Excerpt
Table of Contents
DEDICATION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Abstract
TABLE OF FIGURES
LIST OF ACRONYMS
Chapter 1
Background to the Study
1. Introduction
1.1. Background of the Research Problem
1.2. Statement of the Research Problem
1.3. Research Questions
1.4. Main Objective
1.5. Specific Objectives
1.6. Scope of the Study
1.7. Relevance of the Study
1.8. Profile of the Study Area
1.8.1. Location
1.8.2. Climate
1.9. Synthesis of the Research
Chapter 2
Literature Review
2. Introduction
2.1 Definition of Key Concepts and Terms in the Study
2.1.1. Challenge
2.1.2. Municipal Solid Waste (MSW)
2.1.3. Management
2.1.4. Municipal Solid Waste Management (MSWM)
2.1.5. Border
2.1.6. Borderland Area
2.2. A Review of Literature on Challenges of MSWM in Developing Countries.
2.2.1. Waste Generation Context
2.2.2. Financial Context
2.2.3. Technical and Human Resources Context
2.2.4. Socio-Cultural Context
2.2.5. Institutional Context
2.3. Municipal Solid Waste Management as Area Specific
2.4. A Review on Literature on Borderland Areas in Africa
2.4.1. Trans-Border Movement
2.4.2. Trans-Border Trading
2.4.3. Correlation of Trans-Border Movement and Trade to MSWM
2.5. Case Studies
2.5.1. Case of Beitbridge Border Town, Zimbabwe
2.5.2. Case of Phuentsholing Border Town, Bhutan
2.5.3. Case of Tijuana Border Town, Mexico
2.6. The Zambian Scenario
2.7. Legal and Institutional Framework
2.7.1. Public Health Act Cap 295
2.7.2. The Environmental Protection and Pollution Control Act of 1990 (EPPCA)
2.7.3. The Local Government Act
Chapter 3 31
Theoretical & Conceptual Framework 31
3. Introduction
3.1. Theoretical and Conceptual Underpinnings for MSWM
3.1.1. Systems Theory
3.1.2. Concept of Integrated Sustainable Waste Management (ISWM)
3.1.2.1. Relevance of the Systems Theory and ISWM Concept to the study
3.1.3 Contingency Theory
3.1.3.1 Relevance of the Contingency Theory to this Study
3.2. Conceptual Framework of the Challenges of MSWM of a Border Town Figure 4: Conceptual Framework
3.2.1 Interpretation of the Conceptual Framework
3.3. Summary
Chapter 4
Research Methodology
4. Introduction
4.1. Research Design
4.2. Sampling Frame
4.3. Research Population
4.4. Sample Size Determination
4.5. Sampling Design
4.6. Data Collection
4.6.1. Primary Data Collection
4.6.1.1. In-depth Interviews
4.6.1.2. Observations
4.6.2. Secondary Data Collection
4.7. Methods of Data Analysis
4.8. Ethics of the Research
4.9. Limitations to the Research
4.10. Summary
CHAPTER 5
DATA ANALYSIS, FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIOn
5. Introduction
5.1. Challenges Faced and Alternatives Offered in MSWM at Kasumbalesa Border Town
5.1.1. Waste Generation Context
5.1.1.1. Correlation of trans-border activities and waste generation
5.1.2. Financial Context
5.1.3. Human Resource Context
5.1.4. Technical Context
5.1.4.1. Waste Storage Facilities
5.1.1.2. Waste Collection, Transfer and Transportation
5.1.1.3. Waste Treatment and Recovery
5.1.1.4. Waste Disposal
5.1.5. Socio-Cultural Context
5.1.6. Institutional Context
5.2. Summary
CHAPTER 6 61
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 61
6. Introduction
6.1. Achievement of Research Objectives
6.1.1. Research Objective One (1)
6.1.2. Research Objective Two (2)
6.1.3. Research Objective Three (3)
6.2. Conclusions
6.3. Recommendations
6.4. Areas for Further Research
REFERENCES 66
TABLE OF FIGURES
Figure 1 : Location Map for Kasumbalesa Border Town
Figure 2 : ISWM Approach
Figure 3 : Waste Management Hierarchy
Figure 4 : Conceptual Framework
Figure 5 : Conceptual perception of trans-border movement and trade
Figure 6 : Waste generation rate of Chililabombwe District
Figure 7 : Skip Bin
Figure 8 : Indiscriminate disposal of waste
Figure 9 : Disposal of Waste outside skip bin
Figure 10: Tipper Truck
Figure 11: Skip-Loader Truck
LIST OF ACRONYMS
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
DEDICATION
I Dedicate this study to my father and mother, Mr. Elias Kapota and Mrs Ireen Kapota, who selflessly provided the emotional and finacial support that allowed me to pursue my studies for as long as it took to complete all my degree requirements.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to thank God Almight for making this achievement a reality, without Him this would not have been a success. Also, I would like to appreciate my loving parents Mr. and Mrs Kapota for the constant prayers, love and support they rendered to me throughout this period.
Further, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Mr C. Phiri, for his belief in my abilities, his patience and forebearance towards my short comings. He always reminded me that despite being strenuous conducting research can still be interesting and enjoyable. His simple yet deep rooted guidance helped me through out my research and writing of this Study. Thank you Mr Phiri for being such a commited mentor and supervisor may God bless you.
I would like to show my gratitude to the entire lecturing staff in the School of Built Environment for the tremedous effort they put in from first to fifth year. It is an honor for me to show gratitude to the entire planning Department of Urban and Regional Planning for the support and knowledge they imparted and to nourish my profession with excellence. I will forever remain indebted to your tireless encouragement and direction rendered to shape me into the planner that can shape the nation.
