to favour members of their family, religious groups and villages. Most of these societies are dominated with people with traditional way of reasoning with moral duty to ‘look after their own’. Countries of high income or in other word industrial societies by contrast, cultural norms elevate the individual over the group, so that achievement rather than ascription guides our code of fairness.

Also, Salawu and Hassan (2010) and Anifowose (2011) in a separate study concluded that the major contributor to ethnic conflict in Nigeria is what was described as constitutional factor. The focus of this line of argument is that constitutional developments in Nigeria, particularly the colonial constitutions, tended to engender ethnicism and hinder national integration of particular interest is Arthur Richard Constitution of 1946. This constitution established the first regional governments in Nigeria. Although the constitution achieved the integration of North and South in a common legislative council, it actually brought to force the concept of regionalism. Many political observers and commentators have observed that the 1946 constitution formed the beginning of the process of fragmentation along ethnic line in Nigeria. The Nigerian constitutional changes all along the colonial rule encouraged factionalism, which later resulted into ethnic nationalism. Richard Constitution built a pattern of political competition between the regions till the independence constitutional settlement.

The second hypothesis revealed that there is no significant relationship between struggle for political and economic power among ethnic groups, this is contrary to the finding of Anifowose (2011) who averse that tribalism has gained notoriety in Nigeria because of the uses to which it has been put by Nigerians politicians in the struggle for political power, public offices and scarce economic resources. He went further to state that the problem for Nigeria politicians was that, while they purported to believe in nation-wide political parties, they felt obliged to appeal to ethnic loyalties every time their position was threatened by their rivals.

The analysis of the third hypothesis (H13) revealed that there is no significant relationship between violence and political instability among ethnic groups. This outcome is contrary to the work of Ibrahim et al. (2014), their work revealed that domination of a political party may infuriate and revolt against the dominating party, which would automatically bring about conflict, violence and even turbulent bloodshed. The political system might collapse and there by summoning another leadership due to instability. They explained that the new leadership must not be entirely considered legitimate or acceptable to the entire members of the political environment. This, however, may produce another political upheaval and instability which would in the long run produce total backwardness in the society. their findings further revealed that the desire of man to conquer, dominate and subjugate, paves a room for difficulty in the process of resource allocation and distribution. In a pluralist society, however, such domination might not be reckoned with. Even in homogenous societies, domination of man by man is always condemnable because no any socio-economic formation embraces or welcomes repression, oppression, or deliberate dehumanization.

In addition, Lugga (2004) and Jacob (2012) in their separate studies found that political instability in Nigeria arises while the politicians tried to cope with the colonial legacy that lumped incompatible ethnic groups together into one country, the military elites staged coups, making a mockery of democracy in Africa's most populous and promising country. The corruption, ineptitude and confusion that marked the military era plunged Nigeria into economic problems, poverty, and ethno-religious conflicts until the 1990s. Jacob (2012) explained that in Nigeria, where politics still follow ethnic lines, there is always disagreement about the rules of the game. The military intervened because they viewed the civilian leaders as inept and indecisive. As observed above political instability has halted the democratic development of Nigeria with various crises which ethnicity was the focal point of discussion.

Lugga (2004) in his book on conflict and security management postulated that, the 1953 Kano ethnic which took place in May 1953 when members of the Action Group (AG) visited Kano in order to sell the “independence” idea to the people. Unfortunately, the press promoted the campaign in such a way as to denote the Southerners as “progressives” and the Northerners in Lagos and along the North-South roads, led to serious tension and an attack on the visiting AG members and other “settlers” in Sabon Gari Kano on 15th May 1953 with very heavy Southern casualties.

CHAPTER Five SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary

This chapter deals with the general summary of findings of the preceding chapters. In addition conclusions, recommendations and suggestions for further study were discussed.

To understand the cause and source of political conflict the researcher came up with some set of questions. Three variables were identified; ethnic identity, political culture and political structure that were believed to be the fundamental factor that drive conflict in Nigeria among ethnic groups.

The study combined both qualitative and quantitative research method, in which survey served as primary source of data. The secondary source was obtained from books, journals, internet sources, magazines and newspapers. Six hundred copies of questionnaire each containing forty – six item questions were administered in different sectors in the four geopolitical zones in Nigeria.

