Olaudah Equiano. The Power of the Slave Narrative

The Abolition of the Transatlantic Slave Trade


Academic Paper, 2015

39 Pages, Grade: 1


Excerpt

Table of Contents

Introduction

The Personal Identity of Olaudah Equiano

Slave Identity in The Interesting Narrative

Presentation of The Interesting Narrative and Press Reaction

Conclusion

Bibliography

Introduction

‘…A Gentleman of the Committee… has said that I am more use to the Cause than half the people in the Country – I wish to God, I could be so.’1

Olaudah Equiano, 1792

‘He emerged in his forties, as a capable and energetic publicist: a fluent writer and speaker, a campaigner prepared to travel wherever he was invited to present the abolitionist case... He had a fluent pen, a persuasive tongue and absolute integrity. Abolition of the slave trade was the next link in the chain by which his community could haul themselves out of degradation to dignity. Equiano concentrated single-mindedly on securing this next link. He put his gifts and energy wholly at the service of his community in their struggle against slavery. He made an outstanding contribution to that struggle.’2

Peter Fryer

Olaudah Equiano died on the 31st March 1797, ten years prior to the Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, which was passed in 1807.3 Although Equiano was not alive when the bill was passed, many scholars believe that he was an essential figure that inspired public support and raised awareness for the abolition movement; Paul Lovejoy states that Equiano was the ‘foremost outspoken advocate of the abolition movement.’4 This dissertation will discuss the influence and importance that Olaudah Equiano's The Interesting Narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, written by Himself, which was first published in 1789, had on promoting the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade in the eighteenth century. 5 Olaudah Equiano was a black African who was kidnapped and sold to slavers in 1756, between the age of ten and eleven; the exact age remains a controversial issue amongst scholars.6 He spent most of his adolescent years enslaved but bought his freedom from his master Robert King in 1766, in his early twenties.[7] Olaudah Equiano became involved in the Sierra Leone settlement for the re-homing of freed slaves, but is most famously remembered as the author of The Interesting Narrative which was published in 1789 and became an eighteenth-century bestseller .8 The Narrative reached a wide audience and was very effective in gaining the public’s attention; by 1837 there were sixteen editions of the autobiography , with translations into Dutch, German and Russian.9 Although Equiano was not the first person to write a narrative regarding personal experiences of enslavement and freedom, The Narrative became a bestseller in the eighteenth century, and many modern day scholars, including Andrea Stuart believe The Interesting Narrative was a ‘potent weapon’ for the abolitionists.10

Henry Gates posits that slave narratives were published on the behalf of all those that were still enslaved, and that Europeans judged Africans by material that was published in the form of narratives.11 Gates further claims that slave narratives were designed to reflect African capabilities and potentials.12 In 1760 Briton Hammon was the first person to publish a slave narrative, and Ukawsaw Gronniosaw’s Narrative of the Remarkable Particulars in the life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince, Related by Himself was published in 1770.13 Ignatus Sancho’s collection of letters was also published in 1782, and Ottobah Cugoano’s narrative was published in 1787.14 This evidences that The Interesting Narrative was not the first account of a freed slaves experiences of slavery, thus it must be examined why Equiano's narrative was thought to be so essential in increasing public support for the abolition movement. Although all of these narratives were published before The Interesting Narrative and were designed to increase awareness of mistreatment towards slaves, none of them became an eighteenth-century bestseller and none of them are regarded with as much prestige. Robin Blackburn refers to the narrative as ‘an abolitionist classic,’ and Lovejoy further regards it as the ‘first classic narrative,’ even though it was not the first to be published.15 To understand the techniques and methods that Equiano used within writing The Interesting Narrative a brief background to the sentiment behind the abolition movement must firstly be understood.