My appreciation would be incomplete without the mention of my confidant Kathumba Mususa, you have been a pillar of strength to me, not only during my research period but throughout my time at the Copperbelt University. Your words of encouragement everytime I felt like giving up were uplifting. In this same vein I extend my gratitude to my special friends, Nkandu Chabala, Rex Fernando, Alfred Zimba, Brandon Simukonda and all my class mates of Urban and Regional Planning Graduating class of 2017, who over the years have became my family.
Lastly, this goes to my siblings, Themba, Faith, Wakumbu, Nkandu, Ann and to all my extended family members thankyou for your love and support.
Abstract
This study investigated challenges of Municipal Solid Waste Management in Kasumbalesa border town of Chililabombwe District. Generally, border towns are unique territories that are largely influenced by trans-border movement and trade. However, these socio-economic activities tend to generate significant volumes of waste which present an overwhelming challenge to authorities managing it. This study aimed at advancing postulations made by renowned scholars such as Schübeler (1996), Medina (2010), Mihai (2012), Lindell (2012) and UNEP (2010), who call for a location-specific and decentralized model of addressing challenges of the MSWM. Thus, guided by the System theory, Contingency theory and the ISWM concept, with the use of qualitative, case study research design, the research examined the major challenges of MSWM. Identified the alternative initiatives employed by the municipality and assessed whether the process of waste management was inclusive of various actors existing at Kasumbalesa. The findings show that, there was a high level of waste generated at the borderlands of Kasumbalesa, due to the increase in the day-time population. This placed a waste collection and disposal challenge on Chililabombwe municipality who were already facing financial, institutional, technical, human resource and socio-cultural challenges. In addition, the research indicated that, even though the public health team had initiatives they wanted to develop they failed to do so due to the weak financial, technical and institutional capacity. Furthermore, the research showed that, the mammoth task of MSWM was regarded as a sole responsibility of the council, thus the process was not inclusive of the diverse range of stakeholders existing at Kasumbalesa.
The paper recommends that intervention is needed in terms of; Chililabombwe municipality opening a sub-station for public health at Kasumbalesa, it emphasizes that financial resources should be ring-fenced for waste management and that sensitization programs must be conducted in various languages. The paper further highlights the need for an all-inclusive process of MSWM at Kasumbalesa border. This means that each and every actor existing at the border should take part in the process of waste management
Chapter 1 Background to the Study
1.Introduction
Throughout history, human development has been intrinsically linked to the management of solid waste due to its important consequences on; public health and well-being, the quality and sustainability of the urban environment and the efficiency and productivity of the local economy (McAllister, 2015; Schübeler, 1996). Initiatives of Municipal Solid Waste Management (MSWM) can be traced back in 4th century A.D with Ancient Greeks, who had to deal with the multiple challenges of aligning waste removal systems with a growing population, lack of space and sanitation problems (McAllister, 2015). These waste management practices were highly undeveloped with trash merely collected and transported to pits outside the city. It was not until urban populations grew abruptly that garbage was viewed as a threat to human and environmental health. In modern times, this mammoth task of providing MSWM services is undertaken by the municipality. It is their responsibility to organize and manage the public sanitation system, including providing the infrastructure for the collection, transportation, treatment and disposal of wastes (ibid).
However, with an ever growing population and increase in economic activities, many municipalities especially in developing countries are struggling to keep MSWM systems working in a sustainable manner (McKay, 2015; McAllister, 2015). Oftentimes these systems either become ill managed or even cease to exist due to the various financial, socio-cultural, institutional, technical and human resource constraints (ibid). The situation of municipal solid waste in the urban settlements and cities of developing countries is reaching an alarming level of both social and environmental challenge. Serious situations of environmental degradation and health risks due to the poorly developed Municipal Solid Waste Management (MSWM) system is now a reality(Coffey & Coad, 2010). Moreover, there exists major inequalities in terms of service delivery, for instance, in major cities of these countries the waste collected is more than 50% of that generated. However, in smaller towns the amount is likely to be much lower, especially within high-density, low-income areas (Coffey & Coad ,2010). These smaller towns such as border towns are neglected or inadequately served and these areas have a greater need for the service since they are less able to make their own arrangements for getting rid of their waste (Medina, 2010; Coffey & Coad ,2010). Thus, these low-income communities tend to dump their garbage at the nearest vacant public space, access roads or simply burn it in their backyards. This uncollected waste can accumulate on the streets and clog drains when it rains, which might cause flooding or simply serve as breeding grounds for disease vectors.
This research focused primarily on understanding the challenges that Chililabombwe Municipality faces in managing municipal solid waste (MSW) at Kasumbalesa border town with the view of finding out, what mechanisms the municipality has put in place to mitigate these challenges and how inclusive the system is. Then later on provide recommendations.