Our findings on ethnic identity for the four ethnic groups were outlined in tables 9, 18, 27 and 36. The respondent from four ethnic groups shows that none of the four ethnic groups’ culture practises and promotes political conflicts. In contrast, they all practise and promote democracy. Yoruba, Igbo Hausa and Ijaw respondents did not believe that tribe or ethnicity supersedes religion. Except the Igbo ethnic groups, the Yoruba, Hausa and Ijaw people believe that their tribes give them sense of safety and belonging. Yoruba respondents were the only ethnic group that sees others as foreigners. In addition, respondents from the four ethnic groups prefer to be identified with their tribal name.

Other major findings in our study revolve around political culture of the ethnic groups. Tables 10, 19, 28, and 37 reveal the respondents’ views on the issue of political culture. Noticeable respondents from the four ethnic groups believe that participating in political activities plays a vital role in government policy. Ijaw respondents were the only ethnic group that believe delving into politics is a way of economic prospect. The issue of believing in the system practice by Nigeria government was not approved by respondents from the four ethnic groups. Vast majority of respondents agree and strongly agree respectively that voting is a way of changing unwanted government.

Tables 11, 20, 29 and 38 outlined the political structure of ethnic groups. Respondents’ opinions were negative on the use of violence as a means of letting their voice to be heard, with high respondents accepting that influential people in a society have influence on political conflict. Similar response was obtained from the four ethnic groups on; ‘‘Godfatherism’’ is one of the causes of unrest and conflict among communities. An interesting finding was on ‘revolution is the best way of removing political elites in society; Yoruba and Ijaw were the only two ethnic groups that opined to revolution as a means, while unexpectedly Igbo were not in support of revolution like the Hausa.

From the findings of the study ethnic politics is what germinate political unrest. Ethnicity remains the focal point of politics in Nigeria. The analysis shows that there is significant relationship between ethnic politics and political unrest, thus it could be concluded that ethnic politics is one of the causes of political conflict in Nigeria. Surprisingly our finding shows that ethnic groups are not in a tussle for political or economic power. This was contrary to previous studies which conceived that ethnic groups are usually in struggle for political and economic power.

5.2 Conclusions

The theme of the study was ‘‘ethnicity as a potent contributor of political conflicts in Nigeria’’, by study, four ethnic groups which represent four geopolitical zones of “Hausa-North, Yoruba-South West, Igbo- South East and Ijaw South South”. Justification for this research was to understand the prevailing ethnic politics and political conflict in both military and democratic regime. Albeit the coming of colonial masters lead to ethnicity as the pillar of politics and this remain a sensitive topic both in academic and non-academic area.

Going by the findings ethnic politics sparks conflict to occur; this could be among ethnic groups or political parties. The second objective of the study revolves on whether struggle amongst ethnic groups has concrete effect on politics. From the study findings it could be concluded that struggle for political and economic power has no impact on political conflict amongst ethnic groups. This was in line with the third objective that is violence has no correlation with political instability. The current situation of Nigeria could be cited as an example. Violence in South South and North East does not reflect political instability in the country. Lastly political conflict is at it minimal level for the past few year in Nigeria but the impact of ethnicity on conflict remain intact and vivacious.

5.3 Recommendations

The study made the following recommendations:

Ethnicity being one of the major factors fuelling political conflict in Nigeria, the government and political parties should consider minority right in political appointment and include them in policy making process. This could be attained by meritorious rotation of ethnic groups in various governmental key positions. Hence, it will create sense of belonging to the nation.

There is need for the government to fully implement true federalism in order to avert hostility and conflict amongst ethnic groups. It has been manifested in the study that when human beings felt deprived of political, economic or social right, they easily adopt violence as a means of letting their voice be heard.

Fair resource allocation and equal provision of basic amenities amongst ethnic groups in Nigeria will aid to consort their relationships.

5.4 Suggestions for Further Study

1. Further study in this area should be done in six geopolitical zones, as this study only cover four geopolitical zone. This will provide a crystal pictures of how ethnic methods of politics affects political conflicts in Nigeria also the findings can then be compared with the finding of this study.
2. Another area that requires further research is method of conflict management of the ethnic groups of the study. Understanding traditional method of conflict management of the study ethnic groups will aid the Nigerian government in the area of conflict resolution.

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