Richard Reddie has traced the origin of modern slavery back to the Portuguese, with its documentation beginning in the fifteenth century.16 However, the transatlantic slave trade began under the reign of Queen Elizabeth I.17 It is therefore evident that transatlantic slavery was not the first form of slavery to exist; slavery was originally Mediterranean and slaves had not always been African.18 Thomas Benjamin posits that prior to the eighteenth century, slavery was seen as a part of everyday life; it was an unfortunate but permanent scenario, similar to poverty and illness.19 The Old Testament and the New Testament were interpreted to accept slavery and its trade, whilst further justification came from the fact that African’s were enslaving each other.20

The notion of exactly what created the abolition sentiment within eighteenth century society is a debated topic. Benjamin posits that slavery had been viewed as an act of ‘violence by an animal predator’, which was deemed acceptable by the majority of the population; slavery was commonly believed to be a natural event that was essential, similar to that of the animal kingdom.21 However, Benjamin acknowledges that the perception of slavery shifted and became perceived as an act of unnecessary violence that was associated with murder during the late eighteenth century.22

The religious sect, the Quakers are famously remembered for their contributions to end the slave trade; it was the Quakers who originally presented Parliament with the first antislavery petition in 1783.23 In 1676, the Quaker, William Edmundson, claimed that slavery should not be allowed because it could not be justified amongst the Golden Rules.24 The Golden Rules taught that treatment towards others should be the same as you would like to receive; mistreatment towards slaves meant that slavery was disapproved of.25 Quakers believed that slaves had the right to liberty and purchasing them without their consent was equivalent to purchasing stolen goods.26 Therefore, slavery and the slave trade conflicted with the teaching of the Golden Rules as they believed that it was against God’s wish that humans should have absolute power over another person.27 The Quakers further considered slavery to be blasphemous and thought that continents and countries that were involved with the slave trade would later be punished.28 However, objection to the slave trade was present within society a long time prior to the abolition movement. In the sixteenth century Jean Bodin voiced his disapproval towards slavery, and in 1738 The Weekly Miscellany published an article claiming that if Africans captured and enslaved Britons there would be much anger and resentment.29 In 1740 The Gentleman’s Magazine also published letters that addressed slave merchants informing them of the slave’s rights to liberty.30 Although objection to slavery was present in society it did not become common until the late eighteenth century, and it was not until 1787 that the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade was founded.31

The Enlightenment period caused a change in the philosophy of morals and politics during the eighteenth century, which caused many people to question the slave trade.32 Hague posits that ‘the spread of Enlightenment values in the eighteenth century produced a mounting hostility to the slave trade.’33 Freed slaves were often happy, willing and eager to testify against the slave trade and their masters by documenting their opinions and experiences of enslavement.34 Personally written slave narratives further expressed and demonstrated that Africans were intelligent like Europeans.35 As Andrea Stuart has claimed, the Interesting Narrative is one of the most popular slave narratives which ‘captured the public’s imagination,’ during the eighteenth century.36 People in Europe who were not directly involved in the slave trade would not have been aware of the grand scale and treatment towards the slaves.37 This demonstrates why The Interesting Narrative was so important during the abolition movement; it enabled those who were not involved in the slave trade to understand the mistreatment of slaves. Equiano’s The Interesting Narrative would have given an insight into the reality of the trade and how bad the treatments and conditions were.38 As William Hague posits, The Interesting Narrative was a ‘roaring success,’ that influenced the opinion of the public.39

The desire for knowledge and explanation that stemmed from the Enlightenment era produced the theory that Africans had more similarities with apes than they did white Europeans.40 Throughout this dissertation Equiano’s acknowledgement of the preconceived misconception and how he changed the identity of Africans will be examined. Enlightenment philosophers David Hume, Immanuel Kant and Voltaire examined the differences between Africans and Europeans and came to the conclusion that they were a less advanced race, who had a low level of intelligence and were not talented in the areas of arts or sciences.41 Hume believed that Africans were not intelligent beings;42 however, Africans who were writing slave narratives were expressing their intelligence in literacy thus disproving Hume’s idea. It was further noted that the African race displayed animal characteristics and lacked a rational mind.43 Expanding on this idea, Charles White wrote an account of nature’s Great Chain of Being (1799) explaining human progression and development; he argued that the African was the closest form of human species to the ape, and the white European was the most removed from this state and the most developed.44 This demonstrates that, in the late eighteenth century, black Africans were seen as a different species of humans that had not developed and progressed in evolution to the same point as white Europeans.