1.1. Background of the Research Problem
Zambia is a landlocked country surrounded by eight states-namely Malawi on the east, Angola on the west, Mozambique, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Botswana on the south, and Democratic Republic of Congo on the north. This fact has been an historical issue for Zambia as it is generally perceived that, due to lack of direct access to the sea, landlocked countries are primarily marginalized from trade related networks and hardly benefit from trade opportunities due to extreme reliance on their neighbors who may either have a weak or well-developed infrastructure(Boansi, 2015). However, Douglas (2014) argues that, being landlocked in the middle of Africa is now potentially a great advantage. This may be largely as a result of the regional disparities in factor endowments between Zambia and the surrounding countries. For instance, Zambia’s population is relatively small when compared to other African economies, nevertheless, its politically stable and has an environment that is conducive for business. Hence, it attracts industries, enterprises and small business owners looking to target the less stable neighboring markets such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to develop businesses in Zambia but be able to transport their products to DRC or allow residents from there to access these products and services. The Democratic Republic of Congo shares the longest boundary with Zambia of 2,332 km (ibid) with three towns bordering Zambia to it which include; Ndola-Sakanya, Mufulira-Mokambo and Chililabombwe-Kasumbalesa, nevertheless, amongst the three, Kasumbalesa border town is the busiest. The Democratic Republic of Congo with an estimated population of 68 million people provides an important market for Zambian products and services (Mundi, 2008). Furthermore, with Zambia experiencing an increase in the unemployment rate from 7.78 per cent in 2016 to 7.79 percent in 2017, most people particularly on the Copperbelt have resorted to various activities in order to earn a living. For most of them particularly border communities cross-border trade has been a source of income and has acted as a ‘cushion’ or fall back plan for those not in formal employment including those retrenched especially from the mining sector. Therefore, the existence of border towns such as Kasumbalesa provides economic opportunities not only to the borderlanders but also to those in the surrounding towns (Zartman, 2010). Border trade is able to link people on both sides of the border and breaks down artificially imposed barriers and generates interaction (Herzog, 2014).
Taylor, et al. (2015) observed that, as long as there is trade between two countries, structural change will be inevitable on the physical environment and will affect the physical and economic growth of the settlements. Physical growth has been experienced with increase in the population at the market of the borderlands of Kasumbalesa especially during the day when traders and customers from all across the immediate settlements come to trade. In this mix, border towns tend to experience demographic pressure from both the natural increase in population and the transient population (Chanzal et, al 2017). According to Asoka et, al ( 2013), this rapid and often unplanned population growth is often associated with population demands that outstrip infrastructure and service capacity such as MSWM thus leading to environmental degradation. Furthermore, the substantial diversity of the social and ethnic groups that exist, including institutional, technical and financial inadequacies greatly influence municipalities’ capacities to implement MSWM strategies (Schübeler, 1996).
1.2. Statement of the Research Problem
A number of studies have been done on MSWM practices in various urban localities in Zambia (Santolini et al., 2016; Mando, 2014; Mwiinga, 2014). However, there is a gap in the literature concerning municipal solid waste management particularly on specific geographic regions such as border towns. This study advances the reasoning of Medina (2010), Mihai (2012), Lindell (2012) and UNEP (2010), who call for a location specific and decentralized model of addressing the MSWM challenges. This helps ensure active involvement of the community and employs waste management strategies that are applicable to the local conditions. Furthermore, focus on this study also stems from the unique experiences that the border town possesses which can be explained by demographic and socio-economic characteristics which are as a result of its proximity to the international border. It is presumed that, the volume of solid waste likely to be generated due to the increase in the population of people conducting activities of trade and movement might be a significant volume that might overwhelm the capacity of the local authority to manage. One of the main reasons being that most of the local authorities have limited financial, institutional and technical resources to have the waste effectively and efficiently managed.
Hence it’s against this background that the research was undertaken to establish challenges of municipal solid waste management in border towns with particular focus on the borderland area of Kasumbalesa.
1.3. Research Questions
This research sought to provide answers to the following questions:
i. What are the major challenges faced by Chililabombwe Municipal Council in managing solid waste at Kasumbalesa?
ii. What alternative initiatives have been devised by Chililabombwe Municipality to ensure sustainable MSWM at the borderlands?
iii. What is the institutionalization mechanism that ensures a participatory process to effectively and efficiently manage solid waste at the border town of Kasumbalesa in Chililabombwe?
1.4. Main Objective
The general objective of this research is to investigate on the challenges of municipal solid waste management at the border town?
1.5. Specific Objectives
i. To examine the major challenges faced by Chililabombwe local authority in managing solid waste at Kasumbalesa?
ii. To identify the existing solid waste management initiatives employed by Chililabombwe Municipality.
iii. To identify the institutionalization mechanism that ensures a participatory process to effectively and efficiently manage solid waste at the border town of Kasumbalesa in Chililabombwe.
1.6. Scope of the Study
The study focused on the borderland market area of Kasumbalesa. This was to establish the distinct challenges faced by the local authority in solid waste management in the area. The main issues involved; investigating on the financial, technical, socio-cultural, human resource and institutional aspects that affect MSWM. Also the study sought to find out more on the influence that trans-border activities have on MSWM. The main stakeholders included the public Health department under the local authority. However, border institutions and community were also included.
1.7. Relevance of the Study
This study is relevant in that, often times when systems of management collapse and problems escalate, people look to societal factors to fix the issue. This has often been the case when dealing with the mismanagement of solid waste in the developing world (Schübeler, 1996). Many researchers have argued that, the solid waste management problem is caused by human behavior and therefore the solution lies in understanding and changing that behavior (ibid). Therefore, this research is expected to provide a location-specific approach of dealing with problems that are affecting the local authority in dealing with waste at border towns. This approach is very important in that, planners will be best equipped with the knowledge necessary to handle similar circumstances in other border towns. Furthermore, it is expected to contribute to the literature in terms of the distinct challenges that border towns face when it comes to managing municipal waste at the borderland areas.
