Fascism – one associates this term automatically with the horrors of the Second World War and with an ideology that cost the lives of millions of people during this time. However, throughout the post-war period fascism could succeed to creep back into European politics and by now, the Front Nationale in France, Italy’s Alleanza Nazionale and the far-right parties in Germany are deep-seated in the political landscapes of these countries and score at times worryingly high election results. This essay will examine the ‘three waves of neo-fascism’ in Germany, Italy and France and will attempt to demonstrate that the revivals of the ultra-right in all three countries were triggered by resentment and bitterness during times of economic stagnation and will thus suggest that fascism is a by-product of capitalism.
Inhaltsverzeichnis (Table of Contents)
- Far-right wing parties in Germany and Italy re-emerged relatively soon after the end of the Second World War.
- In Italy there had always been great divisions between the south and the north, and these were reinforced when the north began to benefit from the economic uplift of the post-war period, whereas the south remained greatly underdeveloped.
- In France, there were numerous far-right groups during the 1950s and 1960s such as the Groupe Union Droit (GUD), the Occident movement and most significantly the Ordre Nouveau (ON; founded in 1969) which was eventually transformed into the Front National (FN) in 1972; however neo-fascism was mainly an underground movement and at this time the Ordre Nouveau and later the FN were politically insignificant.
- Thus, the first revival of ultra-right organisations in all three countries during the late 1940s and early 1950s, when the economies were still weakened from the war, seems to have been mainly driven by voters who were frustrated about the economic situation of the period and consequently glorified the past and with the beginning of economic recovery most organisations lost their appeal.
- However, when the economies in Germany and France started to decline in the late 1960s and unemployment rates in both countries increased significantly over a relatively short period of time, there was a considerable resurgence of ultra-right parties.
- In Italy the situation differed slightly as during this period there were no large immigrant populations in the country, but, just as in Germany and France, the economic decline between the late 1960s and early 1970s brought changes to the country’s voting behaviour.
- All factors mentioned suggest that also the second wave of increasing support for the far-right in Germany, Italy and France during the late 1960s until the early 1970s was generated by similar factors in all three countries.
- The ‘third wave’ of far-right politics began during the 1980s and is by far the most significant, as unlike the two previous revivals in the post-war period it did not die away and for the last twenty years ‘fascist parties have enjoyed a period of considerable growth’.
- The Front National focused on anti-immigration policies, but other than the MSI or the early NPD, party leader Le Pen officially distanced the FN from fascism and tried to create the image of a mainstream party which he described as ‘the third way’ or ‘neither right or left’.
- Problems with the unification process of East - and West Germany and the concurrent drastic increase of unemployment in eastern Germany led to a further influx of far-right support from 1990 onwards and in 1992 there were 2, 584 right extremist acts of violence in Germany of which more than 90% were directed against immigrants.
- Renton states that in response to the fortune of the ultra-right, also mainstream political parties shifted to the right, which could be first seen in Germany where the government tightened immigration controls and the right to asylum, which before had been the most liberal in Europe.
- Also in France immigration controls were restricted, the French Assembly passed a law which limited French nationality to people with ethnic French ancestry and thousands of immigrants were deported in 1994.
- In Italy on the other hand, the collapse of the First Republic offered the MSI the opportunity to ‘reinvent’ itself.
- Although there are other neo-fascist and ultra-right parties in Italy, notably the Tricolour Flame (MSFT), a hard-line fascist splinter of the AN, Aleanza Nazionale is currently the most successful right extremist party in the country and third strongest political force with election results fluctuating between 10%-15%.
- In Germany the support for the far-right has fluctuated greatly throughout the last decade, and whereas the REP, DVU and also the NPD could record relatively high - but sporadic - successes during Land – and European elections, neither party could ever overcome the 5% threshold at Bundestag elections.
- Falter also states young, alienated men, the unemployed and members of the working-class in the new Bundesländer to be the main clientele of the extreme right in Germany and further that the possibility of a rightist vote decreases significantly with higher education, high social status or permanent employment.
- Also the FN drew its early successes mainly from young males with low levels of education and the unemployed.
- In Italy, the collapse of communism, the breakdown of the First Republic combined with the economic recession created favourable conditions for the MSI/AN and again it is significant that the share of votes is much higher in the south where the unemployment rate in the two digits and racist sentiments towards the 1 million, mainly North African, immigrants are much more distinctive than in the north.
- It is important to note that the attempts of Le Pen and Fini to let their parties become more acceptable and regarded as mainstream parties seem to have been fruitful, as the Alleanza Nazionale and the Front National, unlike the three ultra-right parties in Germany, have had a relatively stable clientele for a considerate period of time.
- All factors mentioned indicate, that the three waves of ‘neo-fascism’ in Germany, Italy and France occurred during times when socio-economic problems dominated people’s lives in all three countries.
- During the late 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s it was the sudden recession after years of economic boom that allowed the ultra-right to revive, which was once again the case from the 1980s onwards, when the economies slowed down and unemployment rates started to increase rapidly.
- In Germany, the euphoria of the unification was followed by frustration and anger, as the long-desired economic stability in the east of the country could not be established, which consequently led to an increase of right extremism in the new Bundesländer.
Zielsetzung und Themenschwerpunkte (Objectives and Key Themes)
This essay examines the cyclical revivals of neo-fascist parties in Germany, France, and Italy since the 1950s, aiming to demonstrate that these revivals were primarily triggered by economic stagnation and resentment. It suggests that fascism is a by-product of capitalism.
- The rise and fall of neo-fascist parties in Germany, France, and Italy
- The role of economic factors in the resurgence of far-right movements
- The connection between capitalism and the emergence of fascism
- The impact of immigration on far-right politics
- The strategies of neo-fascist parties to gain mainstream acceptance
Zusammenfassung der Kapitel (Chapter Summaries)
The essay analyzes the three distinct waves of neo-fascist activity in Germany, France, and Italy, each linked to periods of economic downturn and social unrest. The first wave, following World War II, saw the rise of several ultra-right parties, fueled by economic frustration and nostalgia for the past. The second wave, during the late 1960s and early 1970s, witnessed a resurgence of far-right movements, driven by economic recession and anxieties about immigration. The third wave, beginning in the 1980s, has proven to be the most significant, with far-right parties experiencing sustained growth and gaining political influence.
The essay explores how neo-fascist parties in each country have capitalized on public anxieties, employing anti-immigration rhetoric and strategies to gain electoral support. It also examines the role of mainstream political parties in responding to the rise of the far-right, often enacting restrictive immigration policies.
The essay analyzes the strategies adopted by neo-fascist parties to appear more mainstream, emphasizing the shift from overt fascism towards a more palatable "third way" approach.
Schlüsselwörter (Keywords)
Neo-fascism, far-right politics, Germany, France, Italy, economic stagnation, immigration, resentment, capitalism, protest voting, mainstream acceptance.
- Citation du texte
- Nia Verdenhalven (Auteur), 2007, Account for the cyclical revivals in the fortunes of neo-fascist parties in Germany, France and Italy since the 1950s, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/79601