During the eighteenth century it was a common European belief that Africans were savages who belonged to a barbaric nation, which in turn justified the slave trade and the concept of slavery.45 However, there was also the notion of ‘noble savagery’ present during the eighteenth century.46 Noble savagery has always been a controversial issue and it was often debated whether civilisation, law and religion could civilise and save those deemed to be savages, or if civilisation corrupted their natural innocence and beauty.47 In the eighteenth century it was believed that civilisation was an essential aspect of evolution, and African’s savage tendencies justified the slave trade; it was believed that slavery enabled Africans to become civilised.48 Michel Eyquem de Montaigne’s On the Cannibals (1580) was the first written document to analyse the notion of the noble savage through the use of literature, philosophy, anthropology and sociology.49 Montaigne expressed that the noble savage desired only what was already known, lived in a natural state, and was untouched by civilisation and evolution; the noble savages were people that lived in a primitive state which God had originally created and intended.50 Montaigne recognised savage tendencies amongst indigenous societies, but counteracted negativity towards the savages with the claim that the simplistic tendencies displayed were reflections on how nature and God intended people to originally act.51 This demonstrates that the idea of the noble savage was a romanticised ideal and, therefore, was respected and admired amongst many Europeans. Aphra Behn’s Oronooko was published in 1688, and although it was not an autobiographical slave narrative, Behn was the first person to write literature on the life of a slave, which constructed the idea of the noble savage.52 Behn highlighted the contrasts between European lifestyles and the pure and un-touched life of the natives which was a dominant theme throughout Oronooko.53 This formed the basis of literature in the eighteenth century regarding the abolitionist movement.54 Oronooko was performed as a play and read as a novel; abolitionist material was not present within seventeenth century society, but it later became a symbolic part of the abolitionist propaganda during the eighteenth century.55 Furthermore, Jean-Jacques Rousseau assessed the noble savage in Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, 56 and documented savages as living a healthy and carefree life.57 Rousseau argued that mankind was originally made equal to everyone and the land was designed to be shared by all inhabitants thus demonstrating his disapproval of slavery.58 Carlos Rangel offers a different perspective to Montaigne and Rousseau; Rangel posits that Africans were not seen as noble savages due to their long presence in the world and were not thought to be truly exotic; Rangel argues that Europeans viewed Africans as completely savage.59 However, it is important to understand that Equiano was aware of the notion of the noble savage and subtly applied this theme when describing Africans and their culture throughout The Interesting Narrative to alter the audience’s preconceived perceptions.

It is the aim of this dissertation to understand why The Interesting Narrative had such an impact on the abolition movement and why it is deemed so important in current scholarly studies. Thus, this dissertation argues that The Interesting Narrative was effective in creating public support for the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade. This dissertation focuses on how Equiano achieved a successful propaganda narrative; chapter one examines the expression and portrayal of his own personal identity and the identity of the Africans which was crucial in altering the European audience’s perception and attitudes towards Africans. Chapter one discusses how Equiano used identity within the narrative to change European perceptions of Africans: representation of animalisation and dehumanisation, along with dual identity are all examined. Chapter one further discusses how negative stereotypes of Africans were formed through travel literature and how Equiano wrote the narrative in an autobiographical format. Considerations towards different techniques which encouraged the audience to change their perception towards Africans and motivated them to join the abolition movement and support its cause are examined. Chapter two considers the comparisons which Equiano made between the African and European cultures with regards to religion, Christianity, Biblical references, and the notion of the noble savagery and evolution. There is also a specific focus on how Equiano presented The Interesting Narrative to society with the use of book tours and the presentation of the autobiography as a petition to parliament. The book tours targeted all members of society, even those who were illiterate, and petitions promoted The Narrative’s sale and increased awareness of slave mistreatment. Chapter three considers how the public in the eighteenth century reacted to The Interesting Narrative. Newspaper and article reviews both presented and received The Interesting Narrative within eighteenth century. This dissertation argues that Equiano's Interesting Narrative encouraged European audiences to change their preconceived perception of Africans; Equiano enabled his audience to understand that Africans were not barbaric savages, but were similar to Europeans and further had the ability to rapidly evolve and become civilised and intelligent, much like the authors of the slave narratives.