1.8. Profile of the Study Area
Kasumbalesa border, which marks the boundary between Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), is one of the busiest international crossing points in sub-Saharan Africa with over 400-900 tracks passing through the border post every day (Zambia Revenue Authority, Kasumbalesa, 2017). The tracks transport high value minerals (copper, cobalt), mining input (such as coal, Sulphur fuel, and sulphuric acid), construction material, mining equipment, agricultural produce and food (ibid). Kasumbalesa borderland area was originally an agriculture area for farmers living in Chililabombwe. However, in the 1990s Chililabombwe Municipal Council was appointed as the planning authority over Kasumbalesa (Chililabombwe Municipal Council, 2017). This was done in order to control development and provide security of tenure in the area. Furthermore, the government moved in to provide social services such as piped water, roads, clinics, power lines, schools and others, all of which encouraged private investments like banks, Lafarge, Zambeef, the biscuit company and other etc. Overall, Chililabombwe District is expanding rapidly; according to the Central Statistics Office (2010), the overall population of Chililabombwe as of 2000 was 67,533, however, as of 2010 it has increased to 91,833. It estimated that by 2020 the population will grow to 121,918, due to the natural growth and its importance as a major border town in the SADC region. Out of the overall population of Chililabombwe, Kasumbalesa consists of only 1,384 (ibid). Nevertheless, Kasumbalesa succumbs to a transit population of about 700 on a busy day. However, due to the porosity of the border most of the transit population is un-accounted for (Customs and Immigration Office, Kasumbalesa, 2018).
1.8.1. Location
Kasumbalesa border area is located between Zambia and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) border post in the northern part of Chililabombwe. It is 18km away from Chililabombwe border district. Kasumbalesa is located between latitude -12 degrees and longitude 27 degrees.
Figure 1: Location Map for Kasumbalesa Border Town
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Source: Author, 2017
1.8.2. Climate
Kasumbalesa s’ climate is classified as warm and temperate. In winter, there is much less rainfall than in summer. The temperature on average is 19.4 with about 1286 mm of precipitation annually. The temperature is highest on average in October, at around 22.6 degrees Celsius. The lowest average temperature of the year is in July with about 15.1 degrees Celsius.
1.9. Synthesis of the Research
Chapter One:provides the general background to the study. It begins by providing the background of the problem and the statement of the problem. Then the chapter outlined the research questions and objectives to the study. The latter highlights the scope of the study, the relevance of the study to planning and national development and looks at the characteristics of the study area.
Chapter Two: defines major terminologies used in the study and provides the literature review on case studies done with on challenges of MSWM of border towns.
Chapter Three:is the theoretical and conceptual Framework of the study which discusses the theory and concepts used for the study. The latter part gives a developed conceptual framework for the study to guide the research.
Chapter Four:states the methods of data collection used in the study, the sampling techniques, procedures and justification and the assessment criteria used in the data analysis of the collected data.
Chapter Five:presents the data collected from the workers in the public health department.
Chapter Sixprovides conclusions and recommendations emanating from the literature review, conceptual frameworks and the data analyses.
Chapter 2 Literature Review
2. Introduction
Municipal solid waste management (MSWM) is a major responsibility of local governments. It is a diverse task which is dependent upon organization and co-operation between households, communities, private enterprises and municipal authorities. Proper waste management is a cardinal task which has important implications on public health, the quality and sustainability of the urban environment and the efficiency and productivity of the urban economy. However, many municipalities are struggling to keep solid waste management systems working in a sustainable manner. A growing body of literature exists regarding the challenges faced by municipalities in MSWM especially in developing countries. Thus, this chapter discusses the major challenges highlighted by various scholars on MSWM. It begins by defining the key words and provides definitions adopted for the study. Secondly, it gives an overview of challenges of MSWM faced by developing countries. Thirdly, it looks at arguments postulating that, MSWM is area specific. Fourthly, it discusses literature on borderlands in Africa and tries to emphasize on why these lands are unique. Fifthly, a review is provided on case studies on border towns and challenges that they face regarding MSWM. Then the final section highlights the Zambian scenario and provides the institutional and legal framework.
2.1 Definition of Key Concepts and Terms in the Study
This section provides and discusses the definitions of the key terms used based on the different definitions that exist in the literature.
2.1.1. Challenge
In this research a challenge will be perceived as a task or a situation that needs a lot of skill, energy and determination to overcome (Hufane ,2015).
2.1.2. Municipal Solid Waste (MSW)
According to Chandak (2010) and UN-Habitat (2010), MSW is waste generated by households, and waste of a similar nature generated by commercial and industrial premises, by institutions such as schools, hospitals, care homes and prisons, and from public spaces such as streets, markets, slaughter houses, public toilets, bus stops, parks, and gardens. For reasons of this study, this definition will be used.
2.1.3. Management
Schübeler (1996) defines management as a cyclical process of setting objectives, establishing long term plans, programming, budgeting, implementation, operation and maintenance, monitoring and evaluation, cost control, revision of objectives and plans, and so forth. For the purpose of this study, this definition will be used.
2.1.4. Municipal Solid Waste Management (MSWM)
According to Jerie & Tevera (2014), MSWM refers to the discipline associated with the collection, transportation, recovery, and the disposal of waste, including the supervision of such operations and after-care of disposal sites. In addition to this definition Norbu (2008) and Singh (2011) mention that, management of this waste should be done in accordance with best principles of public health, economics, engineering conversation, aesthetics, other environmental considerations and taking public response into account. Therefore, MSWM does not focus only on the technical aspects but also the social aspects, policy and planning and the financial (Schübeler, 1996; Norbu, 2008). For the purpose of this study, Jerie & Tevera (2014) ‘s definition will be adopted.
2.1.5. Border
This is an artificial man-made, political line running through the region (Zartman, 2010) which either confirms differences or disrupt units that belong together by defining, classifying, communicating and controlling geopolitical, sociocultural, economic and biophysical aspects, processes and power relations (Haselsberger ,2014). According to Konrad (2013), these are at once real and imagined; they divide and they are crossed; lines and transitions; limits and opportunities. However, for the purpose of this study, borders will be defined as not merely an imaginary, artificial line that divides, but a link or bridge spanning border areas of adjoining countries (Afolayan, 2013).
