Britain has had the same foreign policy objective for at least five hundred years – to create a disunited Europe. ...It was necessary for us to break up the EEC,... . Now that we're in, we were able to make a pig's breakfast out of it. (The Complete Yes Minister, qtd. In Otte 1)
The essence that this sarcastic quotation transports, brushing away all party politics, great leaders and platform commitments, suggests that Euro-scepticism has always been in Great Britain's political culture and it is here to stay. Intrinsic motifs and reasons for the British Euroscepticism will be dealt with in part I of this paper and indeed, they constitute strong evidence that the rejection of Europe – not only of the EU as a political instrument – is firmly entrenched in major parts of the UK's society. To assume however that this sentiment has been equally present in all the political phases and parties in post WWII Great Britain is scientifically unsustainable. It becomes obvious especially if one considers the pro-European mood in the devolved Scottish Parliament and the parties represented in it, eg. The Scottish National Party and the Liberal Democrats (Watts/Pilkington 222, 243). Also on UK level the political approach towards the EU and its institutions has changed with the political personal in charge, intergovernmental relations and constellations; it is true especially in regard of the UK that the lines of approval and rejection of the EU are not congruent with party loyalities.
t is therefore the task of this paper to distil ideological determinants and mind-sets and the crucial phases in British policies towards the European Union after World War II. Focus in part one lies on Britishness and its surrounding ideological patterns; part two at its core examines the last three governments of the United Kingdom, that is the administrations of Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Tony Blair. It will be one of the statements of this work that both of the subsequent governments in many respects can be seen in the tradition of the first mentioned, although it was then indicated in another way and hoped by many pro-Europeans that this would not be the case. Furthermore one aim will be to isolate a tendency that enables the percipients of this academic work to venture an outlook on the future relations between Europe and the UK, which is especially vital in regard of the sustainability of the Union:
Table of Contents
1 General Introduction
1.1 Introduction and approach of this paper
2 Britishness
2.1 Cultural identity
2.2 Britain and the EMU
2.3 Britain and the European Constitution
3 Special Relationship
4 The Euro-sceptic Press in Great Britain
5 The “Awkward Partner” enters the union
6 Margaret Thatcher: Alone against the Superstate
6.1 Margaret Thatcher and the BBQ
6.2 The Late 1980s – Struggle Over Europe
7 John Major: A phase of transition
8 New Labour: Old Wine in New Bottles?
8.1 Hopes for a pro-European approach
8.2 New Labour and the Euro
9 Evaluation and outlook
10 Works Cited
Objectives and Key Themes
This paper explores the ideological determinants and historical phases that have shaped the United Kingdom's relationship with the European Union since World War II, investigating whether Euro-scepticism is a persistent feature of British political culture or a variable dependent on specific political contexts and leadership.
- Analysis of British national identity and the concept of the "Other" regarding European integration.
- Examination of the "Special Relationship" with the United States as a strategic alternative to European alignment.
- Evaluation of the influence of the right-wing press on shaping British public opinion towards the EU.
- Review of the policies of the Thatcher, Major, and Blair administrations concerning European cooperation.
- Assessment of the UK's stance on the European Monetary Union and the European Constitution.
Excerpt from the Book
3 Special Relationship
Ever since there has been this very intense bond between the USA and the UK. This bond was strengthened and built on the base of a similar judicial system, the ideology of the Anglo-Saxon kinship and the shared language. Nevertheless can it be argued that the term 'special relationship' as it is used in the political discourse today was the creation of Winston Churchill. He, being half American half British, can be seen as its factual embodiment "and throughout his long life he saw the two nations as artificially severed halves of a single community which he worked - not only as a statesman but as a historian and a publicist - to reunite" (Sir Michael Howard in Louis, Bull 149). His emotional commitment to the UK-US course was base to his belief that the friendship and support of the United States was essential to Britain's survival as a continental, as well as imperial power.
Churchill articulated his vision of a United Europe and the eventual formation of a union of English-speaking peoples in his essential speech in the year 1946. He wished for the US and the UK to stand against war, tyranny and famine united and set his focus on common tradition between the US and Great Britain, when he claimed at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri:
"we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence" (Redwood 71).
Summary of Chapters
1 General Introduction: Sets the stage by framing British Euro-scepticism as a deep-rooted cultural phenomenon and outlines the paper's focus on the post-WWII political era.
2 Britishness: Discusses the role of cultural identity and the perception of the "Other," as well as the UK's cautious stance on the EMU and the European Constitution.
3 Special Relationship: Analyzes the historical and ideological significance of the bond between the UK and the USA as a cornerstone of British foreign policy.
4 The Euro-sceptic Press in Great Britain: Examines how the media influences public opinion and constructs narratives regarding the European Union.
5 The “Awkward Partner” enters the union: Details the challenging and reluctant path of the United Kingdom into the European Economic Community.
6 Margaret Thatcher: Alone against the Superstate: Investigates the adversarial relationship between Thatcher’s government and European institutions, centered on budgetary and sovereignty issues.
7 John Major: A phase of transition: Explores Major’s attempts to reconcile a divided Conservative Party and navigate the UK's European policy during the post-Thatcher era.
8 New Labour: Old Wine in New Bottles?: Evaluates the rhetorical shift and political continuity in European policy under Tony Blair’s administration.
9 Evaluation and outlook: Summarizes the findings and provides a perspective on the future of the UK-EU relationship in the context of enlargement and institutional crises.
10 Works Cited: Lists the academic and primary sources used in the research.
Keywords
United Kingdom, European Union, Euro-scepticism, Britishness, Special Relationship, Margaret Thatcher, John Major, Tony Blair, EMU, European Constitution, Cultural Identity, British Foreign Policy, European Integration, Internal Market, Political Discourse.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the fundamental focus of this academic paper?
The work focuses on understanding the ideological and political reasons behind the United Kingdom's historically complex and often distant relationship with the European Union since the end of World War II.
What are the central thematic areas discussed?
Key themes include British national identity, the influence of the "Special Relationship" with the USA, the role of the right-wing press in Euroscepticism, and the policies adopted by British governments from Thatcher to Blair.
What is the primary research goal of the authors?
The goal is to distill the ideological determinants of British policy toward the EU and to determine if changes in these policies were genuine shifts in substance or merely changes in rhetorical tone and interpersonal relations between leaders.
Which scientific methodology is applied here?
The paper utilizes historical analysis, political discourse analysis, and the evaluation of secondary literature, government papers, and Eurobarometer public opinion surveys.
What specific topics are addressed in the main body?
The main body covers the theoretical concept of "Britishness," the economic and political hurdles regarding the Euro and the Constitution, and a detailed examination of individual governmental administrations.
Which keywords best characterize this publication?
Relevant keywords include United Kingdom, Euro-scepticism, Special Relationship, European Integration, Thatcherism, and the political discourse surrounding the EU.
How does the author interpret Margaret Thatcher's role in European relations?
Thatcher is portrayed as an economic liberal and political nationalist whose abrasive style and focus on budgetary concerns significantly strained relations with European partners, establishing a lasting legacy of isolationism.
What role does the "Special Relationship" play in the UK's European policy?
It is viewed as a strategic anchor for British foreign policy that often acts as an alternative to European integration, creating tension by keeping the UK's focus on the Atlantic rather than the Continent.
- Quote paper
- Lisanne Dorn (Author), Lars Dittmer (Author), 2007, The United Kingdom as an outsider to the EU, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/92724