The Personal Identity of Olaudah Equiano

This chapter considers how Equiano portrayed his own personal identity and how he changed the European perception of African identity throughout The Interesting Narrative. Although there is scholarly debate over slaves being concerned with the portrayal of their identity throughout their narratives, it is evident that, for Equiano, identity was a powerful resource. Equiano focused on creating a dual identity to reinforce both British and African identities by using both his birth and European name; Olaudah Equiano enforced his African origin, whilst Gustavus Vassa, enforced his civilised European persona.60 Focusing on the identity of African societies, would have altered European stereotypes towards Africans creating the understanding that they were human beings. This chapter also considers how negative stereotypes of Africans were created by popular eighteenth-century travel literature. Equiano's references to dehumanisation and animalistic treatments of slaves would have likely shocked European citizens; Christians were treating fellow human beings in a disrespectful way. By focusing on his own identity and that of fellow Africans, Equiano was able to change European perceptions of Africans from uncivilised savages to fellow human beings. Thus increasing support for the abolition movement, as mistreatment towards human beings was not accepted within Christian culture.

Throughout The Interesting Narrative Equiano focused on his personal portrayal of identity as well as the identity of the African community. Although there is scholarly debate concerning slave narratives and their focus on portraying identity, it is evident that Equiano was concerned with displaying his own identity, and changing the erroneously perceived identity of all Africans. Equiano's focus on identity changed European perceptions and attitudes towards slaves, thus enhancing support for the abolition movement. Kathleen Chater posits that it is incorrect to believe that people in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were concerned with their identities.61 However, C.L Innes argues that multiple identities within slave narratives were a common occurrence, and Kobena Mercer explains why identity is viewed as an important theme.62 Mercer posits that identity is only viewed as problematic when it is thought to be in a ‘crisis’ and the identity which was believed to be correct is no longer certain.63 Mercer’s identity theory can be applied to Equiano’s narrative; he focused on the identity of Africans, including himself, to change European views of those who were enslaved. Equiano was concerned about portraying similarities in customs and manners amongst Africans and the Ibo tribe to demonstrate similarities between European and African cultures. Due to the abolition campaign beginning to change perceptions of those enslaved, it can be demonstrated that the eighteenth-century audience would have been uncertain as to how to perceive Africans creating a ‘crisis’ which could easily be influenced. It is therefore crucial to understand that the way Equiano portrayed his personal identity and identity of fellow Africans in The Interesting Narrative determined future support for the abolition movement.

Equiano’s expression of dual identity was important to encourage support for the abolition movement; his African name legitimises The Interesting Narrative’s accounts of his years prior to enslavement in Africa, whilst his European name reinforced Equiano's identity as civilised.64 Dual identity reinforced the notion that although Africans were virtuous noble savages, they had the ability to become civilised European citizens, demonstrating that they originated from the same species.65 Jeffrey Bolster posits that Equiano was concerned with his identity and portrayed dual identity in The Interesting Narrative; although known publically by the European name Gustavus Vassa, Equiano is specific with his identity and refers to himself as an African Ibo within the first chapters of his autobiography.66 Gates further supports Bolster by claiming that, The Interesting Narrative demonstrated a high level of self-representation; this was not common in other slave narratives.67 Equiano was given the name Olaudah Equiano at birth; during his enslavement he was known as Michael and Jacob, but it was Captain Pascal, who renamed him Gustavus Vassa in 1754.68 The renaming of slaves took away their identity prior to enslavement, along with all associations and heritage of their past life; this is an act of ownership commonly expressed amongst animal ownership.69 Chater posits that Pascal had intended to mimic Equiano’s position as a slave; Gustavus Vassa was the name of a Swedish King in the sixteenth century who led a rebellion, established Lutheranism as a state religion, and further freed Swedish people from enslavement.70 However, it is quite possible that Equiano was unaware of the connotations to his name.71 There are no surviving documents about awareness of his name’s irony, and during the eighteenth century many children were named after heroes and memorable people, with the belief that it would give them a name to aspire to.72 Vassa was the name that Equiano was officially known by in the eighteenth century; it was the name that appeared on all legal documents and his manumission papers.73 The publication of the narrative meant that the author also became known as Olaudah Equiano due to the name being incorporated into the narratives title which reinforced Equiano’s origin as an African.74 Although almost all scholars and historians refer to the author of The Interesting Narrative as Equiano, when he wrote letters to be published in newspapers regarding the abolition movement, or published book reviews he signed his name ‘GUSTAVUS VASSA, the African’, ‘GUSTAVUS VASSA, the Ethiopian’, ‘OLAUDAH EQUINAO or GUSTAVUS VASSA’ or ‘GUSTAVUS VASSA, The Oppressed African.’75 It is therefore clear that Equiano wanted to be known as Vassa, which reflected his European civilised identity; however, the association and reference to his African name alongside the European name reinforced that he wanted to be associated with Africa as a noble savage, but publically known as a civilised European.76 This supports Vincent Carretta’s argument that Equiano saw himself as African by birth and biology, but English by choice; he took on the persona of an Englishman in regards to cultural, political, religious and social values.77 Collins describes the use of his African name as a form of ‘textual self-creation’ which reinforced his African heritage, whilst his European name, Gustavus Vassa, displayed his preferred identity.78 Equiano's emphasis on dual identity was important to create public support for the abolition movement; the use of his African name, Olaudah Equiano, proved that his personal experiences and accounts of African culture prior to his enslavement were legitimate.79 The use of the name Vassa determined who Equiano felt he had become, and demonstrated to the audience that he had personally moved from a state of noble savagery to European civilisation. This further supported the notion that Africans were human beings, and as demonstrated by Equiano, could become equal to Europeans. By legitimising his African birth-right, and proving that civilisation was possible for Africans, he challenged the negative presumptions created by travel literature in the eighteenth century.