2.1.6. Borderland Area
A lot has been written regarding the definition of borderlands by different authors. However, Simon (1997) and Zartman (2010), saw these as boundaries in depth, space around a line (border), the place where states meets society, and where no one ever feels at home. Afolayan (2013, p.2) views them as, “land extending from the delimited borders covering an area that marks a nation’s sphere of influence”. A sub-national area whose economic and social life is directly and significantly affected by its proximity to an international boundary. Where the lives of the inhabitants are significantly influenced by interacting with their neighbors on the other side of the boundary (Okuma, 2010). However, for purposes of this study, Afolayan (2013)’s definition will be used.
2.2. A Review of Literature on Challenges of MSWM in Developing Countries.
The challenge of waste management has been with man from time in memorial. In fact, waste management problems have existed wherever there has been a human population, though the characteristics of the problem has varied from place to place and with time as societies evolve. However, the situation of solid waste management in the urban settlements and cities of developing countries is reaching an alarming level of both social and environmental challenge.
Literature indicates that, collecting, transporting, and disposing of MSW represents a large expenditure for developing country cities and urban settlements. According to Medina (2010), these activities account for 30–50 per cent of municipal operational budgets. Despite these high expenses, cities collect only 50–80 per cent of the refuse generated (ibid). Disposal receives less attention; as much as 90 per cent of the MSW collected in these cities ends up in open dumps(ibid). Coffey & Coad (2010) postulate that, whilst the proportion of waste collected in the major cities may be more than 50%, in smaller towns the figure is likely to be much lower, especially within the high-density low-income housing areas. Which are neglected or inadequately served, and these areas have a greater need for the service since they are less able to make their own arrangements for getting rid of their waste (Medina, 2010; Coffey & Coad ,2010). Thus, these low-income communities tend to dump their garbage at the nearest vacant public space, access roads or simply burn it in their backyards. This uncollected waste can accumulate on the streets and clog drains when it rains, which might cause flooding or simply serve as breeding grounds for disease vectors. This results in contaminated food, water, and soil, and serious environmental and health implications (Coffey & Coad, 2010; Marshall, 2013).
Many scholars have identified challenges facing municipalities in developing countries in terms of an increase in waste generation, inadequate technical, financial and institutional capacity including socio-cultural factors such as inadequate knowledge by the public regarding waste management.
2.2.1. Waste Generation Context
Population Increase and Rapid Urbanization
Chirisa (2008) indicates that, between the period of 1990-2025, the population in urban areas will double to more than 5 billion. Meaning, that approximately 65 percent of the world's population will then be living in towns and cities. And that about 90 percent of urban growth will occur in developing countries alone (ibid). However, this drastic increase in the population is objectively patent with the realities of MSWM challenges (McAllister ,2015; Lindell ,2012; Hufane ,2015; Medina ,2010; Chirisa, 2008; McKay, 2015). The existing literature indicates that, there exists a causal relationship between population growth and waste management, in that, the accelerated population growth translates into greater volume of waste generated. This strains municipal resources in trying to deal with a booming amount of waste (Medina, 2010).
Informal Trade Activities
Onyenchere (2011) asserted that, the rise of urbanization has witnessed the establishment and growth of the informal sector as rural migrants with few skills move into cities in order to participate in the cash economy of the developing countries. Moreover, development policies in developing countries such as those in Africa are urban biased, merely because, the government devotes the vast majority of resources towards urban development neglecting the rural areas (Mendelsohn, 2015). This tends to provide a “bright light” to rural dwellers, unfortunately, the cities are unable to offer sufficient jobs to satisfy the vast numbers trying to enter into the formal sector. In a study done in Zimbabwe by Jerie & Tevera (2014), the high levels of unemployment estimated at about 80% had led to the growth of the informal sector. However, informal sector activities such as trade, particularly, the unregulated street trading activities tend to create environmental problems such as the generation of excess filth and littering that stretches the already limited capacities of local authorities (Onyenchere,2010; Jerie & Tevera 2014). Nevertheless, a number of scholars have argued that, environmental problems such as, the increase of Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) in developing countries are not attributes inherent to the informal sector. But rather, manifestations of the unresponsive urban planning itself. According to Jerie & Tevera (2014) MSWM should be viewed as the control of waste- related activities with the aim of protecting human health, the environment and resources conservation. Therefore, in order to reduce the environmental problems associated with the informal trade the control and provision of spaces to the informal sector is an effective measure.
2.2.2. Financial Context
Municipalities in developing countries are struggling to effectively manage solid waste due to financial factors. The financial context of MSWM comprises mainly of capital investment cost, operation and maintenance costs, cost reduction and control measures (Norbu, 2008).
Options available to local governments for financing capital investment in the MSWM are local budget resources, loans from financial intermediaries and special loans or grants from the central government (ibid). Nevertheless, Medina (2010) indicates that, in spite of all these available financing options, the municipality relies mainly on only one main stream of funding which is the central government. However, planning of investment programs is solely left for the local government authorities that must subsequently operate and maintain the acquired facilities and equipments being procured. In other cases, even though the initial capital investment costs are covered by central government, several times, more funds are required foroperation and management (O/M).These are costs which are associated with the daily operation of a facility and these are financed by the municipalities budget (Norbu, 2008; Medina, 2010). A number of scholars (Zurbrugg, 2003; Norbu, 2008; Hufane, 2015; McAllister, 2015;) have indicated that, this is the most expensive component of financial management. Therefore, to make up for the deficiencies, municipalities engage in outsourcing contracted services. Unfortunately, in developing countries, there is apathy towards payment of fees by the service users (Coffey & Coad, 2010; Norbu, 2008; Medina, 2010). Also Norbu (2008) postulates that, the revenue raised by means of taxes expected to fund operation and maintenance services is usually inadequate due to the poorly administered collection systems. Furthermore, in developing countries solid waste revenues flow into general municipal accounts, this bureaucratic accounting procedure tends to be absorbed by the overall expenditures instead of being used for the intended purpose of solid waste management. This results in getting a less share of the amount for waste management, consequently preventing capacity building, improvement and expansion of waste handling capacities (Marshall, 2013; Norbu, 2008)
As earlier mentioned in this chapter, population increase and urbanization increases the service demand which far outstrips funding provided. While potential for increasing revenue for waste management is usually limited. Therefore, a number of researchers (Coffey & Coad, 2010; Henry, et al., 2006; JICA, 2004; McAllister, 2015; Schübeler, 1996; Jerie & Tevera, 2014) reiterate that, the most effective way to ensure financial sustainability is eventually “to do more with less”, which calls for cost reduction. The cost reduction options help reduce the operational costs of MSWM. As such, minimizing the waste generation of waste or reducing the waste load at source is one straight way to reduce the variable cost component. However, JICA (2004) indicates that, municipalities in developing countries make very minimal efforts to carry out cost reduction options.
