A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of the new extreme right. Contrary to the communism, that Marx was referring to, the new extreme right seems to build up a broader societal base in Western Europe. In recent years the new extreme right (ER) parties have experienced an upsurge in popularity and electoral support. However, research on this group of parties could not establish a conclusive list of factors that are conducive for generating a high share of votes for the extreme right.
This essay attempts to assess one factor that might benefit the ER, namely unemployment. By following the assumptions of economic interest theory the author wants to investigate whether unemployment rates and the support for radical right parties stand in a relationship to each other and if so, in what kind of relationship. Thus, this essay will analyse the election results of the ER in German and Italy, both on the national and one regional level for each country and will examine whether they are related to the corresponding unemployment rates in the years 2000 to 2014. Lastly, the findings will then be assessed in a broader frame of existing literature.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Why Unemployment?
3. Methodology
4. Data discussion
5. Discussion
6. Conclusion
Research Objectives and Themes
This paper investigates the relationship between national and regional unemployment rates and the electoral success of extreme right (ER) parties in Germany and Italy between 2000 and 2014, testing the economic interest theory that higher unemployment leads to increased support for radical right-wing political movements.
- Analysis of economic interest theory and the "losers of modernity" concept
- Comparative examination of national-level election results in Italy and Germany
- Regional case studies focusing on Venetia (Italy) and Saxonia (Germany)
- Evaluation of methodological challenges in cross-country political data analysis
- Discussion on the influence of micro-level versus macro-level economic factors on voting behavior
Excerpt from the Book
Why Unemployment?
Scheuch and Klingemann (1967) were considered the first political scientists that engaged with the new ER’s electorate scientifically. Furthermore, they emphasized that “right-wing radicalism represents a ‘normal pathology’ in all rapidly changing industrial societies” (Wilcox, Weinberg and Eubank, 2003:129). In other words, the ER necessarily emerges in societies moving from an industrial to a post-industrial state and is thus, a consequence of this development. In that sense they have the same starting point for their analysis as Betz since they also identify the economic modernisation process as initial position for an analysis of ER parties. With the development from an industrial to a post-industrial society in Western Europe not only did the economy change but also its societal structure. Scheuch and Klingemann drew a relationship between the occurring individual uncertainties resulting from the changes in society, whilst Betz went a step further and classified the vote for the ER as the vote of the ‘losers of modernity’ (1994, 1998).
According to Betz (1994, 1998) the modernization losers are those who have been employed in the traditional industrial sectors and are not necessarily required in the labour force anymore. Since their skills are no longer required in a post-industrial economy they find themselves disengaged from their traditional subcultures. Although not empirically tested Betz draws a relation between the rising levels of unemployment and the vote for the ER (Betz 1994, 1998). The assumption this analysis is making is that although the transformation from industrial to post-industrial society is completed in Western Europe the category of ‘losers of modernity’ still exists. Even though the author would not agree with the label ‘losers’, existing literature might refer to this social class ‘precariat’ for instance. The point, this paper is trying to make is that a social group whose skills are not required in a post-industrial world did not only exist in the time Betz wrote his study but in fact, never ceased to exist.
Summary of Chapters
Introduction: This chapter outlines the scope of the study, establishing the research question regarding the link between unemployment and extreme right electoral support in Germany and Italy.
Why Unemployment?: This section reviews theoretical frameworks, specifically Betz's "losers of modernity" and economic interest theory, to provide a basis for the hypothesis.
Methodology: The chapter details the data sources, primarily Eurostat and national statistics, and addresses the methodological difficulties of comparing unemployment and election results across different countries.
Data discussion: This part presents the empirical data from national and regional elections and compares them against unemployment trends, testing the proposed hypothesis.
Discussion: The chapter contextualizes the findings within existing academic literature, analyzing conflicting studies and the complexity of macro- versus micro-level influences on voting.
Conclusion: The final chapter summarizes the results, stating that unemployment alone does not explain electoral shifts, and suggests that future research should focus on a combination of factors including immigration.
Keywords
Extreme Right, Unemployment, Economic Interest Theory, Losers of Modernity, Electoral Success, Germany, Italy, Venetia, Saxonia, Political Behavior, Macro-level Analysis, Populism, Nativism, Labour Market, Radicalism.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the fundamental focus of this research paper?
The paper examines whether there is a measurable correlation between unemployment rates and the electoral performance of extreme right-wing parties in Germany and Italy from 2000 to 2014.
What are the central themes discussed in this study?
The core themes include the impact of economic modernization, the "losers of modernity" thesis, the theory of economic interest in labor markets, and the distinction between individual (micro) and societal (macro) voting behavior.
What is the primary research question?
The study asks if unemployment rates and support for radical right parties stand in a direct proportional relationship to each other, and if so, what kind of relationship that is.
Which scientific methods are employed?
The author uses a comparative analysis of national and regional election data (e.g., secondary votes in Germany, regional results in Italy) mapped against national unemployment statistics sourced from Eurostat and national agencies.
What topics are covered in the main body of the paper?
The main body focuses on testing the hypothesis through comparative tables of election years, analyzing specific case studies like Venetia and Saxonia, and contrasting the results with existing political science theories.
Which keywords define this work?
Key terms include Extreme Right, Unemployment, Economic Interest Theory, Losers of Modernity, Electoral Success, and Political Behavior.
Why did the author specifically select Italy and Germany for this comparison?
These countries were chosen because they represent varying levels of unemployment among the considered European nations, providing a diverse set of conditions to test the hypothesis.
How does the author explain the discrepancies found in the regional data?
The author suggests that the relationship is ambiguous because voters in specific regions, such as Venetia, may be influenced by specific characteristics of a single party (like the Lega Nord) rather than purely economic indicators or general extreme-right ideology.
- Citation du texte
- Felix Wiebrecht (Auteur), 2015, Who votes for the Extreme Right? An analysis of the relationship between unemployment and the electoral success of extreme right parties, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/319109