This shows that Equiano deliberately wrote The Interesting Narrative to promote the abolition movement and change negative perceptions towards black Africans which eighteenth-century popular travel literature had previously created. Popular travel literature was written by Europeans who had visited Africa; the novels reinforced lack of civilisation due to the recurrent theme of the ‘darkness’ of Africa.80 Authors of travel literature did not witness African lifestyles and tribes first hand, so produced non-factual novels portraying Africans, most commonly Hottentots and Yahoos, as lazy and uncivilised people, thus justifying slavery.81 In Jean Mocquet’s Travels and Voyages into Africa, Asia and America, the East and West Indies, Syria, Jerusalem, and the Holy-Land Mocquet wrote that Africans ‘...came out of Hell, they were so burnt, and dreadful to look upon.’82 John Atkins wrote that their physical appearance ‘distinguishes them from the rest of Mankind’ in the novel A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West Indies.83 Woodard posits that abolitionists, such as William Dickson believed that slave narratives were the only way to counter these negative stereotypes towards black Africans.84 Woodard claims that Equiano was aware of the how travel literature had tainted European stereotypes of Africans, and thus deliberately wrote a didactic slave narrative which demythologized European negative stereotypes.85 This reinforces the notion that Equiano deliberately wrote The Interesting Narrative as anti-slavery literature with the intention to promote and support the abolition movement.

Throughout The Interesting Narrative, Equiano focused on dehumanisation and animalistic treatment of Africans to change the perception that they were uncivilised animals. Prior to altering the perceptions of Africans within English society, it was a common belief that Africans were uncivilised and barbaric animals, who were being saved by slavery.86 The Greek philosopher Aristotle believed there were intentional differences within the population so that everyone would know their position within society; this was later applied to Africans and Europeans in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in regards to transatlantic slavery.87 Aristotle further developed the notion of the ‘ideal animalized slave’; people that were born with the purpose of enslavement.88 Mia Bay analysed interviews from former slaves and found that they were frequently treated like animals; slave children were expected to eat the same food, and from the same trough as animals.89 Bay and David Davis posit that slaves were treated exactly the same as working animals and chattel slavery was based on animal legislations; slaves could be exchanged, brought, sold, inherited, gambled and included in a dowry.90 Equiano recounted how he and many other slaves were kept in a yard before being sold, like ‘so many sheep in a fold,’ which documented his own experiences of animalistic treatments.91 As previously mentioned, by focusing on the identity of Africans within the autobiography Equiano would have been able to change the European belief that Africans were uncivilised animals and savages. Therefore, accounts of animalistic treatment towards Africans would have brought the awareness to the European audience that mistreatment was occurring towards fellow human beings and that it needed to stop, hence encouraging people to support the abolition movement.

[...]