2.2.3. Technical and Human Resources Context
Technical aspects of MSWM include; waste storage, waste collection, transfer and transport, waste treatment and recovery, and waste disposal (Norbu,2008). Schübeler (1996) mentions that, in developing countries, these stages of the technical context are often poorly suited for the operation requirements. In most cases the provision of imported equipments by international donors leads to the use of inappropriate technology and a diversity of equipment types which undermines the efficiency of operation and maintenance functions (Hufane, 2015). These are usually sophisticated, expensive and difficult to operate and maintain. For instance, in a study done by Jerie & Tevera (2014), it was observed that, maintaining an adequate inventory of spare parts posed problems for the local authority when makes of vehicles imported from different sources were being used, this pushed the repairs and maintenance budget high. MacAllister (2015) argues that, research and development (R&D) activities in MSWM are often a low priority in developing countries and these led to the selection of inappropriate technologies not tailored to a particular territory in terms of financial human resource capabilities, and social acceptability. Moreover, appropriate waste management technologies used in MSWM should be selected according to certain parameters such as local knowledge and availability of spare parts (ibid).
In another study done by Hazra and Goel (2009), as cited by MacAllister (2015), it was found that poor conditions of containers and inadequate maintenance and replacement of worn-out collection vehicles contributed to behaviors such as littering and illegal dumping by citizens who felt they could not properly dispose of trash because trash bins and waste services were not properly maintained. Also, JICA (2004) indicates that, there is limited utilization of waste minimization programs by municipalities in developing countries (as indicated above under the financial context). The reason for this failure is due to the absence of ‘visible’ recycling centers and receptacles (MacAllister, 2015).
Most developing countries lack human resources with technical expertise necessary for solid waste management planning and operation at both the national and local level (Hufane, 2015; JICA, 2004; McAllister, 2015). Officials without technical training in waste management are assigned to handle the complex issues involved, and the basis on which they may then receive technical assistance is therefore limited (Henry, et al., 2006). This lack of capacity with regard to the human resources available to manage solid waste is also a reason for the lack of comprehensive waste management planning in developing countries.
In addition, inadequate landfill disposal is a commonality found in many developing countries. There is lack of properly engineered disposal sites. The disposal sites are merely unprotected and uncontrolled. This poses a danger to the public health, environmental health, waste renewable resources, and jeopardize residential development in these areas. Wilson et al (2013) indicate that, the failure to construct engineered landfills is partly due to the unresolved problem of financing for transport and operation.
2.2.4. Socio-Cultural Context
According to Schübeler (1996), the functioning of MSWM systems is influenced by the waste handling patterns and underlying attitudes of the population, and these factors are, themselves, conditioned by the people’s social and cultural context. In developing countries, McAllister (2015) in the study focused on understanding “factors influencing solid waste management in developing countries” observed that, an inherent negative behavior often with the mismanagement of solid waste is the occurrence of littering. The increase in public littering rates in these countries can be attributed to a lack of social pressure to prevent littering, a lack of knowledge about environmental effects of littering and the absence of realistic penalties or consistent enforcement (Al-Khatib et al., 2009; McAllister ,2015). However, Al-Khatib et al (2009) and Schübeler et al (1996) contend that, to get a clearer understanding of the complexity of street litter problems, a sound understanding of the social and cultural characteristics of a particular settlement are required (see section 2.4 for social and cultural features of border towns).
Zurbrugg (2002) supported by Hufane (2015) assert that public awareness-raising and attitudes to waste are elements that can affect the whole solid waste management system: from household waste storage, to waste segregation, recycling, collection frequency, the amount of littering, the willingness to pay for waste management services, the opposition to the siting of waste treatment and disposal facilities, all depend on public awareness-raising and participation. Therefore, this is a crucial issue which determines the success or failure of a MSWM system.
2.2.5. Institutional Context
Effective MSWM depends upon appropriate distribution of functions, responsibilities, authority and revenues. It requires governance that takes into account the complexities and inter-relationships both within and outside government, integrating many organizations and groups into a partnership (Schübeler et al., 1996; Hufane, 2015; Marshall, 2013). However ,the waste management regime in developing countries is usually not integrated, and there is often no clear assignment of responsibilities for tasks and schedules among the organizations involved(JICA, 2004). Furthermore, there is no integrated legal framework to deal with waste management in developing countries. The legal provisions related to solid waste are often incorporated as fragmented elements in disparate laws, such as laws for public hygiene, local administration, and environment protection (ibid).