1 Equiano to Revd G. Walker, 27th February 1792 reproduced in Fryer, Peter., Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain (New York: Pluto Press, 1984)p.111

2 Fryer, Peter., Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain (New York: Pluto Press, 1984)p.106 & p111-2

3 Fryer, Peter., Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain (New York: Pluto Press, 1984)p.111 Lovejoy, Paul., ‘Foreword’ in Sapoznik, Karlee A., The Letters and Other Writing of Gustavus Vassa (Olaudah Equiano, the African) Documenting Abolition of the Slave Trade (New Jersey: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2013) p.x

4 Lovejoy, ‘Foreword’ in Sapoznik, The Letters and Other Writing of Gustavus Vassa, p.x

5 Sherwood, Marika., After Abolition: Britain and the Slave Trade Since 1807 (London: IB Tauris and Co. Ltd., 2007), p. 9; Schama, Simon., Rough Crossings: Britain, the Slaves and the American Revolution (London: BBC BooksLtd, 2005), p. 160; Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom: Olaudah Equiano and the Sea’ The Midwest Quarterly Vol.47:3 (Spring 2009) available online: http://go.galegroup.com.ezproxy.derby.ac.uk/ps/retrieve.do?sgHitCountType=None&sort=RELEVANCE&inPS=true&prodId=EAIM&userGroupName=derby&tabID=T002&searchId=R1&resultListType=RESULT_LIST&contentSegment=&searchType=AdvancedSearchForm&currentPosition=1&contentSet=GALE%7CA145632803&&docId=GALE|A145632803&docType=GALE&role=&docLevel=FULLTEXT No Page Numbers

6 Fryer, Staying Power, p. 102; Hastings, Adrian., ‘Abolitionists Black and White’ in Northrup, David., (ed.) The Atlantic Slave Trade second edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2002), pp. 168

7 Sherwood, After Abolition, p.9; Edwards, Paul., ‘Editor’s Introduction’ Equiano’s Travels (Oxford: Heinemann, 1996), p. xviii; Reddie, S. Richard., Abolition!: The Struggle to Abolish Slavery in the British Colonies (Oxford: Lion Books, 2007), p. 147; Gifford, Zerbanoo., Thomas Clarkson and the Campaign Against Slavery (London: Anti-Slavery International, 1996), p. 16; Jones, G.I., ‘Olaudah Equiano of the Niger Ibo’ in Curtain, Phillip., Africa Remembered: Narratives by the West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade (London: University of Wisconsin, 1967), p. 60

8 Sherwood, After Abolition, p.9; Schama, Rough Crossings, p.160; Collins, ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ , No Page Numbers

9 Gates, Henry L., (ed.) The Classic Slave Narratives: The Life of Olaudah Equiano, The History of Mary Prince, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglas, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (New York: New American Library, 2002), p. xix; Gifford., Thomas Clarkson and the Campaign Against Slavery, p. 17; Fryer, Peter., Staying Power, p. 107; Sherwood, After Abolition, p.9; Sollors, Werner., (ed.) ‘Introduction’ The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African, Written by Himself (USA: W.W Norton & Company, 2001), p. xi

10 Collins, ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’, No Page Numbers; Stuart, Andrea., Sugar in the Blood: A Family’s Story of Slavery and Empire (London: Portobello Books, 2012), p. 94

11 Gates, (ed.) The Classic Slave Narratives, p. xiii

12 Ibid., p. xiii

13 Chater, Kathleen., Untold Histories: Black people in England and Wales during the period of the British slave trade, c.1660-1807 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), p. 8

14 Chater., Untold Histories, p. 8

15 Lovejoy., ‘Foreward,’ p. ix Blackburn, Robin., The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery 1776-1848 (London: Verso, 1988), p. 140

16 Reddie., Abolition!, p. 54 Smith, Mary-Antoinette(ed.) ‘Introduction’, Thomas Clarkson and Ottobah Cogoano: Essays on Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species (New York: Broadview Editions, 2010), p. 10

17 Reddie., Abolition, p. 54

18 Northrup, David., (ed.) The Atlantic Slave Trade second edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2002), p. xiii

19 Benjamin, Thomas., The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians and Their Shared History, 1400-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 617

20 Ibid., p. 617

21 Ibid., p. 618

22 Ibid., p. 618

23 Sherwood, Marika., After Abolition: Britain and the Slave Trade Since 1807 (London: IB Tauris and Co. Ltd., 2007), p. 9 Northrup, David., (ed.) The Atlantic Slave Trade second edition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2002), p. xv Fryer., Staying Power, p. 208

24 Davis, David., The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Cornell University Press, 1966) p.308-9

25 Ibid., p.308-9

26 Ibid., p.308-9

27 Ryden, David B., West Indian Slavery and British Abolition 1783-1807 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 158