Marshall (2013) asserts that, institutional aspects also include the current and future legislation, and the extent to which it is enforced. A straightforward, transparent, unambiguous legal and regulatory framework, including functioning inspection and enforcement procedures at the national, provincial, and local levels, is essential to the proper functioning of a MSWM strategy (Coffey & Coad, 2010; Schübeler, 1996). Enforcement of laws governing regular SWM activities and new project implementation is often poor, resulting in improperly functioning MSWM systems (Coffey & Coad, 2010; Henry et al., 2006a). For example, the “polluter pays” policy is inappropriate for many countries because the lack of enforcement causes large waste generators to simply dump illegally (Coffey & Coad, 2010). Furthermore, developing effective, efficient municipal SWM plans is difficult in developing countries because data on waste generation and composition is largely unreliable and insufficient, seldom capturing system losses or informal activities (Marshall, 2013).
2.3. Municipal Solid Waste Management as Area Specific
“Waste problems reflect the state of a society”JICA (2004, p. 9). The state of a society is closely related to its economic, social, cultural, environmental and other aspects. These aspects greatly differ depending on the country, city or settlement, as do waste challenges. Lindell (2012) asserts that, a decentralized MSWM system is necessary in developing countries to better respond to the needs of their residents. Such a system recognizes the fact that low-income and middle-/upper-income neighborhoods have different physical and socio-economic conditions, and that the waste generated tends to be dissimilar. The latter have the necessary infrastructure so they usually tend to use methods and equipments used in developed countries, while the former do not. Hence they require a different approach, which actively involves the community in the decision-making process, strategies that are low-tech and affordable, and that consider the contribution that informal refuse collectors and scavengers can make in solving the problem of MSW in the developing world (Medina,2010; Lindell, 2012).
Therefore, it can be asserted that, critically understanding the state of a society provides a direction to an understanding of the waste management challenges in that particular society (Singh, et al., 2011; JICA, 2004). Mihai (2012) supported this fact by reiterating that, each territory has its own particular framework and dynamics. Which is determined by its climate, its people, its infrastructure, and its power legacies. Hence, the specific MSWM strategies developed must be tailored to a particular situation of an area. Rather than simply transferring them, for instance, from inland urban settlements to those on the nation’s peripherals. This can be highly unproductive (JICA ,2010).
2.4. A Review on Literature on Borderland Areas in Africa
The borderland areas are unique territories, influenced by the movement of people and goods (trade) across an international boundary (Afolayan, 2013). Therefore, it important that literature is reviewed regarding these two socio-cultural and economic forces (movement and trade), then linked to challenges of MSWM.
2.4.1. Trans-Border Movement
Afolayan (2013) in a study on “Trans-border movement and trading, case of borderlands in Southwestern Nigeria” indicated that, trans-border movement is not a single process or rather undertaken once-and-for all, but rather a unique ‘form’ of migration. This movement across an international boundary may consist normal everyday movement and conventional migration. Which could be regarded as being both internal and international and consists two categories of movers: transients and migrants (made up of visitors, commuters, border workers and permanent migrants, all having variations in the duration of stay). Furthermore, the uniqueness of this form of migration is the fact that, the same socio-cultural group is found on both sides of the border (ibid). Konrad (2013) adds that, it’s this hybrid culture of the adjacent borderland communities which has an impact on the nature and growth of the international border. However, Konrad (2013, p.24) argues that, the two different cultures can either “emphasize the territorial division of language, ethnicity, socio-economic status, and place of belonging, or it can bridge a shared international boundary”. In view of this assertion, Afolayan (2013) postulates that, certain borderlands like the closed borderland areas lack significant socio-economic activities occurring across the boundary, for example the borderlands in the Sahara and on the northern edges of Sahelo-Saharan countries. While, borderlands like the open borderlands are active but, lack the necessary infrastructure and are merely transit corridors for goods. The residents on both sides of the border have very little cultural or ethnic affinity. Examples of this type of borderland are border towns that thrive on periodic markets, warehouses and parallel foreign exchange markets (ibid). Furthermore, Afolayan (2013) discusses the Maximal borderlands, which according to him are thriving borderland areas, characterized by spontaneous state of permeability and the inability of the states to regulate them effectively. They have an autonomous economic zone with high volume of trade in farm and manufactured products and a high daily movement of people (ibid). There is full integration of people, producing an intermediate population and culture composed of a combination of traits and people from the two sides(Zartman, 2010). Border studies done by Afolayun (2013), Adeyinka (2014) and Konrad (2013) on borderlands in Africa conclude that, these borderland communities see themselves as one, thus, the trans-border movement is seen as within a nationality rather than between two geo-political entities. Therefore, this fact often makes the ‘borderlanders’ oblivious of the borderline, as they carry on their socio-economic activities. Nevertheless , since this movement takes place across an international boundary it is subjected to legal restrictions and regulations (Afolayun, 2013). Konrad (2013) supported by Adeyinka (2014) mention that, the presence of these legalities has created some impediments towards free trans-border movement and consequently discourage their relationship with the neighboring countries. However, most borderland residents in Africa undermine or perforate, the symbolic, dividing and exclusionary role of borders (Konrad, 2013; Adeyinka, 2014; Afolayun, 2013). Thus, most maximal borderlands are characterized by the illegal movement of persons and high levels of informality.
2.4.2. Trans-Border Trading
The main economic activity that takes place across maximal borderlands is trading, which is also internal and international. Studies show that, border markets are different in important respect from other markets. In that, while regional and national markets pull their profits from hinterlands, border markets owe their existence to the presence ofborder differentials (Walther, 2014). Taylor et al (2015) made a similar statement when they postulated that, the reason why people engage in cross border trade at the border is due to regional disparities in endowments. However, this is not always the case, although border differentials exist, some border communities fail to engage in trans-border trading, as seen in closed and open borderlands discussed above. This is because there are other factors that influence the existence or growth of a border market. According to Walther (2014), three major factors contribute to the growth of a border market, these include;
- The presence of a skilled community of traders and a culture that can successfully take advantage of the border differentials. Without such an innovative community of traders, border towns can hardly pretend to be border markets (Konrad ,2013; Walther, 2014).