28 Ibid., p. 158

29 The Weekly Miscellany., quoted in, Thomas, Hugh., The Slave Trade (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997), p. 468
Benjamin., The Atlantic World, p. 619

30 The Gentleman’s Magazine., quoted in, Thomas., The Slave Trade p. 468

31 Benjamin., The Atlantic World, p. 615-6 Fryer., Staying Power, p. 208

32 Hague,William., William Wilberforce: The Life of the Great Anti-Slave Trade Campaigner (London: Harper Perennial, 2008), p. 128

33 Ibid.,p. 508

34 Gates., (ed.) The Classic Slave Narratives, p. xi

35 Ibid., p. xi

36 Stuart., Sugar in the Blood, p. 169

37 Hague., William Wilberforce, p. 119

38 Ibid., p. 120

39 Ibid., p. 120

40 Davis, David., The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Emancipation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014), p. 34

41 Ibid., p. 33

42 Ibid., p. 33

43 Ibid., p. 33

44 Ibid., p. 34

45 Innes, C.L A History of Black and Asian Writing in Britain 1700-2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 38
Anderson, S.E The Black Holocaust for Beginners (USA/ Writers and Readers Inc., 1995), p. 71

46 Whelan, Robert., Wild in the Woods: The Myth of the Noble Eco-Savage (London: The Environment Unit, 1999), p. 7

47 Ibid., p. 7

48 Anderson., The Black Holocaust for Beginners, p. 71
Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers
Innes., History of Black and Asian Writing in Britain 1700-2000, p. 38
Woodard, Helana., African-British Writings in the Eighteenth Century: The Politics of Race and Reason (Westport: Greenwood Press. 1999) p.100

49 Whelan., Wild in the Woods, p. 3

50 Montaigne., quoted in Whelan., Wild in the Woods, p. 10

51 Ibid., p. 4

52 Ibid., p. 10
Kampmark, Binoy., ‘Ignoble and Noble Savages: Separatist Identities and the Northern Territory Emergency Response’ Antipodes Vol.26:2 (December 2012), p. 230 Midgley, Clare., Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns 1780-1870 (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 29

53 Whelan., Wild in the Woods, p. 10
Kampmark., ‘Ignoble and Noble Savages’, p. 230; Midgley., Women Against Slavery, p. 29

54 Midgley., Women Against Slavery, p. 30
Whelan., Wild in the Woods, p. 10

55 Midgley., Women Against Slavery, p. 30

56 Whelan., Wild in the Woods, p. 15

57 Whelan., Wild in the Woods, p. 15

58 Rousseau, J.J cited in Whelan, Robert., Wild in the Woods: The Myth of the Noble Eco-Savage (London: The Environment Unit, 1999), p. 17

59 Rangel, Carlos cited in Whelan, Robert., Wild in the Woods: The Myth of the Noble Eco-Savage (London: The Environment Unit, 1999), p. 6

60 Lovejoy, Paul., ‘Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa- What’s in a Name?’ Atlantic Studies: Literary, Cultural and Historical Perspectives Vol.9:2 (April 2012), p. 165-6

61 Chater., Untold Histories, p. 179

62 Innes., History of Black and Asian Writing, p. 28
Mercer, Kobena., ‘Welcome to the Jungle: Identity and Diversity in Postmodern Politics,’ in Rutherfood, Jonathon., (ed.) Identity: Community, Culture, Difference (New York: Lawrence and Wishart Ltd., 2003), p. 43

63 Mercer, Kobena., ‘Welcome to the Jungle’, p. 43

64 Collins., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers

65 Lovejoy., ‘Foreward,’ p. ix
Chater., Untold Histories, p. 186

66 Bolster, Jeffrey.W., Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail (USA: Harvard University Press, 1998), p. 38

67 Gates, (ed.) The Classic Slave Narratives p. xx

68 Hastings., ‘Abolitionists Black and White’, pp. 171
Edwards., ‘Editor’s Introduction’, p. xvii
Sollors, Werner., (ed.) ‘Introduction’, p. x
Osborne, Angelina., Equiano’s Daughter: The Life of and Times of Joanna Vassa (London: Krik Krak, 2007), p. 1
Schama., Rough Crossings, p. 160
Lovejoy, Paul., ‘Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa- What’s in a Name?’, p. 167 & p.169