- The combination of trading and productive activities that rely on market and transport infrastructure. African borders are closely acquainted to trade flows in raw materials and commodities hence, converging trans-national movements of goods and people. Nevertheless, studies have indicated that, borderland markets are more than places of flows; they play an essential regional role for the organization of agricultural activities. A significant amount of agricultural products, such as maize, beans, rice, potatoes, range of fruits, etc. are kept at the border market before being distributed regionally, therefore serving as a ‘place of storage’ (Walther, 2014; Taylor, et al., 2015). However, Walther (2014) and Taylor et al (2015) further indicate that, the presence of a productive border market depends also on the presence of transport infrastructure because it allows the combination of trading and production activities to conjointly benefit the regional economy.
- The relative porosity of the border; this according to Okuma (2010) implies that, borders are open in such a way that; secures their territorial sovereignty, ensures that they are bridges rather than barriers for cross-border co-operation, prevents illegal entries and existing of people and goods, while allowing easy movement of goods and people and allows relatives to visit their kin while keeping away criminals. In support of this statement Haselsberger (2014) mentions that, while a border demarcates a political and administrative space, it should at the same time allow different forms of co-existence to emerge and flourish irrespective of the underlying state border. Studies indicate that African borders are characterized by a high level of porosity which has made them easily penetrable, accompanied by high levels of informality. Okuma (2010) indicates that, this is largely because of the poorly demarcated boundaries, which makes securing them a daunting task; such that patrolling a country’s borders may often lead to violations of neighbor’s territories, as one cannot patrol what does not exist. Subsequently, one cannot control what one does not patrol. The high levels of informality can be attributed to various factors that affect borderland areas, such as discrimination and inequality in employment opportunities and income. In addition, the marginalization of these regions by central government intensifies these factors. Consequently, border communities are faced with high levels of poverty, lack of security and lack of minimal indicators of quality of life (Kheyroddin & Razpour, 2016). This prompts them to take advantage of the divide as they are forced to test new ways to secure their quality of life, placing them mostly in divergent to the formal rules (Adeyinka, 2014; Kheyroddin & Razpour, 2016). For most women in these communities, informal trading constitutes their major source of income and serves as means of financing themselves and their dependents. In southern Africa, the number of women participating in informal cross-border trading has increased tremendously and constitutes between 70-80 percent (ibid). A study by Njiwa et al. in 2011-12 (as cited by Brenton et al., 2014) suggests that, about 40% of trade at three major Zambian borders i.e. Chirundu, Livingstone/Victoria Falls (Zimbabwe) and Mwami/Mchinji (Malawi) is informal. And, on a monthly basis the number of informal traders using these border posts is estimated at between 15- 20,000, 12-13,000 and 20-30,000 respectively. Advocates for informal cross-border trade such as Afrika & Ajumbo (2012) indicate that, if properly harnessed informal trade at the border markets is capable of supporting Africa’s on-going- efforts at poverty alleviation. This is because, it is a source of income to about 43 percent of Africa’s population and can have positive macroeconomic and social ramifications such as food security and income creation particularly for rural populations who would otherwise suffer from social exclusion (ibid).
2.4.3. Correlation of Trans-Border Movement and Trade to MSWM
These two aspects of borderland are critical and may have major effects on countries, governments and especially border communities. They may create challenges for governance, planning and effective communication specifically regarding MSWM (Mohamadain & Ati, 2015; Taylor, et al., 2015). For instance, Chanza et al., (2017) observed that, the increase in the transient population, compounded by the natural increase in the settlement’s population leads to the increase in the amount of waste generated, which consequently affects the efficiency of waste management at the borderlands. Furthermore, economic activities such as informal cross border trade though playing an important role have become so pervasive such that, they seem to outnumber legally planned development and the appalling environmental conditions associated with the informality constitutes a major threat to the health and well-being of border life (Onyenchere, 2011). Many municipal authorities are failing to cope with the accelerating growth of municipal waste emanating from informal sector activities to the extent that waste disposal is the most conspicuous environmental problems of African urban towns, including border towns (ibid).
In addition, border studies on borderland areas of Africa provides that, most of these areas are rural in nature, in that, they have inadequate infrastructure (Adeyinka, 2014). According to MacKay (2015) and Medina (2010), the failure to properly manage the increase in solid waste is compounded if the settlement is under serviced, has poor infrastructure and poor road network. This view is further supported by a number of authors who postulate that, in developing countries less than half the waste generated is collected. And, most of this waste collected is only from ‘some’ of the urban areas, while, people living in low-income communities such as the borderland areas lack the appropriate waste management services from the municipality (Lindell, 2012; Modak, 2016; Medina,2010; Ganster, 2002). These often marginalized communities (low-income) usually turn to waste disposal methods that have proven to be destructive to both human health and the quality of the environment. These include, open dumping and burning (or unregulated landfills) because they feel they have no other options to manage their solid waste (McAllister, 2015; Hufane, 2015; World Bank, 2011; Modak et al, 2016). A study by Adeyinka (2014) on border communities showed that, a significant percentage of the population at the borderlands is characterized by extreme poverty, thus, they fail to pay for services such as municipal collection services. This, according to Lindell (2012) and Medina (2010), constraints the income possibilities of a proper waste treatment. Therefore, the municipalities allocate their limited resources to the richer areas of higher tax yields(Henry, et al., 2006).
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