69 Sollors., (ed.) ‘Introduction’, p. ix
Walvin, James., The Slave Trade (London: Thames and Hudson, 2011), p. 119

70 Innes., History of Black and Asian Writing, p. 2; Chater., Untold Histories, p. 185-6; Fryer., Staying Power, p.102-3; Osborne., Equiano’s Daughter, p. 1

71 Chater., Untold Histories, p. 186

72 Ibid., p. 186

73 Lovejoy., ‘Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa- What’s in a Name?’, p. 167

74 Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers
Lovejoy., ‘Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa- What’s in a Name?’, p. 165

75 Lovejoy, Paul., ‘Foreward,’ p. ix; The Public Advertiser, 5 February 1788 To Mr. Gordon Turnbull, Author of an ‘Apology for Negro Slavery’ reproduced in Sapoznik., Karlee Anne (ed.) The Letters and Other Writings of Gustavus Vassa (Olaudah Equiano,The African) Documenting Abolition of the Slave Trade (New Jersey: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2013), p. 98-100; The Public Advertiser, 28 April 1788 To the Rev. Mr. Raymond Haarris, the Author of the Book called-“Scripture Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade” reproduced in Sapoznik., Karlee Anne (ed.) The Letters and Other Writings of Gustavus Vassa (Olaudah Equiano,The African) Documenting Abolition of the Slave Trade (New Jersey: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2013), p.100-103; The Morning Chronicle, and London Advertiser, 27 June 1788 reproduced in Sapoznik., Karlee Anne (ed.) The Letters and Other Writings of Gustavus Vassa (Olaudah Equiano,The African) Documenting Abolition of the Slave Trade (New Jersey: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2013), p.103-4; Letter from Gustavus Vassa et al. to William Dickson, The Diary; or Woodfall’s Register, 25 April 1789 reproduced in Sapoznik., Karlee Anne (ed.) The Letters and Other Writings of Gustavus Vassa (Olaudah Equiano,The African) Documenting Abolition of the Slave Trade (New Jersey: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2013), p.92-3

76 Lovejoy., ‘Foreward,’ p. ix
Chater., Untold Histories, p. 186

77 Carretta, Vincent., (ed.) ‘Introduction’ in Olaudah Equiano: The Interesting Narrative and Other Things (London: Penguin Books, 2005), p. xviii

78 Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers
Lovejoy., ‘Foreward,’ p. ix; Chater., Untold Histories, p. 186

79 Lovejoy., ‘aOlaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa- What’s in a Name?’ p. 166-7

80 Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers
Woodard., African-British Writings in the Eighteenth Century p. 99-100 & p.103-4

81 Woodard., African-British Writings in the Eighteenth Century p. 99-100 & p.103-4

82 Moquet, Jean., ‘Travels and Voyages into Africa, Asia and America, the East and West Indies, Syria, Jerusalem, and the Holy-Land’ cited in Davis, David., The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 447

83 Atkins, John., A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West Indies quoted in Davis, David., The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 447; Moquet, Jean., ’Travels and Voyages into Africa, Asia and America, the East and West Indies, Syria, Jerusalem, and the Holy-Land’ (tr. Nathaniel Pullen, London, 1696), p. 44-45 cited in Davis, David., The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 447

84 Woodard., African-British Writings in the Eighteenth Century p. 115

85 Woodard., African-British Writings in the Eighteenth Century p. 115; Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers

86 Anderson The ., Black Holocaust for Beginners p. 71
Collins, Janelle., ‘Passage to Slavery, Passage to Freedom’ No page numbers
Innes., History of Black and Asian Writing, p. 38

87 Davis., The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Emancipation, p. 35

88 Ibid., p. 27

89 Bay,Mia., cited in, Davis., The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Emancipation, p. 10-11

90 Ibid., p. 11

91 Equiano, Olaudah ., The Life of Olaudah Equiano, p.35

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Details

Title
Olaudah Equiano. The Power of the Slave Narrative
Subtitle
The Abolition of the Transatlantic Slave Trade
College
University of Derby
Grade
1
Author
Year
2015
Pages
39
Catalog Number
V498729
ISBN (eBook)
9783346023919
ISBN (Book)
9783346023926
Language
English
Tags
olaudah, equiano, power, slave, narrative, abolition, transatlantic, trade
Quote paper
Vicki Fordham (Author), 2015, Olaudah Equiano. The Power of the Slave Narrative, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/498729

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